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A Violent Nexus: Ethnonationalism, Religious Fundamentalism, and the Taliban 暴力的联系:民族主义、宗教原教旨主义和塔利班
Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2235809
Niamatullah Ibrahimi
The Taliban is a prime example of a movement that combines a fundamentalist interpretation of religion with a particular form of exclusionary Pashtun ethnonationalism among the jihadist groups. The existing literature on jihadist groups recognizes this trend in so far as a distinction is made between groups that focus on local objectives and others that pursue global objectives such as attacking Western interests. However, there are important gaps in understanding the mechanisms and implications of the interpenetration of religious fundamentalism and ethnonationalism. This article aims to address this gap by unpacking the mechanisms that link religious fundamentalism and ethnonationalism as hybrid ideological underpinnings of the Taliban. It argues that a more nuanced understanding of the entanglement of these ideologies is necessary for developing effective strategies for building peace and inclusive societies.
塔利班是一个典型的例子,它把对宗教的原教旨主义解释与圣战组织中一种特殊形式的排外普什图民族主义结合在一起。现有的关于圣战组织的文献承认了这一趋势,因为它们区分了专注于本地目标的组织和追求全球目标(如攻击西方利益)的组织。然而,在理解宗教原教旨主义和民族民族主义相互渗透的机制和影响方面存在重要差距。本文旨在通过揭示将宗教原教旨主义和民族主义作为塔利班混合意识形态基础的联系起来的机制来解决这一差距。报告认为,更细致地了解这些意识形态之间的纠葛,对于制定建设和平与包容社会的有效战略是必要的。
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引用次数: 0
Indonesia’s Fragmented Responses to International Pressure During the 2016–2017 Blasphemy Case 印尼在2016-2017年亵渎神明案期间对国际压力的零散回应
Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2200271
Rizky Alif Alvian
This article examines how states respond to the use of international pressure as an instrument for promoting freedom of religion or belief (FoRB). It applies the framework of stigma management to understand the responses of Indonesia to international pressure due to the imprisonment of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama or Ahok for allegedly defaming Islam (2016–2017). This article argues that the responses were not monolithic. The state articulated a narrative that affirmed the importance of protecting FoRB, but also held that it is less urgent compared to respecting the rule of law and maintaining Indonesia’s sovereignty. The Indonesian Islamists disseminated a narrative that rejected the FoRB norms, framing them as an expression of Western hypocrisy. This variety of responses is reflective of the domestic political configuration. The state’s narrative was intended to appease the increasingly powerful Islamists and mitigate the international loss of reputation. The Islamists’ response, meanwhile, reflected their attempts to neutralize the influence of international discourses of FoRB on their projects to increase their domestic power. Combined, however, these discourses resulted in the justification of Ahok’s prosecution and the practice of Indonesian blasphemy laws.
本文探讨各国如何应对利用国际压力作为促进宗教或信仰自由的工具(FoRB)。它运用污名管理的框架来理解印度尼西亚对国际压力的反应,因为Basuki Tjahaja Purnama或Ahok因涉嫌诽谤伊斯兰教而被监禁(2016-2017)。本文认为,这些反应并不是单一的。印尼政府明确阐述了保护《自由贸易法》的重要性,但也认为,与尊重法治和维护印尼主权相比,保护《自由贸易法》并不那么紧迫。印尼的伊斯兰主义者散布了一种反对FoRB准则的说法,认为这些准则是西方虚伪的表现。这种不同的反应反映了国内的政治格局。政府的叙述是为了安抚日益强大的伊斯兰主义者,减轻国际声誉的损失。与此同时,伊斯兰主义者的反应反映了他们试图消除FoRB的国际话语对他们增加国内权力的影响。然而,这些言论结合起来,导致了对阿学的起诉和印度尼西亚亵渎法的实践。
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引用次数: 1
The Effectiveness of Freedom of Religion or Belief as a Framework in International Relations: The Case of Uyghur Muslims and Other Religious Minorities in Xinjiang, China 宗教或信仰自由作为国际关系框架的有效性——以中国新疆维吾尔族穆斯林和其他宗教少数群体为例
Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2200277
David Garciandía Igal
This article assesses the effectiveness of religious freedom as a framework in international relations for its ability to define the issue in Xinjiang and propose solutions. In defining the problem, religious minorities other than Muslims, such as Christians, are ignored. This prevents social awareness and policy from addressing the issue, and fosters the Muslim majority to appropriate the Uyghur identity, marginalizing the non-Muslim religious minorities. Moreover, other identities (e.g. national, ethnic or linguistic) and causes of the conflict (e.g. socio-economic inequalities or historical resentment) are often overlooked. In solving the problem, no solutions are proposed to the underlying issue (separatist movements). On the other hand, China’s alternative framework defines the problem (terrorism, separatism, and extremism) and provides the basis from which to propose (savage) solutions: sinicization.
