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Sanctuaries or Battlegrounds? State Penetration in Places of Worship, University Campuses, and State Bureaucracy for Pro-Government Mobilization: Evidence from Iran (2015–2019) 避难所还是战场?国家渗透到宗教场所、大学校园和国家官僚机构以动员亲政府:来自伊朗的证据(2015-2019)
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231194914
S. Khani, M. Kadivar
What factors shape different levels of pro-government mobilization in authoritarian regimes? The existing literature has considered the threat of anti-regime protests as the primary driver of pro-government mobilization. While we confirm this finding in the literature, we argue that the regime’s organizational infrastructure significantly contributes to pro-regime mobilization. We identify places of worship, university campuses, and state bureaucracy as three main sites where states could extend their organizations for pro-government mobilization. Previous scholarship has considered universities and places of worship as free spaces for oppositional activities, but we argue that states might try to penetrate these sectors to extend their organizational reach. The statistical analyses of our original data on pro-government mobilization in Iran from 2015 to 2019 at the district level ( n = 429) provide robust support for this argument.
是什么因素塑造了专制政权中不同程度的亲政府动员?现有文献认为反政府抗议的威胁是亲政府动员的主要驱动因素。虽然我们在文献中证实了这一发现,但我们认为,政权的组织基础设施对支持政权的动员有重大贡献。我们确定礼拜场所、大学校园和国家官僚机构是三个主要场所,各州可以在这些场所扩展其组织,动员亲政府。以前的学者认为大学和宗教场所是反对派活动的自由空间,但我们认为,国家可能会试图渗透到这些部门,以扩大其组织范围。我们对2015年至2019年伊朗地区一级亲政府动员的原始数据(n = 429)进行了统计分析,为这一论点提供了有力的支持。
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引用次数: 0
Democratization Boost or Bust? Electoral Turnout After Democratic Transitions 民主化是繁荣还是萧条?民主过渡后的投票率
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231194922
Roman-Gabriel Olar
How do democratization processes affect voter turnout in new democracies? Existing work points to an expected boost in electoral turnout after democratization as newly democratic citizens are euphoric to exert newly democratic freedoms or because they developed new political attitudes and behaviours by mobilizing for democracy. While intuitive and normatively appealing, these explanations have not been theoretically nor empirically scrutinized within the literature. This paper develops and tests novel theoretical expectations on the processes and legacies of democratization that impact voter turnout in new democracies. Using electoral turnout data from 1086 national elections between 1946 and 2015, and turnout survey data of over 1 million respondents between 1982 and 2015, we find that the boost in voter turnout (1) exists only for the first election after transition, (2) its effect depends on the life cycle during which individuals experienced the transition and (3) it is less dependent on transition type.
民主化进程如何影响新民主国家的选民投票率?现有的研究表明,由于新民主的公民乐于行使新的民主自由,或者因为他们通过动员民主发展了新的政治态度和行为,预计民主化后的投票率将会提高。虽然直观和规范的吸引力,这些解释没有在理论上或经验的文献中仔细审查。本文发展并检验了影响新民主国家选民投票率的民主化进程和遗产的新理论期望。利用1946年至2015年1086次全国选举的投票率数据,以及1982年至2015年超过100万受访者的投票率调查数据,我们发现:(1)选民投票率的提升只存在于转型后的第一次选举中,(2)其影响取决于个体经历转型的生命周期,(3)对转型类型的依赖较小。
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引用次数: 0
Conflict and Coalition: Securing LGBT Rights in the Face of Hostility 冲突与联盟:在敌对状态下保障LGBT权利
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231193012
Tessa Devereaux Evans
Under what conditions do states protect minority rights in a context of domestic resistance? Recent decades have seen rapid divergence on LGBT rights worldwide, with Africa presented as “norms antipreneur” in the face of international pressure. Yet, in 1996, South Africa was the first country in the world to provide constitutional protection on grounds of sexual orientation. This article develops an original theory on LGBT rights protection using a conflict-to-rights framework. Employing process tracing, elite interviews and archival sources, I show how a situation of insurgency allows LGBT activists to build networks and increase egalitarian attitudes to attain in-group status. Continued violence also works to block public participation in policy-making while dividing opposition forces, allowing a tiny group of activists to effectively lobby for change.
