Estudios Políticos最新文献

The transition process that led the PartidoRevolucionarioInstitucional (pri) to lose its hegemonic position in the Mexican political system was plenty of nuances and its development followed a diffuse and unequal dynamic all along the country. This paper focuses in finding the first time that alternation happened in subnational governments and its relation with the loss of pri's majorities in local parliaments. Finally the author points at these events as remarkable symptoms of political change and democratization in México.

This paper analyses the relationship that might exist between the electoral abstentionism and the religious affiliation. To achieve this purpose it is valued in a home, the complexity of the electoral abstentionism and how it may be found in the religious affiliation a factor that explains this political behaviour. In the Medullary portion is assesses macro at the subnational level between Catholicism and Protestantism. Then contrasts, in a micro study, electoral abstentionism in municipalities of the South of the country to the historical Protestants with Jehovah's witnesses.

This paper addresses the results of morena (Movimiento Regeneración Nacional) in most federal districts, grouped by states, data from the 2015 midterm elections. The information is grouped into categories and dimensions for classifying the party size and type of participation. In researching the Effective Number of Parties (nep) is measured and the calculation of Compound Competitiveness Index (icc) and the Coefficient of Electoral Performance (cde) to measure both the election as a whole success of the game is performed with respect its share of the vote. Both measures help locate performance in different areas of competence.

The present article sets out the assumptions made by Arendt about the alienation that characterizes the modern world. The premises of the historiography of science that operated in the mid-twentieth century in the United States provided her the possibility of proposing conclusions about the conditions of the political during the Cold War that have been important for Western culture.

The present article brings together some notes that can be established for a dialogue between politics and psychoanalysis, with the purpose of advancing the thematic related to the processes of constitution of political identities. This is based on Ernesto Laclau's proposal to think of the social order under a constitutive indetermination that produces important consequences in contemporary social and political studies and represents a novel approach that manages to recover valuable elements of psychoanalysis and reintegrate them into an original perspective of analysis about the social notion.

In the present text, the author points out that in the search for that which completes us as beings and makes us happy, leads us to the understanding and realization of the critique of modernity in order to land it in a more complex aspect: The Good Living. A “live and let live”, were being clear that it is not necessary to dictate slogans to fit the forms of change that people in general practices seeking for their existence. In this way he seeks references to the idea of Good Living through the texts of three classical authors: Lao Tzu, Schopenhauer and Heidegger; references to understand in multiple ways its meaning, especially its wealth and its usefulness: a form of philosophy applied to life.

In the author's opinion, ontology, according to Giorgio Agamben, it has been the historical a priori of Homo sapiens, as it has opened the space of human life, from art to politics. However, this solidarity -the author continues- between ontology and politics has led contemporary political philosophy to a dead end. Therefore, proposes an analysis to show some of the difficulties that arise when both concepts are confused.

The present paper addresses the issue of civil society “irreducibility” to nihilism. This purpose, that it is also possible to find in Habermas’, Cohen's and Arato's particular version of post-Marxism, includes here an additional challenge: to incorporate a radical consciousness of this category potentialities to exclude and depoliticize and, yet, to maintain its emancipatory imprint. In the central section, the author exposes this post-Marxist perspective and the questioning of Hegelian-Marxist tradition. Finally, concludes by reviewing Alexander's and Koselleck's approaches, which contribute to think about irreducibility.

This article analyzes the position of media entrepreneurs in Mexico and their behavior in relation to constitutional reform in telecommunications (2013). The analysis focuses on explaining the position of these entrepreneurs, the Groups of Media Power, against this reform through its mechanisms of influence. The argument is this: the government's strategy of Enrique Peña Nieto, the alliance with the opposition by the “Pact for Mexico”, prevented these groups reject the reform. The lack of allies in the parties and the government is an essential part of this explanation.