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Does Right-Wing Violence Affect Public Support for Radical Right Parties? Evidence from Germany 右翼暴力会影响公众对极右翼政党的支持吗?来自德国的证据
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-10 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231169021
Werner Krause, Miku Matsunaga
This article examines whether citizens’ political preferences toward radical right parties (RRPs) change after right-wing extremist violent attacks. It investigates this question in two ways. First, it presents a time-series study on public support for the RRP Alternative for Germany (AfD) between 2013 and 2019. Second, the article employs a quasi-experimental research design to examine the effect of a right-wing terrorist attack on citizens’ attitudes toward immigrants. Both studies indicate that public support for the AfD and its programmatic core positions increased after right-wing extremist attacks. Subsequent analyses suggest that former voters of the mainstream right, in particular, drive this effect. These findings shed light on the determinants of radical right party support, contributing to the long-standing debate on the consequences of political violence.
本文考察了公民对极右翼政党的政治偏好在右翼极端主义暴力袭击后是否会发生变化。它从两个方面调查了这个问题。首先,它对2013年至2019年期间德国另类选择党(AfD)的公众支持率进行了时间序列研究。其次,本文采用准实验研究设计来考察右翼恐怖袭击对公民对移民态度的影响。两项研究都表明,在右翼极端分子发动袭击后,公众对德国新选择党及其纲领核心立场的支持有所增加。随后的分析表明,主流右翼的前选民尤其推动了这种效应。这些发现揭示了极右翼政党支持的决定因素,有助于长期以来关于政治暴力后果的辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Enumerator Experiences in Violent Research Environments 列举者在暴力研究环境中的经验
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231178735
Justine M. Davis, Martha Wilfahrt
Understanding political and social effects of violence in local populations through public opinion surveys has become increasingly common internationally. Yet while researchers are attuned to possible challenges induced during survey implementation, this work focuses almost uniformly on respondents. This paper considers survey enumerators as critical actors for data collection in violent research settings. We present survey results from 245 enumerators in Côte d’Ivoire to show that their personal feelings of insecurity and exposure to violence while conducting surveys may condition challenges faced and compromises made to gathering data. We shed light on how academic research in violent political settings poses unique security concerns for enumerators, with ramifications for data integrity.
通过民意调查了解暴力对当地人口的政治和社会影响在国际上越来越普遍。然而,尽管研究人员已经适应了调查实施过程中可能引发的挑战,但这项工作几乎一致地关注受访者。本文认为调查普查员是暴力研究环境中数据收集的关键参与者。我们提供了来自科特迪瓦245名人口普查员的调查结果,以表明他们在进行调查时的个人不安全感和暴力暴露可能会对收集数据所面临的挑战和妥协产生影响。我们揭示了暴力政治环境中的学术研究如何给人口普查员带来独特的安全问题,并对数据完整性产生影响。
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引用次数: 1
Violent Elections and Citizens’ Support for Democratic Constraints on the Executive: Evidence From Nigeria 暴力选举和公民支持民主对行政部门的制约:来自尼日利亚的证据
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-07 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231178730
Annekatrin Deglow, Hanne Fjelde
How do violent elections affect the willingness of citizens to defend democratic institutions? We argue that in the wake of violent elections, support for democratic constraints on the executive will diverge amongst ruling and opposition party supporters. To protect their position, ruling party supporters become more likely to endorse weakening constraints on executive power, even if it violates democratic principles. Opposition supporters, on the other hand, become more likely to reject democratic transgressions that de facto render them more vulnerable to political abuse. We examine these expectations using a vignette experiment embedded in a nationally representative 2019 post-election survey of 2400 Nigerians. Our findings suggest that incumbent supporters are overall more likely to endorse weaker constraints on the executive, but these attitudes are not reinforced by information about election violence. Opposition supporters, in contrast, become less likely to accept transgressions when informed about election violence.