本文评估了宗教自由作为国际关系框架的有效性,因为它有能力界定新疆问题并提出解决方案。在定义这个问题时,忽略了穆斯林以外的宗教少数群体,比如基督徒。这阻碍了社会意识和政策解决这一问题,并助长了穆斯林多数人对维吾尔族身份的盗用,使非穆斯林宗教少数群体边缘化。此外,其他身份(如民族、种族或语言)和冲突的原因(如社会经济不平等或历史怨恨)往往被忽视。在解决这个问题时,没有提出解决根本问题(分离主义运动)的办法。另一方面,中国的替代框架定义了问题(恐怖主义、分裂主义和极端主义),并提供了提出(野蛮的)解决方案的基础:中国化。
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引用次数: 0
Religious Communitarianism, Covenants, and Liberal Theory: On the Political Thought of Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks 宗教社群主义、契约与自由主义理论:论乔纳森·萨克斯拉比勋爵的政治思想
Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2200283
Nahshon Perez
Lord Rabbi Sacks was a major religious Jewish figure. In this article, we examine his version of a covenant-based communitarianism. We begin with exploring Sacks’ social communitarian view, and his support of a covenant-based politics. We then turn to evaluate Sacks’ covenant-based view, and argue that while his social communitarian view is valuable and important, his covenant-based political view faces the same challenges that troubled communitarian views, namely the fact of religious, value, and ethnic plurality. One possible way forward is via a federalist system, in which covenants are localized.
拉比·萨克斯勋爵是一位重要的犹太宗教人物。在这篇文章中,我们研究了他的基于契约的社群主义版本。我们首先探讨萨克斯的社会社群主义观点,以及他对契约政治的支持。然后,我们转而评价萨克斯的基于契约的观点,并认为尽管他的社会社群主义观点是有价值和重要的,但他的基于契约的政治观点也面临着困扰社群主义观点的同样挑战,即宗教、价值和种族多元化的事实。一种可能的前进方式是通过联邦制体系,在这种体系中,契约是本地化的。
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引用次数: 0
Is Interreligious Dialogue in International Relations “Dialogue-Washing” for Authoritarian Regimes? an Exploration of KAICIID and ICCS as Track 1.5 Diplomacy 国际关系中的宗教间对话对专制政权来说是“洗对话”吗?KAICIID与ICCS作为Track 1.5外交的探索
Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2200276
P. Hedges
This paper explores whether interreligious dialogue (IRD) is employed by state actors that may be perceived as authoritarian as a form of window dressing, or dialogue washing. Two examples are chosen, the King Abdullah International Centre for Intercultural and Interreligious Dialogue (KAICIID), and Singapore’s International Conference on Cohesive Societies (ICCS). It is argued that such examples exemplify IRD as track 1.5 diplomacy, and the context means they veer towards performing dialogue as social cohesion. While criticisms of each are raised, it is argued that the accusation of dialogue-washing is unfounded and that useful IRD, social cohesion, or peacebuilding work emerges from each which accords with the interests of the countries involved and aligns with the nature of IRD under track 1.5 diplomacy.
