Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2235828
Musa Shafiq, Mohammad Qasim Wafayezada
This study examines the causal impact of insurgency and government collapse on economic well-being in Afghanistan. Utilizing Bayesian structural time-series causal impact models, the research investigates the effects of the long-standing Taliban insurgency, the resulting insecurity, and the uncertainty associated with the US policy shift and reduced international aid on Afghanistan's economic well-being. Additionally, the study conducts a counterfactual analysis to assess the hypothetical impact if the Taliban insurgency or restoration had not occurred. The findings demonstrate that international aid has not contributed to sustainable economic well-being, and that the policy shift of the US from counter-terrorism toward engaging in negotiations with the Taliban, has resulted in a significant economic decline. This research offers valuable insights into the intricate relationship between aid dependency, insurgency, political uncertainty, and economic well-being in fragile and aid-dependent states like Afghanistan.
{"title":"The Causal Impact of the Taliban’s Insurgency and Return to Power on Economic Well-being in Afghanistan","authors":"Musa Shafiq, Mohammad Qasim Wafayezada","doi":"10.1080/15570274.2023.2235828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2023.2235828","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the causal impact of insurgency and government collapse on economic well-being in Afghanistan. Utilizing Bayesian structural time-series causal impact models, the research investigates the effects of the long-standing Taliban insurgency, the resulting insecurity, and the uncertainty associated with the US policy shift and reduced international aid on Afghanistan's economic well-being. Additionally, the study conducts a counterfactual analysis to assess the hypothetical impact if the Taliban insurgency or restoration had not occurred. The findings demonstrate that international aid has not contributed to sustainable economic well-being, and that the policy shift of the US from counter-terrorism toward engaging in negotiations with the Taliban, has resulted in a significant economic decline. This research offers valuable insights into the intricate relationship between aid dependency, insurgency, political uncertainty, and economic well-being in fragile and aid-dependent states like Afghanistan.","PeriodicalId":92307,"journal":{"name":"The review of faith & international affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87147761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2235806
Abdullah Burki, Ryan Brasher
Drawing on the literature on nationalism and national attachment, as well as memory studies, we analyze the extent to which Afghan refugees in Peshawar continue to identify strongly with their homeland, or with Pakistan. Based on survey research and in-depth interviews, we find that second generation immigrants have a stronger Pakistani and weaker Afghan identification compared to those who grew up in Afghanistan. This relationship is mediated by a number of factors, including religion. Native Pashto speakers generally have a stronger sense of Pakistani identity compared to non-Pashto speakers, and Urdu fluency also has an impact on their national identity. Interestingly, those who gained their education through a religious seminary, or madrasa, identify more strongly with Pakistan compared to those who studied in the public school system. Furthermore, self-reported regularity in daily prayers and Quranic recitation is also associated with a stronger sense of Pakistani identity.
{"title":"Memory and National Identity Among Afghan Refugees in Peshawar","authors":"Abdullah Burki, Ryan Brasher","doi":"10.1080/15570274.2023.2235806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2023.2235806","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on the literature on nationalism and national attachment, as well as memory studies, we analyze the extent to which Afghan refugees in Peshawar continue to identify strongly with their homeland, or with Pakistan. Based on survey research and in-depth interviews, we find that second generation immigrants have a stronger Pakistani and weaker Afghan identification compared to those who grew up in Afghanistan. This relationship is mediated by a number of factors, including religion. Native Pashto speakers generally have a stronger sense of Pakistani identity compared to non-Pashto speakers, and Urdu fluency also has an impact on their national identity. Interestingly, those who gained their education through a religious seminary, or madrasa, identify more strongly with Pakistan compared to those who studied in the public school system. Furthermore, self-reported regularity in daily prayers and Quranic recitation is also associated with a stronger sense of Pakistani identity.","PeriodicalId":92307,"journal":{"name":"The review of faith & international affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86738319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2235838
F. Zaland, Charles H. Ramsey
There is a need for discursive categories to characterize differences among the Taliban. Drawing from interviews with IEA leadership and extensive examination of local social media and new sources, this study introduces four typologies within the Taliban movement. These are inter-related and mutually dependent, and from their juxtaposition we consider some implications for the trajectory of the regime. We argue that the Taliban’s ideology has not changed, but rather that its constituency is changing, particularly among those with greater access to technology and transnational resources.