暴力选举如何影响公民捍卫民主制度的意愿?我们认为,在暴力选举之后,执政党和反对党的支持者对行政部门民主约束的支持将出现分歧。为了保护自己的地位,执政党的支持者更有可能支持削弱对行政权力的限制,即使这违反了民主原则。另一方面,反对派支持者更有可能拒绝事实上使他们更容易受到政治虐待的民主违法行为。我们在2019年对2400名尼日利亚人进行的具有全国代表性的选举后调查中,使用了一个小插曲实验来检验这些期望。我们的调查结果表明,总体而言,现任支持者更有可能支持对行政部门的较弱约束,但有关选举暴力的信息并没有强化这些态度。相比之下,反对派支持者在得知选举暴力事件后,不太可能接受违规行为。
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引用次数: 0
Democratic Ceilings: The Long Shadow of Nationalist Polarization in East Asia 民主天花板:东亚民族主义两极分化的长期阴影
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-04 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231178724
Aram Hur, Andrew Yeo
East Asian democracies, long seen as the success stories of the Third Wave, have curiously co-existed with illiberal partisan competition. We argue that such patterns are symptoms of long-standing democratic stagnation, rather than democratic regress. We trace the entrenchment of illiberal competition to nationalist polarization in the early phase of democratization—a common phenomenon in Third Wave democracies where nation-building and democratization pressures coincided. Party polarization can take many forms, but when it centers on mutually exclusive nationalist visions from the outset, it redefines the end of democratic competition as state capture and justifies whatever means necessary, even those that violate democratic norms, to achieve it. Through a comparative analysis of Taiwan and South Korea, we show that when democratization tends to institutionalize, rather than alleviate, pre-existing nationalist conflicts, it can seed endemic barriers to the habituation of democratic norms, imposing a ceiling on democratic progress.
东亚民主国家长期以来被视为第三次浪潮的成功典范,但奇怪的是,它们却与不自由的党派竞争共存。我们认为,这种模式是民主长期停滞的症状,而不是民主倒退的症状。我们将非自由竞争的根深蒂固追溯到民主化早期阶段的民族主义两极分化——这是第三波民主国家的普遍现象,在那里国家建设和民主化压力同时发生。政党两极分化可以有多种形式,但当它从一开始就以相互排斥的民族主义愿景为中心时,它就把民主竞争的终点重新定义为国家控制,并为实现这一目标的任何必要手段辩护,即使是违反民主规范的手段。通过对台湾和韩国的比较分析,我们发现,当民主化倾向于制度化,而不是缓解先前存在的民族主义冲突时,它可能会为民主规范的习惯化埋下地方性障碍,给民主进步施加上限。
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引用次数: 0
The Political Effects of Witnessing State Atrocities: Evidence from the Nazi Death Marches 目睹国家暴行的政治影响——来自纳粹死亡游行的证据
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231178736
A. De Juan, Christian Gläßel, Felix Haass, Adam Scharpf
How does witnessing regime atrocities influence the political attitudes of bystanders? We argue that observing regime violence against innocent civilians triggers psychological dissonance between beliefs about the regime and the witnessed moral transgression. As a result, regime support should decrease among bystanders of state atrocities. We analyze original, highly disaggregated archival data from the Nazi death marches at the end of World War II, which confronted ordinary German citizens with the regime’s crimes. We find that locations with higher victim numbers had lower vote shares for right-wing nationalist parties after the war. Supporting our proposed mechanism, we show that (1) this effect was strongest when Nazi crimes were at the center of public discourse and (2) that witnessing Nazi atrocities was associated with individuals’ rejection of Hitler 20 years later. The findings have implications for understanding democratization prospects and people’s nostalgia for fallen autocrats.
目睹政权暴行如何影响旁观者的政治态度?我们认为,观察到政权对无辜平民的暴力行为会引发对政权的信仰与所目睹的道德违规之间的心理不和谐。因此,国家暴行的旁观者应该减少对政权的支持。我们分析了二战结束时纳粹死亡游行的原始、高度分类的档案数据,这些数据让普通德国公民面对纳粹政权的罪行。我们发现,战后,受害者人数较多的地区右翼民族主义政党的选票份额较低。支持我们提出的机制,我们表明:(1)当纳粹罪行成为公共话语的中心时,这种影响最强;(2)目睹纳粹暴行与20年后个人拒绝希特勒有关。这些发现对理解民主化前景和人们对逝去独裁者的怀念有着重要意义。
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引用次数: 3
Election Frequency and Voter Turnout 选举频率和选民投票率
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231169020
Filip Kostelka, Eva Krejčová, N. Sauger, Alexander Wuttke
In recent decades, liberal democracies have considerably expanded the scope for citizen participation, calling their citizens to vote in a growing number of popular votes. This research investigates the effects of the rising election frequency on electoral participation. It expands on the voting calculus and theorizes which, when, and how past votes affect current voter turnout. We argue that all election types contribute to a common factor of election frequency, whose high values depress turnout and reduce the effectiveness of party mobilization even in the most important elections. We find support for the new theory using an original database of all significant elections and referendums held in 22 European democracies between 1939 and 2019, two natural experiments, and survey data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. Our findings shed light on contemporary participation trends and have major implications for democratic citizenship and democratic institutional engineering.
