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Black Lives Matter 黑人的命很重要
Bahar Davary
This short story begins with a reference to the tragic killing of Trayvon Martin and the acquittal of his killer as part of a pattern of behavior that shouts loud and clear: “black lives don9t matter”. The story traces the injustices of slavery and life and work on the plantations. It takes us from Jim Crow laws in the U.S. to the stifling of the national movement of the Congolese, from assassination of Patrice Lumumba, to the killings of Martin Luther King and Malcolm X. In short, the story is a reflection on the responsibility of educators in addressing the topic that Du Bois called “the problem of the century” over a hundred years ago. It points to the importance of discussing it in various disciplinary and interdisciplinary fields including religious studies, sociology, history, ethnic studies, political science, psychology, linguistics, etc
这个短篇故事一开始就提到了特雷沃恩·马丁(Trayvon Martin)的悲惨遇害和凶手的无罪释放,这是一种行为模式的一部分,它大声而清晰地呼喊着:“黑人的生命不重要”。这个故事追溯了奴隶制和种植园生活和工作的不公正。它带我们从美国的吉姆·克劳法到刚果民族运动的窒息,从帕特里斯·卢蒙巴遇刺,到马丁·路德·金和马尔科姆·x被杀,总之,这个故事反映了教育工作者在解决100多年前杜波依斯称之为“世纪问题”的问题方面的责任。它指出了在各个学科和跨学科领域讨论它的重要性,包括宗教研究、社会学、历史学、民族研究、政治学、心理学、语言学等
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引用次数: 0
Hyphy Sparked a Social Movement Hyphy引发了一场社会运动
A. Moore
“Hyphy,” a genre of rap and lifestyle associated with Bay Area hip hop evolved into a counter-cultural social movement for marginalized youth in early 2000. Hyphy originated from Black youth as a musical protest in response to their historical lack of social power, economic resources and systematic institutional oppression. Hyphy provided a space to release tension, celebrate life and freedom of expression, primarily as a means of resisting hegemonic perceptions of Black youth and their cultural productions. Applying a cultural studies theoretical approach, this ethnographic research examines literature and media coverage pre and post Hyphy highlighting the ways in which it fostered a personal and political agenda, attracting organizations that employed hip hop to provide direct services to youth as a means of advocating for social justice. This article argues that the Hyphy Movement although dated, supported the foundation of the Black Lives Matter movement in the Bay Area by playing a pivotal role in shifting the revolutionary consciousness of young people when addressing police violence during a pivotal social upheaval in 2009, the unjust murder of Oscar Grant III.
“Hyphy”是一种与湾区嘻哈有关的说唱和生活方式,在2000年初演变成一种针对边缘青年的反文化社会运动。Hyphy起源于黑人青年,作为对他们历史上缺乏社会权力,经济资源和系统制度压迫的音乐抗议。Hyphy提供了一个释放紧张、庆祝生活和言论自由的空间,主要是作为一种抵制对黑人青年及其文化作品的霸权观念的手段。运用文化研究的理论方法,这项民族志研究考察了Hyphy前后的文学和媒体报道,强调了它促进个人和政治议程的方式,吸引了利用嘻哈为青年提供直接服务的组织,作为倡导社会正义的一种手段。本文认为,Hyphy运动虽然过时,但在2009年奥斯卡·格兰特三世(Oscar Grant III)被不公正谋杀这一关键社会动荡期间,在改变年轻人的革命意识方面发挥了关键作用,为湾区“黑人的命也是命”(Black Lives Matter)运动奠定了基础。
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引用次数: 1
Black Lives Matter: Decrypting Encrypted Racism 《黑人的命也重要:解密加密的种族主义
B. Ugorji
The agitation of the Black Lives Matter movement has dominated the public discourse in the United States. Mobilized against the killing of unarmed black people, the movement and their sympathizers have made a series of demands for justice and dignity for the black people. However, many critics have raised concern over the legitimacy of the phrase, black lives matter since all lives irrespective of race, should matter. This article does not intend to pursue the ongoing debate over the semantic use of black lives or all lives. Instead, the paper seeks to study, through the lenses of the African American critical theories (Tyson, 2015) and other relevant social conflict theories, the often neglected but important shift that has occurred in race relations in America, a shift from overt structural racism to its covert form - encrypted racism. It is the contention of this article that just as the Civil Rights Movement was instrumental in ending overt structural racism, open discrimination and segregation, the Black Lives Matter movement has been bravely instrumental in decrypting encrypted racism in the United States.
