Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.11
Bahar Davary
This short story begins with a reference to the tragic killing of Trayvon Martin and the acquittal of his killer as part of a pattern of behavior that shouts loud and clear: “black lives don9t matter”. The story traces the injustices of slavery and life and work on the plantations. It takes us from Jim Crow laws in the U.S. to the stifling of the national movement of the Congolese, from assassination of Patrice Lumumba, to the killings of Martin Luther King and Malcolm X. In short, the story is a reflection on the responsibility of educators in addressing the topic that Du Bois called “the problem of the century” over a hundred years ago. It points to the importance of discussing it in various disciplinary and interdisciplinary fields including religious studies, sociology, history, ethnic studies, political science, psychology, linguistics, etc
{"title":"Black Lives Matter","authors":"Bahar Davary","doi":"10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.11","url":null,"abstract":"This short story begins with a reference to the tragic killing of Trayvon Martin and the acquittal of his killer as part of a pattern of behavior that shouts loud and clear: “black lives don9t matter”. The story traces the injustices of slavery and life and work on the plantations. It takes us from Jim Crow laws in the U.S. to the stifling of the national movement of the Congolese, from assassination of Patrice Lumumba, to the killings of Martin Luther King and Malcolm X. In short, the story is a reflection on the responsibility of educators in addressing the topic that Du Bois called “the problem of the century” over a hundred years ago. It points to the importance of discussing it in various disciplinary and interdisciplinary fields including religious studies, sociology, history, ethnic studies, political science, psychology, linguistics, etc","PeriodicalId":93702,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in ethnic studies : the journal of the National Association of Interdisciplinary Ethnic Studies","volume":"64 1","pages":"11-14"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86690126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.45
A. Moore
“Hyphy,” a genre of rap and lifestyle associated with Bay Area hip hop evolved into a counter-cultural social movement for marginalized youth in early 2000. Hyphy originated from Black youth as a musical protest in response to their historical lack of social power, economic resources and systematic institutional oppression. Hyphy provided a space to release tension, celebrate life and freedom of expression, primarily as a means of resisting hegemonic perceptions of Black youth and their cultural productions. Applying a cultural studies theoretical approach, this ethnographic research examines literature and media coverage pre and post Hyphy highlighting the ways in which it fostered a personal and political agenda, attracting organizations that employed hip hop to provide direct services to youth as a means of advocating for social justice. This article argues that the Hyphy Movement although dated, supported the foundation of the Black Lives Matter movement in the Bay Area by playing a pivotal role in shifting the revolutionary consciousness of young people when addressing police violence during a pivotal social upheaval in 2009, the unjust murder of Oscar Grant III.
“Hyphy”是一种与湾区嘻哈有关的说唱和生活方式,在2000年初演变成一种针对边缘青年的反文化社会运动。Hyphy起源于黑人青年,作为对他们历史上缺乏社会权力,经济资源和系统制度压迫的音乐抗议。Hyphy提供了一个释放紧张、庆祝生活和言论自由的空间,主要是作为一种抵制对黑人青年及其文化作品的霸权观念的手段。运用文化研究的理论方法,这项民族志研究考察了Hyphy前后的文学和媒体报道,强调了它促进个人和政治议程的方式,吸引了利用嘻哈为青年提供直接服务的组织,作为倡导社会正义的一种手段。本文认为,Hyphy运动虽然过时,但在2009年奥斯卡·格兰特三世(Oscar Grant III)被不公正谋杀这一关键社会动荡期间,在改变年轻人的革命意识方面发挥了关键作用,为湾区“黑人的命也是命”(Black Lives Matter)运动奠定了基础。
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Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.27
B. Ugorji
The agitation of the Black Lives Matter movement has dominated the public discourse in the United States. Mobilized against the killing of unarmed black people, the movement and their sympathizers have made a series of demands for justice and dignity for the black people. However, many critics have raised concern over the legitimacy of the phrase, black lives matter since all lives irrespective of race, should matter. This article does not intend to pursue the ongoing debate over the semantic use of black lives or all lives. Instead, the paper seeks to study, through the lenses of the African American critical theories (Tyson, 2015) and other relevant social conflict theories, the often neglected but important shift that has occurred in race relations in America, a shift from overt structural racism to its covert form - encrypted racism. It is the contention of this article that just as the Civil Rights Movement was instrumental in ending overt structural racism, open discrimination and segregation, the Black Lives Matter movement has been bravely instrumental in decrypting encrypted racism in the United States.