本文探讨了宗教间对话(IRD)是否被国家行为者所利用,这些行为者可能被认为是专制的,是一种粉饰门面或对话清洗的形式。选择了两个例子,阿卜杜拉国王国际跨文化和宗教间对话中心(KAICIID)和新加坡的凝聚力社会国际会议(ICCS)。有人认为,这些例子将IRD作为轨道1.5外交的例证,而背景意味着它们转向将对话作为社会凝聚力。虽然对每一个都提出了批评,但有人认为,对对话洗涤的指责是没有根据的,有用的IRD,社会凝聚力或建设和平的工作都符合所涉及国家的利益,并符合轨道1.5外交下IRD的性质。
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引用次数: 2
Measuring Subnational Variation in Freedom of Religion or Belief Violations: Reflections on a Path Forward 衡量宗教或信仰自由侵犯的地方差异:对前进道路的思考
Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2200278
Jason Klocek, Dennis P. Petri
In recent years, numerous cross-country data collection instruments measuring freedom of religious or belief (FoRB) violations have become available. These have provided important insights, not least of which being the steady increase in religious discrimination across the globe. At the same time, the country-level focus of extant datasets often obscures subnational variation and leaves open important questions about the mechanisms driving FoRB violations in particular contexts. Through this article, we seek to initiate a more systematic discussion of how to collect, analyze, and, where appropriate, incorporate subnational measures of FoRB violations into global datasets. Drawing on original empirical fieldwork in Latin America, we emphasize the need for such efforts by showing that structural forms of religious discrimination observed at the subnational level often go unnoticed in existing global datasets. We then identify key conceptual and measurement challenges that should be addressed in order to better advance scholarship on subnational FoRB dynamics, as well integrate subnational and national data collection efforts. Our findings have implications for how we study and respond to the growing number of FoRB violations around the world.
近年来,出现了许多衡量违反宗教或信仰自由情况的跨国数据收集工具。这些都提供了重要的见解,尤其是全球范围内宗教歧视的稳步增长。与此同时,现有数据集在国家层面的重点往往掩盖了次国家的变化,并留下了在特定情况下驱动FoRB违规机制的重要问题。通过本文,我们试图就如何收集、分析,并在适当的情况下,将国家以下地区违反《禁止生物多样性公约》的措施纳入全球数据集展开更系统的讨论。根据在拉丁美洲的原始实证实地工作,我们强调需要进行此类努力,表明在次国家一级观察到的结构性宗教歧视形式在现有的全球数据集中往往没有被注意到。然后,我们确定了应该解决的关键概念和测量挑战,以便更好地推进地方一级FoRB动态的学术研究,并整合地方一级和国家一级的数据收集工作。我们的研究结果对我们如何研究和应对世界各地越来越多的FoRB违规行为具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting Religious Freedom as a National Security Lens: The Case of China 从国家安全角度重新审视宗教自由:以中国为例
Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2200282
E. Patterson, Piper Smith, Linda W. Kamau
The distressing state of global democracy and religious liberty provides scholars and foreign policy practitioners an opportunity to rethink national security analysis by considering religious freedom as a national security lens. This article reprises the primary author’s framework, published ten years ago in The Review of Faith & International Affairs, assessing “what they say and do” on religious freedom as a means to understand threats and challenges to global peace and U.S. national security. This article analyzes a specific case—how China treats religion at home, among its neighbors, on the international stage, and in its political ideology.