“黑人的命也是命”运动的激荡在美国的公共话语中占据主导地位。为了反对杀害手无寸铁的黑人,该运动及其同情者提出了一系列要求,要求为黑人争取正义和尊严。但是,很多人对“黑人的生命很重要”这句话的正当性提出了质疑,因为所有人的生命都应该与种族无关。本文不打算继续讨论关于black lives或all lives语义用法的持续争论。相反,本文试图通过非裔美国人批判理论(Tyson, 2015)和其他相关社会冲突理论的视角,研究美国种族关系中经常被忽视但重要的转变,即从公开的结构性种族主义向其隐蔽形式——加密种族主义的转变。本文的论点是,正如民权运动在结束公开的结构性种族主义、公开的歧视和种族隔离方面发挥了重要作用一样,“黑人的命也是命”运动在破解美国的隐性种族主义方面也发挥了勇敢的作用。
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引用次数: 3
Against Critical Race Theory 反对批判种族理论
Paul C. Mocombe
Critical Race Theory (CRT) seeks to apply the negative dialectics of critical theory to the intersection of race, law, and power in the pursuit of racial and ethnic equality in Western society. That is to say, critical race theorists seek to convict Western society for not identifying with their values due to the prevalence of racial and ethnic oppression and subordination in the society. I argue here that this pursuit of racial emancipation and anti-subordination through the negative dialectics of critical theory by critical race theorists offers a false sense of racial difference which is convicting the values of the West for an alternative ontology and epistemology upon which to re-constitute its ideals in particular and society in general. I conclude that the postmodern/poststructural emphasis on the politics of the racial and ethnic physical bodies as offering an ontological and epistemological difference from the episteme of the West is baseless. The tenets of critical race theory are a reflection or inversion of the values and ideals of the West against themselves for their non-identification, and do not offer an oppositional alternative discourse from which to replace Western ontology and epistemology for its oppression and subordination against humanity and the earth. As such, I conclude that critical race theory is a conservative discourse that offers no real substantive solution to the crisis facing humanity and the earth in the face of the Protestant Ethic and spirit of capitalism9s exploitation and oppression. In fact, I want to go so far as to suggest that CRT prevents social change amidst the social and ecological devastation Western episteme has unleashed unto the world.
批判种族理论(CRT)试图将批判理论的否定辩证法运用到西方社会追求种族和民族平等的种族、法律和权力的交叉点上。也就是说,批判种族理论家试图指责西方社会由于种族和民族压迫和社会从属的盛行而不认同他们的价值观。我在这里认为,这种通过批判种族理论家批判理论的否定辩证法来追求种族解放和反从属的做法,提供了一种错误的种族差异意识,这种意识使西方的价值观被定罪为另一种本体论和认识论,在这种认识论的基础上,重新构建其理想,特别是社会。我的结论是,后现代/后结构强调种族和民族身体的政治,认为它提供了与西方认识论不同的本体论和认识论,这是毫无根据的。批判种族理论的原则是西方价值观和理想的反映或反转,因为他们不认同自己,并没有提供一个对立的替代话语来取代西方的本体论和认识论,因为它对人类和地球的压迫和从属。因此,我的结论是,批判种族理论是一种保守的话语,面对新教伦理和资本主义剥削和压迫的精神,它没有为人类和地球面临的危机提供真正实质性的解决方案。事实上,我想说的是,在西方知识给世界带来的社会和生态破坏中,CRT阻止了社会变革。
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引用次数: 5
The Birth of a Cinematic Storyline Normalizing Violence against Black Lives 将针对黑人的暴力正常化的电影故事线的诞生
James A. Curiel
The first Hollywood blockbuster, The Birth of a Nation, did more than establish cinematic conventions of camera techniques and movie distribution, for it also established a conventional storyline whereby white, patriarchal power is re-established through violence led by a white savior. This storyline can be traced throughout the history of major blockbusters such as Gone with the Wind of 1939, the cavalry trilogy by John Ford in the 1940s, The Omega Man from 1971, and The Outlaw Josie Wales from 1976. A quandary thus arises as to why The Birth of a Nation is held in such infamy and disdain when subsequent films that employ the same storyline are held in such high regard? I pose one explanation of this double standard in judgment as being caused by what I call “social distance by layering.” The larger issue is this storyline normalizes white male gun violence against blacks, liberals, and feminists.