{"title":"Black Lives Matter: Decrypting Encrypted Racism","authors":"B. Ugorji","doi":"10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.27","url":null,"abstract":"The agitation of the Black Lives Matter movement has dominated the public discourse in the United States. Mobilized against the killing of unarmed black people, the movement and their sympathizers have made a series of demands for justice and dignity for the black people. However, many critics have raised concern over the legitimacy of the phrase, black lives matter since all lives irrespective of race, should matter. This article does not intend to pursue the ongoing debate over the semantic use of black lives or all lives. Instead, the paper seeks to study, through the lenses of the African American critical theories (Tyson, 2015) and other relevant social conflict theories, the often neglected but important shift that has occurred in race relations in America, a shift from overt structural racism to its covert form - encrypted racism. It is the contention of this article that just as the Civil Rights Movement was instrumental in ending overt structural racism, open discrimination and segregation, the Black Lives Matter movement has been bravely instrumental in decrypting encrypted racism in the United States.","PeriodicalId":93702,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in ethnic studies : the journal of the National Association of Interdisciplinary Ethnic Studies","volume":"20 3 1","pages":"27-43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77891372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.83
Paul C. Mocombe
Critical Race Theory (CRT) seeks to apply the negative dialectics of critical theory to the intersection of race, law, and power in the pursuit of racial and ethnic equality in Western society. That is to say, critical race theorists seek to convict Western society for not identifying with their values due to the prevalence of racial and ethnic oppression and subordination in the society. I argue here that this pursuit of racial emancipation and anti-subordination through the negative dialectics of critical theory by critical race theorists offers a false sense of racial difference which is convicting the values of the West for an alternative ontology and epistemology upon which to re-constitute its ideals in particular and society in general. I conclude that the postmodern/poststructural emphasis on the politics of the racial and ethnic physical bodies as offering an ontological and epistemological difference from the episteme of the West is baseless. The tenets of critical race theory are a reflection or inversion of the values and ideals of the West against themselves for their non-identification, and do not offer an oppositional alternative discourse from which to replace Western ontology and epistemology for its oppression and subordination against humanity and the earth. As such, I conclude that critical race theory is a conservative discourse that offers no real substantive solution to the crisis facing humanity and the earth in the face of the Protestant Ethic and spirit of capitalism9s exploitation and oppression. In fact, I want to go so far as to suggest that CRT prevents social change amidst the social and ecological devastation Western episteme has unleashed unto the world.