全球民主和宗教自由的痛苦状态为学者和外交政策从业者提供了一个机会,通过将宗教自由视为国家安全的视角来重新思考国家安全分析。本文重申了主要作者十年前在《信仰与国际事务评论》(the Review of Faith & International Affairs)上发表的框架,评估了宗教自由问题上“他们的言行”,以此作为理解全球和平与美国国家安全面临的威胁和挑战的手段。本文分析了一个具体案例——中国如何在国内、与邻国、在国际舞台上以及在政治意识形态中对待宗教。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Religious Diplomacy for its Belt and Road Initiative: A Review and Assessment “一带一路”倡议下的中国宗教外交:回顾与评估
Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2200284
Juyan Zhang
This article analyzes China’s religious diplomacy surrounding its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), an interagency effort that serves multiple goals ranging from image cultivation to diplomatic engagement. The author reviews diplomatic engagement with Buddhists, Christians, Muslims, and Taoists before and after 2015. The brief concludes by assessing the factors that impact the effectiveness of China’s religious diplomacy. Factors such as competition with the United States, the sustainability of the BRI, and China’s doctrine of religious Sinicization, as well as its emphasis on “ideological national security” and its internet regulation, among others, will influence the effectiveness of China’s religious diplomacy.
本文分析了中国围绕“一带一路”倡议的宗教外交,这是一项跨部门努力,服务于从形象塑造到外交接触等多个目标。作者回顾了2015年前后与佛教、基督教、穆斯林和道教的外交接触。摘要最后评估了影响中国宗教外交有效性的因素。与美国的竞争、“一带一路”倡议的可持续性、中国的宗教中国化教义、以及对“意识形态国家安全”的重视和互联网监管等因素,将影响中国宗教外交的有效性。
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引用次数: 0
Clergy as First Responders: Rethinking Leadership in Religion and Peacebuilding 神职人员作为第一响应者:重新思考宗教与和平建设中的领导
Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2200274
Gladys Ganiel
Drawing on research about Presbyterian experiences of Northern Ireland’s Troubles, we argue that the religion and peacebuilding literature’s emphasis on prophetic leadership has meant that the field has overlooked the significance of the roles of clergy as “first responders” to violence and as providers of long-term pastoral care. These roles can be conceptualized as contributing, albeit indirectly, to everyday peacebuilding by facilitating (in some cases) personal healing, forgiveness, and reconciliation. The wider field of religion and peacebuilding would benefit from including the pastoral role of first responder in its conceptualizations of religious leadership in violent contexts.
根据长老会在北爱尔兰问题上的经验,我们认为宗教和和平建设文学对先知领导的强调意味着该领域忽视了神职人员作为暴力“第一响应者”和长期牧师护理提供者的重要性。这些角色可以被理解为通过促进(在某些情况下)个人愈合、宽恕和和解,为日常建设和平做出贡献,尽管是间接的贡献。更广泛的宗教和建设和平领域将受益于将第一反应者的牧师作用纳入暴力背景下宗教领导的概念。
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引用次数: 0
Pluralistic Islamic Religious Education: A Vision for Indonesia 多元伊斯兰宗教教育:印尼的愿景
Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2200280
A. Mu’ti
This essay argues for the development of a pluralistic Islamic religious education in Indonesia based on the principles of positive pluralism, in which students can hold tightly to their convictions while at the same time understand, accept, and engage with those who differ in beliefs. Specifically, this essay focuses on how to develop an Islamic Religious Education—Pendidikan Agama Islam (PAI) in Indonesian—that is pluralistic, shaping students who are open-minded, tolerant, and have a positive outlook on accepting and working together in the midst of differences.
本文主张在积极多元主义原则的基础上,在印度尼西亚发展多元化的伊斯兰宗教教育,在这种教育中,学生可以紧紧地坚持自己的信仰,同时理解、接受和接触那些信仰不同的人。具体而言,本文着重于如何发展一种多元化的伊斯兰宗教教育——印尼语为pendidikan Agama Islam (PAI),培养思想开放、宽容、在差异中接受和合作的积极态度的学生。
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引用次数: 0
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The review of faith & international affairs
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