在国内抵抗的背景下,国家在什么条件下保护少数群体的权利?近几十年来,世界各地在LGBT权利问题上迅速出现分歧,面对国际压力,非洲被视为“反更新规范”。然而,在1996年,南非是世界上第一个以性取向为由提供宪法保护的国家。本文利用权利冲突的框架,发展了一个关于LGBT权利保护的原创理论。通过过程追踪、精英访谈和档案来源,我展示了叛乱局势如何让LGBT活动家建立网络,提高平等主义态度,以获得群体地位。持续的暴力行为也阻碍了公众参与决策,同时分裂了反对派力量,使一小群活动人士能够有效地游说变革。
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引用次数: 0
What is to be Done? How Radical Leftists Help to Solve the Problem of Personalist Party-Building in Latin America 应该做些什么?激进左派如何帮助解决拉美人格化的党建问题
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231194907
F. Resmini, J. Abbott
Political leaders around the world increasingly rely on personalist parties to win elections and govern. While existing scholarship assumes that personalist parties do not build territorial organization, in fact they vary substantially in terms of organizational strength. In this paper, we move beyond existing structural explanations of party-building and focus on the role of party elites’ preferences to explain the source of this variation. Through a mixed-method approach combining process-tracing of the case studies of Venezuela’s MVR/PSUV and Ecuador’s Alianza PAIS and statistical analysis of Latin American parties, we find that party elites’ past political experiences shape whether personalist parties successfully invest in party organization. Party officials who were socialized in radical-left parties are more likely to advocate for party-building and their presence within party cadres is associated with stronger party organization.
世界各地的政治领导人越来越依赖个人主义政党来赢得选举和执政。虽然现有的学术假设人格主义政党不建立地域组织,但事实上他们在组织强度方面存在很大差异。在本文中,我们超越了现有的对政党建设的结构性解释,并将重点放在政党精英偏好的作用上,以解释这种差异的来源。通过对委内瑞拉的MVR/PSUV和厄瓜多尔的Alianza PAIS的案例研究过程追踪,以及对拉丁美洲政党的统计分析,我们发现政党精英过去的政治经历影响了个人主义政党是否成功地投资于政党组织。在激进左翼政党中社会化的党内官员更有可能倡导党的建设,他们在党内干部中的存在与更强大的党内组织有关。
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引用次数: 0
Rallying Fiscal Patriotism: War Taxes in the Contemporary World 凝聚财政爱国主义:当代世界的战争税
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-17 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231194061
J. Frizell
Constituting a central historical link between war and long-term fiscal capacity, war taxes are generally perceived to be a thing of the past. This article corrects the picture by presenting new, global data on war taxes, 68 in total, introduced between 1960 and 2020. Far from having been abandoned, war taxes have remained a crucial war-time fiscal instrument, leaving long-term imprints on tax systems across the contemporary world. Serving the twin imperatives of revenue maximisation and generation of taxpayer consent, I argue that the use of war taxes is conditioned by the relative intensity and the perceived legitimacy of a war, be it civil or inter-state. The proposed logic aligns with case evidence, further supported by macro-quantitative analysis. The results speak to the large literature on war and state-building, challenge the standard disintegrative view of civil wars, and provide new empirical insights into the political economy of conflict-affected countries.
战争税构成了战争和长期财政能力之间的核心历史联系,人们普遍认为战争税已经成为过去。这篇文章通过提供1960年至2020年间引入的新的全球战争税数据来纠正这一情况,共68项。战争税非但没有被放弃,反而仍然是战争时期至关重要的财政工具,给当代世界的税收制度留下了长期的印记。为了实现收入最大化和获得纳税人同意这两个必要条件,我认为战争税的使用受到战争的相对强度和合法性的制约,无论是内战还是国家间战争。所提出的逻辑与案例证据一致,并得到宏观定量分析的进一步支持。研究结果与关于战争和国家建设的大量文献相呼应,挑战了内战的标准解体观点,并为受冲突影响国家的政治经济提供了新的实证见解。
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引用次数: 0
Mobilization and Strategies: Comparing Trade Lobbying in the US and Canada 动员与策略:比较美国与加拿大的贸易游说
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-15 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231193014
Jieun Lee, Jan Stuckatz
Do US lobbying patterns extend to other countries? To date no study has systematically compared US lobbying patterns with those of other countries using observational data. Taking advantage of similar lobbying disclosure rules in the US and Canada, we create a cross-country lobbying dataset. We focus on the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) to control for timing, salience, and issue scope. This helps us attribute differences in firm mobilization and trade lobbying strategies across the two countries to differences in political institutions. Strikingly different USMCA lobbying patterns emerge. Within the same industry, trade associations, the executive branch, and in-house lobbyists play a larger role in Canada. Meanwhile, well-established determinants of US lobbying fail to explain patterns of mobilization and the use of external lobbyists in Canada. These findings provide insights into comparative lobbying studies and indicate that some stylized facts about lobbying are unique features of the US political system.