{"title":"Against Critical Race Theory","authors":"Paul C. Mocombe","doi":"10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.83","url":null,"abstract":"Critical Race Theory (CRT) seeks to apply the negative dialectics of critical theory to the intersection of race, law, and power in the pursuit of racial and ethnic equality in Western society. That is to say, critical race theorists seek to convict Western society for not identifying with their values due to the prevalence of racial and ethnic oppression and subordination in the society. I argue here that this pursuit of racial emancipation and anti-subordination through the negative dialectics of critical theory by critical race theorists offers a false sense of racial difference which is convicting the values of the West for an alternative ontology and epistemology upon which to re-constitute its ideals in particular and society in general. I conclude that the postmodern/poststructural emphasis on the politics of the racial and ethnic physical bodies as offering an ontological and epistemological difference from the episteme of the West is baseless. The tenets of critical race theory are a reflection or inversion of the values and ideals of the West against themselves for their non-identification, and do not offer an oppositional alternative discourse from which to replace Western ontology and epistemology for its oppression and subordination against humanity and the earth. As such, I conclude that critical race theory is a conservative discourse that offers no real substantive solution to the crisis facing humanity and the earth in the face of the Protestant Ethic and spirit of capitalism9s exploitation and oppression. In fact, I want to go so far as to suggest that CRT prevents social change amidst the social and ecological devastation Western episteme has unleashed unto the world.","PeriodicalId":93702,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in ethnic studies : the journal of the National Association of Interdisciplinary Ethnic Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":"83-106"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81102862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.107
James A. Curiel
The first Hollywood blockbuster, The Birth of a Nation, did more than establish cinematic conventions of camera techniques and movie distribution, for it also established a conventional storyline whereby white, patriarchal power is re-established through violence led by a white savior. This storyline can be traced throughout the history of major blockbusters such as Gone with the Wind of 1939, the cavalry trilogy by John Ford in the 1940s, The Omega Man from 1971, and The Outlaw Josie Wales from 1976. A quandary thus arises as to why The Birth of a Nation is held in such infamy and disdain when subsequent films that employ the same storyline are held in such high regard? I pose one explanation of this double standard in judgment as being caused by what I call “social distance by layering.” The larger issue is this storyline normalizes white male gun violence against blacks, liberals, and feminists.
第一部好莱坞大片《一个国家的诞生》(The Birth of a Nation)不仅建立了摄影技术和电影发行的电影惯例,还建立了一个传统的故事情节,在这个故事中,白人的父权权力通过白人救世主领导的暴力重新建立起来。这一情节贯穿了《1939年的乱世佳人》、20世纪40年代约翰·福特的骑兵三部曲、1971年的《欧米伽人》、1976年的《亡命徒乔西·威尔士》等大片的历史。这就产生了一个困惑:为什么《一个国家的诞生》受到如此的诋毁和鄙视,而随后采用同样故事情节的电影却受到如此高的评价?我对这种判断上的双重标准提出了一种解释,我称之为“分层造成的社会距离”。更大的问题是,这个故事情节使白人男性对黑人、自由主义者和女权主义者的枪支暴力正常化。
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Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.151
Ron Scapp
The killing of Trayvon Martin along with the trial and acquittal of George Zimmerman provoked many discussions and debates: some touching upon painful issues, others just rather painful to listen to or read. What struck me most however were the conversations and opinions about what the killing, trial, and subsequent acquittal meant for our nation. What we came to learn is that the killing, trial and acquittal mean different things to different people. That fact should neither surprise us nor make us hesitant to examine, still further, the complex nature of the Trayvon Martin killing, its aftermath, and the history of our nation.
{"title":"Being in One’s Place: Race, Ontology and the Killing of Trayvon Martin","authors":"Ron Scapp","doi":"10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/ESR.2017.37_38.1.151","url":null,"abstract":"The killing of Trayvon Martin along with the trial and acquittal of George Zimmerman provoked many discussions and debates: some touching upon painful issues, others just rather painful to listen to or read. What struck me most however were the conversations and opinions about what the killing, trial, and subsequent acquittal meant for our nation. What we came to learn is that the killing, trial and acquittal mean different things to different people. That fact should neither surprise us nor make us hesitant to examine, still further, the complex nature of the Trayvon Martin killing, its aftermath, and the history of our nation.","PeriodicalId":93702,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in ethnic studies : the journal of the National Association of Interdisciplinary Ethnic Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"151-153"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88104385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1525/esr.2017.37_38.1.63
S. Loken
This paper discusses the Black Lives Matter movement, it9s brief history and relevance, and the problem with the response of All Lives Matter and how it is misleading. It discusses incidents leading up to the initial Social Media hashtag and how the statement took off as a rallying cry in response to any incident which seemed to be racially motivated, especially in situations where police officers were involved resulting in the death of African American citizens. This article examines how the organization was first developed in response to the killing of Trayvon Martin by George Zimmerman and his acquittal of murder charges in the resulting court case in 2013. Additionally, I discuss the media and conservative backlash in response to the group9s activities, and examine the criticisms of their actions, even trying to claim the Black Lives Matter organization itself should be considered a hate group. My paper comes from the perspective of a white male disgusted with modern racism having been a lifelong student of the Civil Rights and Black Liberation Movements while growing up in the diverse and politically charged atmosphere of Berkeley, CA and its surrounding Bay Area. Having been influenced and inspired by the powerful and socially conscious lyrics of Hip Hop of the late 80s through the 90s, I bring a unique voice to the conversation of current race relations.
