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It’s the emotion, stupid! Emotional responses to televised debates and their impact on voting intention 这是感情,笨蛋!对电视辩论的情绪反应及其对投票意向的影响
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1515/openps-2022-0146
Thomas Waldvogel, Pascal D. König, Uwe Wagschal, Bernd Becker, Samuel Weishaupt
Abstract How do emotional responses to televised debates impact on voting intention? The present article addresses this question drawing on an original dataset combining survey data and real-time responses gathered in the run-up of the 2017 German federal election. The paper contributes to three major discussions in the literature of political science and psychology. First, we show that emotional responses to media stimuli are independent explanatory factors influencing post-debate voting intention while in part mediating real-time evaluations of candidate statements. Second, our analysis demonstrates that the impact of emotional responses to televised debates can barely be deemed to be structured along one single dimension of valence but that discrete emotions show distinct effects. Third, the paper supports the notion that anger and enthusiasm have an indirect impact on voting intention by increasing the weight of political predisposition and reducing the weight of evaluation of current information on candidates’ issue stances in televised debates. We also find empirical evidence for the indirect effect of anxiety as well; it reverses the pattern and reduces the weight of political conviction while increasing the importance of evaluations about candidate statements. However, the latter finding does not seem to be very robust as in fact, substitutions are also able to generate this pattern. Finally, the paper reviews implications of the findings and discusses limitations and future perspectives of research.
电视辩论的情绪反应如何影响投票意向?本文利用一个原始数据集来解决这个问题,该数据集结合了2017年德国联邦选举前收集的调查数据和实时回应。本文对政治学和心理学文献中的三个主要讨论作出了贡献。首先,我们发现对媒体刺激的情绪反应是影响辩论后投票意向的独立解释因素,同时在一定程度上介导了对候选人陈述的实时评估。其次,我们的分析表明,对电视辩论的情绪反应的影响几乎不能被认为是沿着效价的单一维度构建的,但离散的情绪表现出明显的影响。第三,本文支持愤怒和热情通过增加政治倾向的权重和降低电视辩论中候选人问题立场当前信息的评估权重来间接影响投票意愿的观点。我们还发现了焦虑的间接影响的经验证据;它扭转了这种模式,减少了政治信念的分量,同时增加了对候选人陈述的评价的重要性。然而,后者的发现似乎不是很可靠,因为事实上,替换也能够产生这种模式。最后,本文回顾了研究结果的意义,并讨论了研究的局限性和未来的展望。
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引用次数: 0
Minority Rights in Ukraine After the Maidan Revolution: Change or Continuity? 独立广场革命后乌克兰的少数民族权利:变化还是延续?
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1515/openps-2022-0001
A. Terzyan
Abstract This paper explores the state of minority rights in Ukraine following the 2014 Maidan revolution. The Maidan revolution has been largely regarded as the most radical attempt at de-institutionalizing post-Soviet politics and order since 1991 and forging a new Ukrainian nation. Such an endeavor leads us to address a critical question of what the core implications are on minority rights in Ukraine, which encompass religious, ethnic, and sexual minority rights. This analysis places special emphasis on minority religious rights in post-Maidan Ukraine. Findings suggest that the Maidan revolution has not led to substantial policy reform as it pertains to minorities, thus leaving many of their problems unaddressed. While the Maidan aided Ukraine in becoming more “Ukrainian” and reinforced the national identification of the Ukrainian population, it marked a considerable shift in nationalism by ensuing adverse effects on the Russian-speaking population in Eastern Ukraine, as well as on other ethnic and religious minority groups. Moreover, the Ukrainian authorities’ efforts at gaining “spiritual independence” from the Russian Orthodox Church have been met with challenges for religious minority groups. Despite the legislative measures aimed at protecting the rights of LGBTI community, their effective implementation remains a significant and unresolved problem.
