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Public-Good Provision in Large Economies 大型经济体的公共产品供给
Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2670425
Felix J. Bierbrauer, M. Hellwig
In a large economy, a first-best provison rule for a public good is robustly implementable with budget balance because no one individual alone can affect the aggregate outcome. First-best outcomes can, however, be blocked by coalitions of agents acting in concert. With a requirement of immunity against robustly blocking coalitions, we find that, for a pubic good that come as a single indivisible unit, a monotonic social choice function cannot condition on preference intensities but only on the population shares of people favoring one outcome over another. Any such social choice function can be implemented by a simple voting mechanism. With more public-good provision levels, more complicated mechanisms are required, but they still involve the counting of votes rather than an assessment of benefits. Monotonicity and immunity against robust blocking thus provide a foundation for the use of voting mechanisms.
在一个大型经济体中,公共产品的最优供应规则在预算平衡的情况下是可以强有力地实施的,因为没有一个人能够单独影响总体结果。然而,最理想的结果可能会被协同行动的行动者组成的联盟所阻碍。我们发现,对于作为单个不可分割单元的公共产品,单调的社会选择函数不能以偏好强度为条件,而只能以偏好一种结果而不是另一种结果的人口份额为条件。任何这样的社会选择函数都可以通过简单的投票机制来实现。随着公共产品供应水平的提高,需要更复杂的机制,但它们仍然涉及计票,而不是对利益的评估。因此,单调性和抗鲁棒阻塞的免疫力为投票机制的使用提供了基础。
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引用次数: 8
Public-Good Provision, Mechanism Design and Voting 公共产品供给、机制设计与投票
Pub Date : 2015-08-11 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2642151
Felix J. Bierbrauer, M. Hellwig
We study the relation between mechanism design and voting in public-good provision. If incentive mechanisms must satisfy conditions of coalition-proofness and robustness, as well as individual incentive compatibility, the participants' contributions to public-good provision can only depend on the level of the public good that is provided and that level can only depend on the population shares of people favouring one level over another. For a public good that comes as a single indivisible unit the outcome depends on whether or not the share of votes in favour of provision exceeds a specified threshold. With more provision levels for the public good more complicated mechanisms can be used but they still involve the counting of votes rather than any measurement of the participants' willingness to pay. The paper thus provides a foundation for the use of voting mechanisms.
本文研究了公共物品供给中的机制设计与投票的关系。如果激励机制必须满足抗联盟性和鲁棒性条件,以及个体激励兼容性条件,那么参与者对公共产品提供的贡献只能取决于所提供的公共产品的水平,而这一水平只能取决于偏好某一水平而非另一水平的人口比例。对于作为一个单一的不可分割的单位出现的公共产品,其结果取决于支持提供的投票比例是否超过一个特定的阈值。随着公共物品供给水平的提高,可以使用更复杂的机制,但它们仍然涉及计票,而不是对参与者支付意愿的任何衡量。因此,该文件为使用投票机制提供了基础。
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引用次数: 0
David and Goliath in the Poll Booth: Group Size, Voting Power and Voter Turnout 投票站中的大卫和歌利亚:群体规模、投票权和选民投票率
Pub Date : 2015-06-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2622381
Peter M. Boenisch, B. Geys, C. Michelsen
This article analyses how the presence of a dominant group of voters within the electorate affects voter turnout. Theoretically, we argue that both the absolute size and the relative power of a dominant group influence voters' decision-making process. The former effect derives from increased free-riding incentives and reduced social pressure to vote within a larger dominant group, while the latter effect is driven by instrumental and expressive responses-in both the dominant and dominated groups-to electoral competition between groups. Our empirical analysis of a large cross-section of German municipalities confirms this joint importance of a dominant group's absolute and relative size for voter turnout. Such effects should thus be taken into account when redesigning electoral jurisdictions through, for instance, municipal mergers or gerrymandering.