{"title":"The Black Lives Matter Movement and Why the Response of All Lives Matter is Misleading","authors":"S. Loken","doi":"10.1525/esr.2017.37_38.1.63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/esr.2017.37_38.1.63","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the Black Lives Matter movement, it9s brief history and relevance, and the problem with the response of All Lives Matter and how it is misleading. It discusses incidents leading up to the initial Social Media hashtag and how the statement took off as a rallying cry in response to any incident which seemed to be racially motivated, especially in situations where police officers were involved resulting in the death of African American citizens. This article examines how the organization was first developed in response to the killing of Trayvon Martin by George Zimmerman and his acquittal of murder charges in the resulting court case in 2013. Additionally, I discuss the media and conservative backlash in response to the group9s activities, and examine the criticisms of their actions, even trying to claim the Black Lives Matter organization itself should be considered a hate group. My paper comes from the perspective of a white male disgusted with modern racism having been a lifelong student of the Civil Rights and Black Liberation Movements while growing up in the diverse and politically charged atmosphere of Berkeley, CA and its surrounding Bay Area. Having been influenced and inspired by the powerful and socially conscious lyrics of Hip Hop of the late 80s through the 90s, I bring a unique voice to the conversation of current race relations.","PeriodicalId":93702,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in ethnic studies : the journal of the National Association of Interdisciplinary Ethnic Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"63-81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84201496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1525/esr.2013.36.1.149
Tony Lee
The participatory democracy strategy of organization used by Ella Baker was greatly productive in grassroots activism, and has the potential to strengthen the political struggles of the present to the height of the movements in times past. Ella Baker was a prominent figure in the black freedom struggle. She was active in fighting for equal rights for Afrikans in America for over five decades. Her approach was characterized by an ability to mobilize and influence youth to action. In this work, there will be an analytical examination of how this methodology is equipped to stand the tests of time through what will be called The Fundi Effect. The Fundi Effect is a method of activism that is capable of being applied inter-generationally, and has the ability to address the reactionary manner with which injustice is dealt in attempts at social movements at present.
{"title":"The Fundi Effect: Activism through Empowerment","authors":"Tony Lee","doi":"10.1525/esr.2013.36.1.149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/esr.2013.36.1.149","url":null,"abstract":"The participatory democracy strategy of organization used by Ella Baker was greatly productive in grassroots activism, and has the potential to strengthen the political struggles of the present to the height of the movements in times past. Ella Baker was a prominent figure in the black freedom struggle. She was active in fighting for equal rights for Afrikans in America for over five decades. Her approach was characterized by an ability to mobilize and influence youth to action. In this work, there will be an analytical examination of how this methodology is equipped to stand the tests of time through what will be called The Fundi Effect. The Fundi Effect is a method of activism that is capable of being applied inter-generationally, and has the ability to address the reactionary manner with which injustice is dealt in attempts at social movements at present.","PeriodicalId":93702,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in ethnic studies : the journal of the National Association of Interdisciplinary Ethnic Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":"149-157"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87657440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1525/ESR.2013.36.1.105
J. Momodu, G. I. Matudi, Abiodun L. Momodu