近几十年来,自由民主国家大大扩大了公民参与的范围,呼吁公民在越来越多的民众投票中投票。本研究探讨选举频率上升对选举参与度的影响。它扩展了投票演算,并对过去的投票在何时以及如何影响当前选民投票率进行了理论化。我们认为,所有选举类型都有助于选举频率的一个共同因素,即使在最重要的选举中,其高值也会降低投票率,降低政党动员的有效性。我们使用1939年至2019年间22个欧洲民主国家举行的所有重要选举和公民投票的原始数据库、两个自然实验以及选举制度比较研究的调查数据,找到了对新理论的支持。我们的研究结果揭示了当代的参与趋势,并对民主公民身份和民主制度工程产生了重大影响。
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引用次数: 0
Corruption and Voter Turnout: Evidence From Second Generation Americans 腐败和选民投票率:来自第二代美国人的证据
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231169025
Joel W. Simmons
When studying corruption’s consequences for voter turnout, reverse causality hinders identification; corruption may affect turnout, but an engaged citizenry may also improve governance. However, because good instruments are hard to find, most studies do not adjust for the issue. Here, I surmount the endogeneity problem by predicting turnout among second generation Americans with the level of corruption in their ancestral country. The core intuition is that the best predictors of turnout—education, income, and civic duty—are endogenous to corruption, internationally mobile, and reproduced inter-generationally. Thus, corruption in one country can affect turnout among the American-born children of the country’s émigrés. However, because turnout in US elections does not affect corruption in the ancestral country, there is no threat of reverse causality. Estimating the model with data from the Current Population Survey and the Varieties of Democracy Project reveals a statistically robust, substantively sizable negative effect of corruption on turnout.
在研究腐败对投票率的影响时,反向因果关系阻碍了识别;腐败可能会影响投票率,但公民的参与也可能改善治理。然而,由于很难找到好的仪器,大多数研究都没有针对这个问题进行调整。在这里,我通过预测第二代美国人在其祖籍国家的腐败程度的投票率来克服内生性问题。核心直觉是,投票率的最佳预测指标——教育、收入和公民义务——是腐败的内生因素、国际流动性和代际再生性。因此,一个国家的腐败会影响到在美国出生的该国公民子女的投票率。然而,由于美国选举的投票率并不影响其祖先国家的腐败,因此不存在反向因果关系的威胁。用当前人口调查和民主多样性项目的数据对模型进行估计,发现腐败对投票率的负面影响在统计上是稳健的,实质上是相当大的。
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引用次数: 0
Numbers, Selectivity, and Rights: The Conditional Nature of Immigration Policy Preferences 数字、选择性和权利:移民政策偏好的条件性质
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231178737
M. Helbling, Rahsaan Maxwell, Richard Traunmüller
Immigration is an extremely divisive political issue in Western Europe and North America. We examine whether immigration policy preferences are more nuanced than commonly understood. Too often, analyses of immigration policy preferences only consider the number of people allowed into the country. Yet, immigration policy must also address which people are allowed into the country and what rights they can have. We present results from a series of original surveys conducted in Germany between April 2020 and August 2022. We find preferences about policies governing immigration flows are conditional on policies governing entrance criteria and rights eligibility. Respondents who oppose immigration in general are willing to compromise and allow more immigration if entrance criteria become more selective. Respondents who support immigration are willing to compromise and accept less immigration if rights become more generous. Our findings have implications for understanding divides over immigration as well as policy debates more generally.