{"title":"Neo-Taliban? Thinking Through Typological Differences","authors":"F. Zaland, Charles H. Ramsey","doi":"10.1080/15570274.2023.2235838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2023.2235838","url":null,"abstract":"There is a need for discursive categories to characterize differences among the Taliban. Drawing from interviews with IEA leadership and extensive examination of local social media and new sources, this study introduces four typologies within the Taliban movement. These are inter-related and mutually dependent, and from their juxtaposition we consider some implications for the trajectory of the regime. We argue that the Taliban’s ideology has not changed, but rather that its constituency is changing, particularly among those with greater access to technology and transnational resources.","PeriodicalId":92307,"journal":{"name":"The review of faith & international affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77794705","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2235803
Husnul Amin
The aim of this paper is threefold. Firstly, it seeks to examine the genesis and widespread adoption of a more inclusive and expansive political trend known as Pashtun neo-ethnonationalism in Pakistan. Secondly, it aims to investigate the various dimensions, trajectories, and growing influence of neo-ethnonationalism among diverse social forces, including left-leaning groups, Islamists, developmentalists, modern professionals, and others. Lastly, the paper aims to discuss the key factors and dynamics that have contributed to the emergence and proliferation of neo-nationalism within the diverse Pashtun social fabric. Contrary to stereotypical assumptions that depict Pashtun nationalist expression as static and primordial and characterized by violence and conflict, this research delves into the dynamics of ruptures, negotiations, and assimilations that shape the evolving neo-Pashtun identity.
{"title":"Pashtun Neo-Ethnonationalism","authors":"Husnul Amin","doi":"10.1080/15570274.2023.2235803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2023.2235803","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is threefold. Firstly, it seeks to examine the genesis and widespread adoption of a more inclusive and expansive political trend known as Pashtun neo-ethnonationalism in Pakistan. Secondly, it aims to investigate the various dimensions, trajectories, and growing influence of neo-ethnonationalism among diverse social forces, including left-leaning groups, Islamists, developmentalists, modern professionals, and others. Lastly, the paper aims to discuss the key factors and dynamics that have contributed to the emergence and proliferation of neo-nationalism within the diverse Pashtun social fabric. Contrary to stereotypical assumptions that depict Pashtun nationalist expression as static and primordial and characterized by violence and conflict, this research delves into the dynamics of ruptures, negotiations, and assimilations that shape the evolving neo-Pashtun identity.","PeriodicalId":92307,"journal":{"name":"The review of faith & international affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79759743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2235825
J. Malik
This article investigates the Saudi-financed Salafi intervention in Afghanistan, focusing on its impact on the dominant Hanafi legal tradition and the rejection of Salafized madrasa curriculum reforms by Hanafi scholars. It explores the involvement of foreign actors in supporting reform-oriented Salafis to prevent radical elements from gaining political power. The study delves into theological differences between Salafis and Sufis, their interpretation of tawhid, and their incorporation of Western political concepts. Additionally, it highlights the tensions between the Hanafi legal framework and the proposed Salafi curriculum, revealing the intricate dynamics of Islamic normativity.
{"title":"Salafizing Hanafiyya? Madrasa Teachers in Afghanistan, State Actors, and Salafis","authors":"J. Malik","doi":"10.1080/15570274.2023.2235825","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2023.2235825","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the Saudi-financed Salafi intervention in Afghanistan, focusing on its impact on the dominant Hanafi legal tradition and the rejection of Salafized madrasa curriculum reforms by Hanafi scholars. It explores the involvement of foreign actors in supporting reform-oriented Salafis to prevent radical elements from gaining political power. The study delves into theological differences between Salafis and Sufis, their interpretation of tawhid, and their incorporation of Western political concepts. Additionally, it highlights the tensions between the Hanafi legal framework and the proposed Salafi curriculum, revealing the intricate dynamics of Islamic normativity.","PeriodicalId":92307,"journal":{"name":"The review of faith & international affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89932462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2235834
Mohammad Qasim Wafayezada
The US withdrawal, coupled with the instantaneous collapse of the Afghan government, brought the radical Islamists, the Taliban, and the Haqqani Network back to power in August 2021, making them the first militant fundamentalist group to regain power and ascent to a ruling status. For Afghanistan, burdened with politicized ethnic divisions, ethnic mobilization, and fragmented political culture and social structure, the failure of the post-2001 political process and its retrograding impact has proved destructive and devastating. While both ethno-nationalist and radical Islamist passions are active in Afghanistan’s socio-ecological system, the Taliban has introduced a hybrid version of extremism that is built upon the long-standing Pashtun ethnonationalism and the Taliban’s radical Islamism. This article examines the historical roots of the complex Islamism-nationalism/ethno-nationalism problématique and their intermittent resurgence and explores how the Taliban’s hybrid extremism has resulted in an “impossible state,” and the dynamics for change and transformation toward more inclusive and participatory governance.