第一部好莱坞大片《一个国家的诞生》(The Birth of a Nation)不仅建立了摄影技术和电影发行的电影惯例,还建立了一个传统的故事情节,在这个故事中,白人的父权权力通过白人救世主领导的暴力重新建立起来。这一情节贯穿了《1939年的乱世佳人》、20世纪40年代约翰·福特的骑兵三部曲、1971年的《欧米伽人》、1976年的《亡命徒乔西·威尔士》等大片的历史。这就产生了一个困惑:为什么《一个国家的诞生》受到如此的诋毁和鄙视,而随后采用同样故事情节的电影却受到如此高的评价?我对这种判断上的双重标准提出了一种解释,我称之为“分层造成的社会距离”。更大的问题是,这个故事情节使白人男性对黑人、自由主义者和女权主义者的枪支暴力正常化。
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引用次数: 0
Being in One’s Place: Race, Ontology and the Killing of Trayvon Martin 站在自己的位置上:种族、本体论与特雷沃恩·马丁之死
Ron Scapp
The killing of Trayvon Martin along with the trial and acquittal of George Zimmerman provoked many discussions and debates: some touching upon painful issues, others just rather painful to listen to or read. What struck me most however were the conversations and opinions about what the killing, trial, and subsequent acquittal meant for our nation. What we came to learn is that the killing, trial and acquittal mean different things to different people. That fact should neither surprise us nor make us hesitant to examine, still further, the complex nature of the Trayvon Martin killing, its aftermath, and the history of our nation.
特雷沃恩·马丁被杀以及乔治·齐默尔曼的审判和无罪释放引发了许多讨论和辩论:有些触及了痛苦的问题,有些只是听起来或读起来相当痛苦。然而,最让我印象深刻的是关于杀戮、审判和随后的无罪释放对我们国家意味着什么的对话和观点。我们了解到的是,杀戮、审判和无罪释放对不同的人有不同的含义。这一事实既不应该让我们感到惊讶,也不应该让我们在进一步审视特雷沃恩·马丁(Trayvon Martin)谋杀案的复杂性质、其后果以及我们国家的历史时犹豫不决。
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引用次数: 0
The Black Lives Matter Movement and Why the Response of All Lives Matter is Misleading 黑人的生命也重要运动和为什么所有生命都重要的回应是误导
S. Loken
This paper discusses the Black Lives Matter movement, it9s brief history and relevance, and the problem with the response of All Lives Matter and how it is misleading. It discusses incidents leading up to the initial Social Media hashtag and how the statement took off as a rallying cry in response to any incident which seemed to be racially motivated, especially in situations where police officers were involved resulting in the death of African American citizens. This article examines how the organization was first developed in response to the killing of Trayvon Martin by George Zimmerman and his acquittal of murder charges in the resulting court case in 2013. Additionally, I discuss the media and conservative backlash in response to the group9s activities, and examine the criticisms of their actions, even trying to claim the Black Lives Matter organization itself should be considered a hate group. My paper comes from the perspective of a white male disgusted with modern racism having been a lifelong student of the Civil Rights and Black Liberation Movements while growing up in the diverse and politically charged atmosphere of Berkeley, CA and its surrounding Bay Area. Having been influenced and inspired by the powerful and socially conscious lyrics of Hip Hop of the late 80s through the 90s, I bring a unique voice to the conversation of current race relations.
本文讨论了黑人的生命也是运动,它的简史和相关性,以及所有生命都很重要的反应问题,以及它是如何误导的。它讨论了导致最初社交媒体标签的事件,以及该声明如何成为应对任何似乎出于种族动机的事件的战斗口号,特别是在警察参与导致非洲裔美国公民死亡的情况下。本文探讨了该组织最初是如何在2013年乔治·齐默尔曼(George Zimmerman)杀害特雷沃恩·马丁(Trayvon Martin)并在随后的法庭案件中无罪释放谋杀罪指控后发展起来的。此外,我还讨论了媒体和保守派对这些团体活动的反应,并审视了对他们行为的批评,甚至试图声称“黑人的命也是命”组织本身应该被视为一个仇恨团体。我的论文是从一个厌恶现代种族主义的白人男性的角度出发的,他一生都在研究民权运动和黑人解放运动,他在加州伯克利及其周边海湾地区的多样化和充满政治色彩的氛围中长大。受到80年代末到90年代嘻哈音乐中强大而具有社会意识的歌词的影响和启发,我为当前种族关系的对话带来了独特的声音。
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引用次数: 0
The Fundi Effect: Activism through Empowerment 基金效应:通过授权的行动主义
Tony Lee
The participatory democracy strategy of organization used by Ella Baker was greatly productive in grassroots activism, and has the potential to strengthen the political struggles of the present to the height of the movements in times past. Ella Baker was a prominent figure in the black freedom struggle. She was active in fighting for equal rights for Afrikans in America for over five decades. Her approach was characterized by an ability to mobilize and influence youth to action. In this work, there will be an analytical examination of how this methodology is equipped to stand the tests of time through what will be called The Fundi Effect. The Fundi Effect is a method of activism that is capable of being applied inter-generationally, and has the ability to address the reactionary manner with which injustice is dealt in attempts at social movements at present.