美国的游说模式是否延伸到其他国家?迄今为止,没有任何研究使用观测数据系统地将美国的游说模式与其他国家的游说模式进行比较。利用美国和加拿大类似的游说披露规则,我们创建了一个跨国游说数据集。我们专注于《美国-墨西哥-加拿大协定》(USMCA),以控制时间、显著性和问题范围。这有助于我们将两国企业动员和贸易游说战略的差异归因于政治制度的差异。出现了截然不同的美国医师协会游说模式。在同一行业内,贸易协会、行政部门和内部游说者在加拿大发挥着更大的作用。与此同时,美国游说的既定决定因素未能解释加拿大动员和使用外部游说者的模式。这些发现为比较游说研究提供了见解,并表明一些关于游说的程式化事实是美国政治制度的独特特征。
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引用次数: 1
Bloody Pasts and Current Politics: The Political Legacies of Violent Resettlement 血腥牧场与时政:暴力移民的政治遗产
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-13 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231194066
Amiad Haran Diman, D. Miodownik
How does living on property taken from others affect voting behavior? Recent studies have argued that benefiting from historical violence leads to support for the far right. We extend this fledgling literature with new theoretical insights and original data from Israel, using case-specific variation in the nature of displacement to uncover heterogeneous treatment effects. Exploiting the coercion during the settlement of Jewish migrants on rural lands following the 1948 war, we show that living on lands taken from Palestinians consistently led to hawkish right-wing voting—even 70 years after the violence occurred and despite the widespread rejection of guilt over that violence. We also show that exposure to the ruins of the displaced villages increased right-wing voting and that the impact of intergroup contact is divergent: it decreased intolerant voting in most villages but increased it among Jewish communities that reside on violently taken land. Our results are robust when matching is used to account for several controls and spatiotemporal dependencies.
以他人财产为生如何影响投票行为?最近的研究表明,从历史暴力中获益会导致对极右翼的支持。我们用新的理论见解和来自以色列的原始数据扩展了这一羽翼未丰的文献,利用流离失所性质的病例特异性变异来揭示异质性治疗效果。我们利用1948年战争后犹太移民在农村土地上定居期间的胁迫,表明生活在从巴勒斯坦人手中夺取的土地上一直导致鹰派右翼投票——即使在暴力发生70年后,尽管人们普遍否认对暴力行为有负罪感。我们还表明,暴露在流离失所村庄的废墟中增加了右翼投票,群体间接触的影响是不同的:它减少了大多数村庄的不宽容投票,但增加了居住在暴力占领土地上的犹太社区的不宽容投票。当匹配用于解释多个控制和时空依赖性时,我们的结果是稳健的。
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引用次数: 0
Persecuted Minorities and Defensive Cooperation Contributions to Public Goods by Hindus and Muslims in Delhi 德里被迫害的少数民族与印度教徒和穆斯林对公共产品的防御合作贡献
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-12 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231193017
Melani Cammett, Poulomi Chakrabarti, David Romney
How does intergroup inequality, specifically minority experiences of persecution, affect contributions to local public goods? Based on an original survey experiment and qualitative research in slums in Delhi, we examine how Hindus and Muslims respond to social norms around promoting cooperation on community sanitation. Mainstream theories of development predict greater willingness to contribute to public goods in more homogeneous areas. In contrast to the “diversity-deficit hypothesis,” however, we find that social accountability mechanisms are more effective among Muslims, a group that routinely faces discrimination and violence in India. We propose that this reflects “defensive cooperation,” or a set of coping strategies developed by minorities to navigate a hostile sociopolitical environment. Our findings point to a new mechanism that helps to enforce prosocial norms and, hence, public goods provision in multiethnic contexts.