摘要本文探讨了2014年乌克兰独立广场革命后的少数民族权利状况。独立广场革命在很大程度上被视为自1991年以来将后苏联政治和秩序去制度化、打造一个新的乌克兰国家的最激进的尝试。这样的努力引导我们解决一个关键问题,即乌克兰少数群体权利的核心含义是什么,其中包括宗教,种族和性少数群体权利。这一分析特别强调了独立广场后乌克兰少数民族的宗教权利。调查结果表明,独立广场革命并没有导致实质性的政策改革,因为它涉及少数民族,因此使他们的许多问题得不到解决。虽然独立广场帮助乌克兰变得更加“乌克兰”,并加强了乌克兰人口的民族认同,但它对乌克兰东部讲俄语的人口以及其他种族和宗教少数群体产生了不利影响,标志着民族主义的重大转变。此外,乌克兰当局从俄罗斯东正教获得“精神独立”的努力也受到宗教少数群体的挑战。尽管立法措施旨在保护LGBTI群体的权利,但其有效实施仍然是一个重大而未解决的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Security Cooperation between China and Indonesia to Address Maritime Security Threats 中国与印尼安全合作应对海上安全威胁
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2022.124030
Yuliannova Lestari, Georges Olemanu Lohalo, Nicole Kajir Diur, Betao Ngoma Mushinda, Vital Mbumba Mbumba, Scheel Mutombo Kianga, Peter Ngolo Minga
China and Indonesia face the same maritime challenge in Asia. As their relationship strengthens and their multidimensional strategic connection grows. This research analyzes the maritime security threats China and Indonesia, include the current state of China-Indonesia security cooperation, and proposes the following steps to strengthen security cooperation, especially jointly countering maritime security threats. It also provides policymakers with theory and practice guidance. China and Indonesia can improve security by strengthening their alliance. However, there are some trust issues and a weak security cooperation mechanism. China and Indonesia must increase security cooperation to address maritime security threats. The two countries should increase multi-level defence and military cooperation to eliminate maritime security threats.
中国和印度尼西亚在亚洲面临着同样的海上挑战。随着他们关系的加强和多维战略联系的发展。本研究分析了中印尼两国面临的海上安全威胁,包括中印尼安全合作的现状,并提出了以下加强安全合作,特别是共同应对海上安全威胁的措施。为政策制定者提供理论和实践指导。中国和印尼可以通过加强联盟来改善安全。但双方存在信任问题,安全合作机制薄弱。中印尼要加强安全合作,共同应对海上安全威胁。两国应加强多层次防务和军事合作,消除海上安全威胁。
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引用次数: 1
Interests and Influence: Stakeholder Participation in the Regulatory Process 利益与影响:监管过程中的利益相关者参与
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2022.124034
P. I. Ramalho, Delia Rodrigo
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引用次数: 1
Arab Spring and the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood Organization 阿拉伯之春和约旦穆斯林兄弟会组织
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2022.122009
Nigar Nese Kemiksiz
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引用次数: 0
Civil Military Relations in a Post-Colonial State: An Interrogation of Nigeria’s Military Internal Operations 后殖民国家的军民关系:对尼日利亚军事内部行动的审讯
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2022.122010
Chukwuemeka Enyiazu, Onyedikachi Madueke, Casmir Chukwuka Mbaegbu
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引用次数: 0
An Agonistic Theory of Democratic Parliamentarism. The Case of the Walloon Parliament 民主议会制的斗争理论。瓦隆议会案例
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2022.121006
Archibald Gustin
Chantal Mouffe is one of the most discussed political theorists of recent years. One of her most important theoretical contributions is her critique of deliberative democracy for its inability to think the political in terms of antagonism and dissensus. The aim of this paper is therefore to examine to what extent Mouffe’s theory of democracy, which she calls “agonistic pluralism” and which she proposes as an alternative to deliberative democracy, can be used to think about the role of the parliamentary institution in a democratic polity. To this end, we mobilize a qualitative method based on the realisation of fifteen semi-structured interviews in order to analyze the case of the Walloon Parliament, with the aim of showing how democratic parliamentarism realiz-es the staging of the antagonism which, according to Mouffe, founds the domain of the political 1 .