埃拉·贝克(Ella Baker)所采用的参与式民主组织策略在基层行动主义中卓有成效,并有可能将当前的政治斗争加强到过去运动的高度。埃拉·贝克是黑人自由斗争中的杰出人物。50多年来,她一直积极为在美国的非洲人争取平等权利。她的做法的特点是能够动员和影响青年采取行动。在这项工作中,将通过所谓的方迪效应,对这种方法如何经受住时间的考验进行分析检验。Fundi效应是一种能够在代际间应用的行动主义方法,并且有能力解决目前在社会运动中处理不公正的反动方式。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the Dynamics of Identity Based Conflict and the Possibility for its Sustainable Management: A Study of the Persistent Ethno-Religious Conflict in Wukari Area of Taraba State, Nigeria 身份冲突的动态及其可持续管理的可能性探讨——以尼日利亚塔拉巴州乌卡里地区持续的民族-宗教冲突为例
J. Momodu, G. I. Matudi, Abiodun L. Momodu
Nigeria is a multi-cultural society with over 250 ethnic groups as well as three major religious groups namely Christianity, Islam and Afri­ can Traditional Religion (ATR) . With an estimated population of about 200 million people, "the Hausa-Fulani, the Yoruba and the Igbo account for almost half of Nigeria' s population, and many smaller groups tend to cluster around these three, creating a tri-polar ethnic structure around which competition strategies intensify" (CRISE Working Paper 44, March 2007) . The Human Rights Watch report also observes that, "the country is divided along religious lines, with the boundaries between Muslim and Christian often overlapping with some of the most important ethnic and cultural divides" (Human Rights Watch, 2006). The cultural diversity of the Nigerian state naturally creates a plat­ form for competitive struggles between and among the existing interest groups. For instance, since the return to democratic governance on May 29, 1 999, the country has witnessed very violent and turbulent ethnic and religiously induced conflicts, some of which have seriously shaken its political, economic and social foundations to the extent that the country ' s 'hard earned ' Fourth Republic has been o n the brink of collapse. This ominous trajectory currently facing the Nigerian state has made Profes­ sor Isaac Olawale Albert argue that:
尼日利亚是一个多元文化社会,有250多个民族和三大宗教团体,即基督教、伊斯兰教和非洲传统宗教(ATR)。据估计,尼日利亚人口约为2亿,“豪萨-富拉尼人、约鲁巴人和伊博人几乎占尼日利亚人口的一半,许多较小的群体倾向于聚集在这三个群体周围,形成了一个三极的种族结构,围绕这一结构,竞争战略加剧”(危机工作文件44,2007年3月)。人权观察的报告还指出,“这个国家沿着宗教界线分裂,穆斯林和基督徒之间的界限经常与一些最重要的种族和文化分歧重叠”(人权观察,2006年)。尼日利亚国家的文化多样性自然为现有利益集团之间的竞争斗争创造了一个平台。例如,自1999年5月29日回归民主治理以来,该国目睹了非常暴力和动荡的种族和宗教冲突,其中一些冲突严重动摇了其政治,经济和社会基础,以至于该国“来之不易的”第四共和国已经处于崩溃的边缘。尼日利亚政府目前面临的这种不祥的轨迹使得艾萨克·奥拉瓦莱·阿尔伯特教授认为:
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引用次数: 0
Tribal-led People's Resistance in Transition: 1765-1800 过渡时期部落领导的人民抵抗:1765-1800
Ananda Bhattacharyya
The year 1799 A.D. is marked in the annals of Midnapore as the year of the great Chuar Rebellion when all the Adivasis, Sirdars and paiks broke out in a rebellion. They wanted the restoration of their Jagir lands which the British had forcibly resumed earlier. It was a formidable resistance of the Adivasis against the colonial regime. The lawless tribes of the jungle mehal made common cause with the paiks and peasants and carried slaughter and flame to the very doors of the Magistrate9s cutcherry. The plundered booty on some occasions was distributed among the ryots. The threat to burn the town and to plunder revenue was no doubt a form of anti-colonial resistance against the East India Company.
公元1799年在Midnapore的编年史上被标记为伟大的Chuar叛乱之年,当时所有的adiasis, sidars和paiks都爆发了叛乱。他们希望恢复英国早先强行收回的Jagir土地。这是阿迪瓦西人对殖民政权的一次强大抵抗。丛林中无法无天的部落与印第安人和农民联合起来,把屠杀和火焰带到地方行政官的墓室门口。在某些情况下,掠夺来的战利品会分给土匪。焚烧城镇和掠夺税收的威胁无疑是对东印度公司的一种反殖民抵抗。
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引用次数: 1
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Explorations in ethnic studies : the journal of the National Association of Interdisciplinary Ethnic Studies
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