在西欧和北美,移民是一个极易引起分歧的政治问题。我们研究移民政策偏好是否比人们普遍理解的更微妙。对移民政策偏好的分析往往只考虑允许入境的人数。然而,移民政策也必须解决哪些人被允许入境以及他们可以拥有什么权利。我们介绍了2020年4月至2022年8月在德国进行的一系列原始调查的结果。我们发现,对移民流动政策的偏好取决于入境标准和权利资格政策。如果入境标准变得更加挑剔,反对移民的受访者通常愿意妥协,允许更多的移民。如果权利变得更加慷慨,支持移民的受访者愿意妥协,接受更少的移民。我们的研究结果对理解移民问题上的分歧以及更广泛的政策辩论具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 1
Stronger Challengers can Cause More (or Less) Conflict and Institutional Reform 更强大的挑战者可能导致更多(或更少)冲突和制度改革
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231169031
Andrew T. Little, Jack Paine
Prominent theories propose that commitment problems drive phenomena such as war and democratization. However, existing work disagrees about a basic question: how does a challenger’s coercive strength affect prospects for conflict and/or institutional reform? We establish that the relationship depends on how challenger strength affects the average and maximum probability of winning a conflict in a given period (“threat”). We analyze a formal model with a general distribution of threats, and conceptualize challenger strength as affecting this distribution. If the maximum threat is fixed and stronger challengers pose a higher average threat, then weak challengers will rebel (absent reform) during the rare periods they pose a high threat. However, if stronger challengers pose a greater maximum threat, then they are harder to buy off. Applying these insights advances theoretical and empirical debates about democratization.
著名的理论认为,承诺问题驱动了战争和民主化等现象。然而,现有的研究在一个基本问题上存在分歧:挑战者的强制力量如何影响冲突和/或制度改革的前景?我们建立了这种关系取决于挑战者实力如何影响在给定时期(“威胁”)赢得冲突的平均和最大概率。我们分析了一个具有一般威胁分布的正式模型,并将挑战者强度概念化为影响该分布。如果最大威胁是固定的,并且较强的挑战者所构成的平均威胁较高,那么较弱的挑战者将在他们构成高威胁的罕见时期进行反抗(缺乏改革)。然而,如果更强大的挑战者构成更大的最大威胁,那么他们就更难被收买。运用这些见解推进了关于民主化的理论和实证辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Ethnicity and Policing in the Global South: Descriptive Representation and Expectations of Police Bias 南方国家的种族与警务:对警察偏见的描述和预期
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-29 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231178747
Nicholas Lyon, Mashail Malik
City residents in the Global South commonly encounter the police. Yet, outside of established democracies, we know little about how ethnicity shapes everyday policing in diverse urban contexts. Existing approaches generate competing expectations, with some arguing that officers are more rather than less discriminatory towards coethnics. We test these theories through a survey experiment conducted in Karachi, Pakistan—one of the world’s largest megacities. We find that civilians are only marginally less likely to expect procedural justice from non-coethnic officers, even in a context where ethnicity is highly salient. However, suggestive evidence indicates that this small effect is significantly magnified for respondents who perceive their group to be underrepresented in the police. Descriptive representation is therefore a powerful moderator of the relationship between ethnicity and expectations of police bias. These results have implications for the development of effective and legitimate police institutions in weakly institutionalized contexts.
全球南部的城市居民通常会遇到警察。然而,在成熟的民主国家之外,我们对种族如何在不同的城市环境中塑造日常治安知之甚少。现有的方法产生了相互竞争的期望,一些人认为,警察对同性恋者的歧视更多而不是更少。我们通过在巴基斯坦卡拉奇——世界上最大的特大城市之一——进行的一项调查实验来检验这些理论。我们发现,即使在种族极为突出的情况下,平民也不太可能从非同性恋官员那里得到程序正义。然而,暗示性证据表明,对于那些认为自己的群体在警察中代表性不足的受访者来说,这种小影响被显著放大了。因此,描述性表征是种族和警察偏见期望之间关系的有力调节因素。这些结果对在制度化程度较低的情况下发展有效和合法的警察机构具有影响。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Comparative Political Studies
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