{"title":"Hybrid Extremism: Ethnonationalism and Territorialized Islamic Fundamentalism in Afghanistan","authors":"Mohammad Qasim Wafayezada","doi":"10.1080/15570274.2023.2235834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2023.2235834","url":null,"abstract":"The US withdrawal, coupled with the instantaneous collapse of the Afghan government, brought the radical Islamists, the Taliban, and the Haqqani Network back to power in August 2021, making them the first militant fundamentalist group to regain power and ascent to a ruling status. For Afghanistan, burdened with politicized ethnic divisions, ethnic mobilization, and fragmented political culture and social structure, the failure of the post-2001 political process and its retrograding impact has proved destructive and devastating. While both ethno-nationalist and radical Islamist passions are active in Afghanistan’s socio-ecological system, the Taliban has introduced a hybrid version of extremism that is built upon the long-standing Pashtun ethnonationalism and the Taliban’s radical Islamism. This article examines the historical roots of the complex Islamism-nationalism/ethno-nationalism problématique and their intermittent resurgence and explores how the Taliban’s hybrid extremism has resulted in an “impossible state,” and the dynamics for change and transformation toward more inclusive and participatory governance.","PeriodicalId":92307,"journal":{"name":"The review of faith & international affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90248859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2235807
Johann Chacko
This paper analyzes the performance of Pakistan’s religious parties in Senate and general elections, 1970–2021, to re-evaluate widely repeated claims of poor performance. Employing datasets of provincial assembly, Senate, and National Assembly results, I argue that performance has been consistently underestimated and overlooked as a result of “whole-nation bias” in a country with very significant regional diversity. Given that parties’ electoral power coalesces at the provincial level in Pakistan, and that religious parties are built around strong denominational identities, election data has been disaggregated along these lines. The results challenge conventional narratives of political Islam’s trajectories in the country.
{"title":"In the Province of Faith: Disaggregating Pakistani Religious Parties’ Electoral Performance at the Sub-national and Denominational Levels","authors":"Johann Chacko","doi":"10.1080/15570274.2023.2235807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2023.2235807","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the performance of Pakistan’s religious parties in Senate and general elections, 1970–2021, to re-evaluate widely repeated claims of poor performance. Employing datasets of provincial assembly, Senate, and National Assembly results, I argue that performance has been consistently underestimated and overlooked as a result of “whole-nation bias” in a country with very significant regional diversity. Given that parties’ electoral power coalesces at the provincial level in Pakistan, and that religious parties are built around strong denominational identities, election data has been disaggregated along these lines. The results challenge conventional narratives of political Islam’s trajectories in the country.","PeriodicalId":92307,"journal":{"name":"The review of faith & international affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82039052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2235824
W. Maley
Before the occupation of Kabul by the Taliban movement in 2021, there had been some hopes that in power, it would behave very differently from how it acted when it earlier occupied Kabul from 1996 to 2001. This proved not to be the case. Always inscrutable, the movement prioritized ideology over interests, embodied a “theocratic-descending” model of authority, and was the product of a pathogenic pattern of socialization. Under such circumstances, the likelihood that it could succeed in securing legitimacy appears very low. A more likely scenario is the use of extreme coercion by the Taliban to crush any resistance.