Nigeria is a multi-cultural society with over 250 ethnic groups as well as three major religious groups namely Christianity, Islam and Afri can Traditional Religion (ATR) . With an estimated population of about 200 million people, "the Hausa-Fulani, the Yoruba and the Igbo account for almost half of Nigeria' s population, and many smaller groups tend to cluster around these three, creating a tri-polar ethnic structure around which competition strategies intensify" (CRISE Working Paper 44, March 2007) . The Human Rights Watch report also observes that, "the country is divided along religious lines, with the boundaries between Muslim and Christian often overlapping with some of the most important ethnic and cultural divides" (Human Rights Watch, 2006). The cultural diversity of the Nigerian state naturally creates a plat form for competitive struggles between and among the existing interest groups. For instance, since the return to democratic governance on May 29, 1 999, the country has witnessed very violent and turbulent ethnic and religiously induced conflicts, some of which have seriously shaken its political, economic and social foundations to the extent that the country ' s 'hard earned ' Fourth Republic has been o n the brink of collapse. This ominous trajectory currently facing the Nigerian state has made Profes sor Isaac Olawale Albert argue that:
{"title":"Exploring the Dynamics of Identity Based Conflict and the Possibility for its Sustainable Management: A Study of the Persistent Ethno-Religious Conflict in Wukari Area of Taraba State, Nigeria","authors":"J. Momodu, G. I. Matudi, Abiodun L. Momodu","doi":"10.1525/ESR.2013.36.1.105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/ESR.2013.36.1.105","url":null,"abstract":"Nigeria is a multi-cultural society with over 250 ethnic groups as well as three major religious groups namely Christianity, Islam and Afri can Traditional Religion (ATR) . With an estimated population of about 200 million people, \"the Hausa-Fulani, the Yoruba and the Igbo account for almost half of Nigeria' s population, and many smaller groups tend to cluster around these three, creating a tri-polar ethnic structure around which competition strategies intensify\" (CRISE Working Paper 44, March 2007) . The Human Rights Watch report also observes that, \"the country is divided along religious lines, with the boundaries between Muslim and Christian often overlapping with some of the most important ethnic and cultural divides\" (Human Rights Watch, 2006). The cultural diversity of the Nigerian state naturally creates a plat form for competitive struggles between and among the existing interest groups. For instance, since the return to democratic governance on May 29, 1 999, the country has witnessed very violent and turbulent ethnic and religiously induced conflicts, some of which have seriously shaken its political, economic and social foundations to the extent that the country ' s 'hard earned ' Fourth Republic has been o n the brink of collapse. This ominous trajectory currently facing the Nigerian state has made Profes sor Isaac Olawale Albert argue that:","PeriodicalId":93702,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in ethnic studies : the journal of the National Association of Interdisciplinary Ethnic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"105-125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75828936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.1525/ESR.2013.36.1.127
Ananda Bhattacharyya
The year 1799 A.D. is marked in the annals of Midnapore as the year of the great Chuar Rebellion when all the Adivasis, Sirdars and paiks broke out in a rebellion. They wanted the restoration of their Jagir lands which the British had forcibly resumed earlier. It was a formidable resistance of the Adivasis against the colonial regime. The lawless tribes of the jungle mehal made common cause with the paiks and peasants and carried slaughter and flame to the very doors of the Magistrate9s cutcherry. The plundered booty on some occasions was distributed among the ryots. The threat to burn the town and to plunder revenue was no doubt a form of anti-colonial resistance against the East India Company.
{"title":"Tribal-led People's Resistance in Transition: 1765-1800","authors":"Ananda Bhattacharyya","doi":"10.1525/ESR.2013.36.1.127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/ESR.2013.36.1.127","url":null,"abstract":"The year 1799 A.D. is marked in the annals of Midnapore as the year of the great Chuar Rebellion when all the Adivasis, Sirdars and paiks broke out in a rebellion. They wanted the restoration of their Jagir lands which the British had forcibly resumed earlier. It was a formidable resistance of the Adivasis against the colonial regime. The lawless tribes of the jungle mehal made common cause with the paiks and peasants and carried slaughter and flame to the very doors of the Magistrate9s cutcherry. The plundered booty on some occasions was distributed among the ryots. The threat to burn the town and to plunder revenue was no doubt a form of anti-colonial resistance against the East India Company.","PeriodicalId":93702,"journal":{"name":"Explorations in ethnic studies : the journal of the National Association of Interdisciplinary Ethnic Studies","volume":"101 1","pages":"127-138"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85971200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}