Chantal Mouffe是近年来讨论最多的政治理论家之一。她最重要的理论贡献之一是她对协商民主的批判,因为它无法从对立和分歧的角度来思考政治。因此,本文的目的是研究墨菲的民主理论在多大程度上可以用来思考议会制度在民主政体中的作用,她称之为“竞争多元主义”,并提出作为协商民主的替代方案。为此,我们采用了一种基于15个半结构化访谈实现的定性方法来分析瓦隆议会的案例,目的是展示民主议会制如何实现对抗的阶段,根据墨菲的说法,对抗是政治领域的基础。
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引用次数: 0
Ideological Differences in the Sino-Ethiopian Relations from the Early 1950s to the Late 1960s 20世纪50年代初至60年代末中埃关系中的意识形态差异
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2022.122008
Betelhem Tirusew Bayu
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of COVID-19 Pandemic on Children with Disabilities: The Case of Chiredzi South, Zimbabwe 2019冠状病毒病大流行对残疾儿童的影响:以津巴布韦南奇雷齐为例
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2022.121004
Gumbo Olivia, Gumbo Douglas, Musingafi Maxwell, Nyaruwata Leonorah
Children with disabilities in Zimbabwe faced several economic, social and cultural challenges due to crumbling economy and socialisation. Their plight further deteriorated with the advent of COVID-19 pandemic that struck the world economy. Zimbabwe was not spared from this as most parents of children with disabilities are in the informal sector that was badly hit by COVID-19 lockdown measures that prohibited them from trading. This affected children with disabilities to access their basic needs. The study was conducted on children with disabilities in Chiredzi South which is a rural community. The study used qualitative methodology in the form of desk review and virtual questionnaires and key informant interviews. These virtual interviews used the ODK application and ONA server. The main findings of the study were that there are eight disabilities types in Chiredzi South that are prevalent to children, lack of movement enablers, lack of telecommunication infrastructure hindered education and health access for children with disabilities. The main conclusions were that children living with disabilities in Chiredzi did not receive meaningful help from government and non-governmental organisations during COVID-19 pandemic; they are further excluded from accessing basic services such as education and health. The recommendations of the study are making sure that special teachers are at schools during lockdown with government providing them with protective equipment, introduction of subsidies to assist children with disabilities in schools, accessibility of appro-priate medication for those who live on special medication, and many other recommendations as outlined at the end of the paper.
由于经济和社会化的崩溃,津巴布韦的残疾儿童面临着一些经济、社会和文化方面的挑战。随着新冠肺炎疫情对世界经济的冲击,他们的困境进一步恶化。津巴布韦也未能幸免,因为大多数残疾儿童的父母都在非正规部门工作,受到禁止他们进行交易的封锁措施的严重打击。这影响了残疾儿童的基本需求。这项研究是在农村社区奇雷兹南部的残疾儿童身上进行的。该研究采用了定性方法,包括案头审查、虚拟问卷和关键信息提供者访谈。这些虚拟面试使用ODK应用程序和ONA服务器。这项研究的主要发现是,南奇雷齐地区儿童普遍存在八种残疾类型,缺乏行动便利条件和电信基础设施阻碍了残疾儿童获得教育和保健服务。主要结论是,在COVID-19大流行期间,奇雷齐的残疾儿童没有得到政府和非政府组织的有意义的帮助;她们还被排除在获得教育和保健等基本服务之外。该研究的建议是确保在封锁期间学校有特殊教师,政府为他们提供防护设备,引入补贴以帮助学校中的残疾儿童,为靠特殊药物生活的人提供适当的药物,以及论文最后概述的许多其他建议。
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引用次数: 0
Gender and the 2018 U.S. Congressional Election 性别与2018年美国国会选举
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2022.124028
J. DeFronzo, J. Gill
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Open journal of political science
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