{"title":"Ideology, Clericalism, and Socialization: Some Reflections on the Sociology of the Afghan Taliban","authors":"W. Maley","doi":"10.1080/15570274.2023.2235824","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2023.2235824","url":null,"abstract":"Before the occupation of Kabul by the Taliban movement in 2021, there had been some hopes that in power, it would behave very differently from how it acted when it earlier occupied Kabul from 1996 to 2001. This proved not to be the case. Always inscrutable, the movement prioritized ideology over interests, embodied a “theocratic-descending” model of authority, and was the product of a pathogenic pattern of socialization. Under such circumstances, the likelihood that it could succeed in securing legitimacy appears very low. A more likely scenario is the use of extreme coercion by the Taliban to crush any resistance.","PeriodicalId":92307,"journal":{"name":"The review of faith & international affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88399955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2235840
F. Zaland
Though there is no constitution or founding document at present, a book written in 2022 by Abdul Hakim Haqqani, the Chief Justice of the Taliban’s government, titled The Islamic Emirate and Its System (al-Imarat al-Islamiat wa-Manzumatuha) appears to be a blueprint for the newly minted Islamic Emirate (IEA). This is the first intentionally prepared written source by a senior Taliban official on the intellectual foundations of the IEA structure. The book addresses various subjects, such as the sources of Islamic legislation, independence, and the principles of politics, judiciary, and economics. It is a distillation of the intellectual foundations, and it offers new insight into the Taliban's political strategy. In this essay I present some of the central ideas of Haqqani’s book and question its implications for understanding the conflicting synthesis of the Taliban’s religious and cultural identity.
{"title":"The Conflicting Synthesis of the Taliban’s Religious and Cultural Identity","authors":"F. Zaland","doi":"10.1080/15570274.2023.2235840","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2023.2235840","url":null,"abstract":"Though there is no constitution or founding document at present, a book written in 2022 by Abdul Hakim Haqqani, the Chief Justice of the Taliban’s government, titled The Islamic Emirate and Its System (al-Imarat al-Islamiat wa-Manzumatuha) appears to be a blueprint for the newly minted Islamic Emirate (IEA). This is the first intentionally prepared written source by a senior Taliban official on the intellectual foundations of the IEA structure. The book addresses various subjects, such as the sources of Islamic legislation, independence, and the principles of politics, judiciary, and economics. It is a distillation of the intellectual foundations, and it offers new insight into the Taliban's political strategy. In this essay I present some of the central ideas of Haqqani’s book and question its implications for understanding the conflicting synthesis of the Taliban’s religious and cultural identity.","PeriodicalId":92307,"journal":{"name":"The review of faith & international affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78061509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-03DOI: 10.1080/15570274.2023.2235818
Abdullah Khoso, Muhammad Rovidad
Based on the secondary sources, this paper examines the link between ethnic political parties and religion in Pakistan, focusing on case studies of BNP-M in Balochistan, ANP in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), and QAT in Sindh provinces. ANP aimed for freedom from Punjabi political dominance without challenging religious sentiments. However, they faced opposition from Pashtun Taliban, perceiving ANP as a threat to religious narratives. ANP's liberal stance was seen as a threat to religious practices and contributed to their loss in the 2018 general elections. BNP-M has appeared neutral on the state's religious narrative and seeking inspiration from leftist transnational political parties in neighboring countries. BNP-M avoided affecting religious sentiments and focused on common social, political, economic, and human rights issues related to the local people. QAT openly adopted a liberal and leftist ideology, taunting religious groups, which negatively impacted local sentiments and hindered their popularity.
{"title":"Pakistan’s Ethnic Parties’ Religious Narratives and Practices","authors":"Abdullah Khoso, Muhammad Rovidad","doi":"10.1080/15570274.2023.2235818","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2023.2235818","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the secondary sources, this paper examines the link between ethnic political parties and religion in Pakistan, focusing on case studies of BNP-M in Balochistan, ANP in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), and QAT in Sindh provinces. ANP aimed for freedom from Punjabi political dominance without challenging religious sentiments. However, they faced opposition from Pashtun Taliban, perceiving ANP as a threat to religious narratives. ANP's liberal stance was seen as a threat to religious practices and contributed to their loss in the 2018 general elections. BNP-M has appeared neutral on the state's religious narrative and seeking inspiration from leftist transnational political parties in neighboring countries. BNP-M avoided affecting religious sentiments and focused on common social, political, economic, and human rights issues related to the local people. QAT openly adopted a liberal and leftist ideology, taunting religious groups, which negatively impacted local sentiments and hindered their popularity.","PeriodicalId":92307,"journal":{"name":"The review of faith & international affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76149884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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