群体间的不平等,特别是少数群体遭受迫害的经历,如何影响对当地公共产品的贡献?基于对德里贫民窟的一项原始调查实验和定性研究,我们研究了印度教徒和穆斯林如何回应围绕促进社区卫生合作的社会规范。主流发展理论预测,在同质化程度更高的地区,人们更愿意为公共产品做出贡献。然而,与“多样性缺失假说”相反,我们发现社会问责机制在穆斯林群体中更为有效,而穆斯林群体在印度经常面临歧视和暴力。我们认为,这反映了“防御性合作”,或者是少数群体为应对敌对的社会政治环境而制定的一套应对策略。我们的研究结果指出了一种新的机制,有助于在多民族背景下执行亲社会规范,从而提供公共产品。
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引用次数: 0
The “Ironic Impact” of Pro-Democracy Activists: How Pro-Democratic Frames Undermine Support for Local Policy-Based Protests in Authoritarian Regimes 亲民主活动人士的“讽刺影响”:亲民主如何在威权政权中削弱对地方政策抗议的支持
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-11 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231193015
M. Truong
Many protesters under authoritarian rule are “narrow in scope, involving only one or a few neighborhoods, villages, or groups of laid-off workers” and focus on demands that “have to do only with material interests and local grievances” (Lorentzen, 2013, p. 131). These protests typically blame local authorities and express loyalty to the political system. However, in the internet age, pro-democracy advocates often endorse and co-opt these local policy protests for their own ends. Does being endorsed by pro-democracy activists undermine support for these local policy protesters? Building on research suggesting that non-activists often perceive activists as extreme, I theorize that associating with pro-democratic frames can undermine support for local policy protesters by making the protesters seem more extreme and their protests less legal. Using an internet survey experiment in Vietnam, I find support for my argument. These findings highlight a challenge to building pro-democracy coalitions under authoritarian rule.
威权统治下的许多抗议者“范围很窄,只涉及一个或几个社区、村庄或下岗工人群体”,并关注“只与物质利益和地方不满有关”的要求(洛伦岑,2013,第131页)。这些抗议活动通常指责地方当局,并表达对政治制度的忠诚。然而,在互联网时代,亲民主的倡导者经常为了自己的目的支持并支持这些地方政策抗议活动。得到民主活动人士的支持是否会削弱对这些地方政策抗议者的支持?基于非活动人士经常认为活动人士极端的研究,我推断,与亲民主的框架联系会使抗议者看起来更极端,使他们的抗议活动不那么合法,从而破坏对地方政策抗议者的支持。通过在越南进行的一项网络调查实验,我找到了对我的论点的支持。这些发现突显了在独裁统治下建立亲民主联盟的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Direct Investment and Political Preferences in Non-Democratic Regimes 外国直接投资与非民主政体的政治偏好
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-10 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231194058
T. Rommel
How does economic globalization affect regime support in non-democratic regimes? While we know a lot about how globalization affects politics in democracies, we know only little about its impact on political preferences in autocracies. I focus on FDI, which has increased considerably over the last decades and affects low- and high-skilled individuals differently. Material risks associated with FDI decrease regime support only among the poorly educated; economic gains from FDI bolster support for the incumbent regime for well-educated individuals. I present two analyses that corroborate these hypotheses. Study 1 uses Afrobarometer data and matches respondents with geo-located data on FDI. To mitigate selection problems, I only compare individuals that are exposed to FDI with individuals that are not yet exposed at the time the survey was administered. Study 2 utilizes cross-national survey data from 14 autocracies. My findings explain why some citizens favor the political status quo, even in autocracies.
经济全球化如何影响非民主政权对政权的支持?虽然我们对全球化如何影响民主国家的政治了解很多,但对其对专制国家政治偏好的影响知之甚少。我关注的是外国直接投资,它在过去几十年中大幅增长,对低技能和高技能个人的影响不同。与外国直接投资相关的物质风险只在受教育程度低的人群中减少制度支持;外国直接投资带来的经济收益支持了对受过良好教育的个人的现任政权。我提出了两个分析来证实这些假设。研究1使用了Afrobarometer数据,并将受访者与外国直接投资的地理位置数据相匹配。为了缓解选择问题,我只将接触外国直接投资的个人与调查时尚未接触的个人进行比较。研究2利用了来自14个独裁政权的跨国调查数据。我的研究结果解释了为什么一些公民支持政治现状,即使在独裁国家也是如此。
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引用次数: 0
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Comparative Political Studies
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