本文分析了选民中占优势群体的存在如何影响选民投票率。从理论上讲,我们认为主导群体的绝对规模和相对权力都会影响选民的决策过程。前一种效应来自于搭便车的动机增加和在一个较大的主导群体中投票的社会压力减少,而后一种效应是由主导群体和被主导群体对群体之间的选举竞争的工具性和表达性反应驱动的。我们对德国各市的大量横截面进行实证分析,证实了主导群体的绝对规模和相对规模对选民投票率的共同重要性。因此,在通过例如市政合并或不公正地划分选区等方式重新设计选举管辖权时,应考虑到这种影响。
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引用次数: 2
'Fettered' and 'Unfettered' Capitalism in J.A. Schumpeter’s Concept of Tax State and Economic Development – Issues in Banking Perspective 熊彼特的税收国家和经济发展概念中的“受束缚的”和“不受束缚的”资本主义——银行视角下的问题
Pub Date : 2015-04-15 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2594663
K. Śledzik
Economic development and transformation processes have become much more intense in economic reality in the last years than they have ever been before. At this time a lot of questions were raised about the causes of the actual Global Crisis, future crises, the factors affecting the modern economy, about the essence of contemporary capitalism, demographic problems and overgrown bureaucracy. The most spectacular threat to capitalism, (based on private entrepreneurship) according to Schumpeter, stems from the high, growing and progressive taxation. Schumpeter saw clearly that the financing of public goods and services (requiring taxes, maybe even relatively high) is something other than a clerical control of the economic system that violates the natural economic mechanism. Moreover, Schumpeter says explicitly that an entrepreneur does not have to be one person, he even states that the country (state) itself, or its agenda, can act as an entrepreneur. Therefore, it can be concluded that we may have to deal with “Tax State”, which is typical for “fettered capitalism”, and with “entrepreneurial state”, which is typical for “unfettered capitalism”. The main goal of this paper is to present two different approaches to the economic development concept: Schumpeter’s “fettered” and “unfettered” capitalism in the context of “Tax State” and interventionism. The Author analyzes presented concept in contemporary issues from the banking perspective. In the paper, the Author used critical analysis as a research method. This allowed to identify gaps in the current state of knowledge and the scientific discussion focused on J.A. Schumpeter’s theoretical concept. Analysis was performed in 2015.
在过去几年中,经济发展和转型进程在经济现实中比以往任何时候都更加激烈。在这个时候,人们提出了很多问题,关于实际的全球危机的原因,未来的危机,影响现代经济的因素,关于当代资本主义的本质,人口问题和过度膨胀的官僚主义。熊彼特认为,资本主义(基于私人企业家精神)面临的最大威胁来自不断增长的累进高税收。熊彼特清楚地看到,公共产品和服务的融资(需要税收,甚至可能相对较高)不是对经济体系的神职控制,而是违反自然经济机制的。此外,熊彼特明确指出,企业家不一定是一个人,他甚至指出,国家(国家)本身,或其议程,可以作为企业家。因此,可以得出结论,我们可能要对付的是“税收国家”,这是典型的“束缚资本主义”,而“企业家国家”,这是典型的“自由资本主义”。本文的主要目标是提出两种不同的经济发展概念:熊彼特在“税收国家”和干预主义背景下的“受束缚的”和“不受束缚的”资本主义。作者从银行业的角度分析了当代问题中所提出的概念。在本文中,作者采用了批判性分析作为研究方法。这使我们能够识别当前知识状态中的差距,并将科学讨论集中在J.A.熊彼特的理论概念上。分析于2015年进行。
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引用次数: 0
'Giving' in to Social Pressure 向社会压力“屈服”
Pub Date : 2015-02-28 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2617496
Alvaro J. Name-Correa, H. Yildirim
In light of recent evidence, we develop a theory of charitable giving in which donors feel social pressure from a direct solicitation. We show that equilibrium donations are concentrated around a social norm: donors below the norm increase giving while those above the norm reduce it. Despite a higher level of the public good, relatively poor and/or low altruism givers fare worse under social pressure and would avoid the solicitor at a cost. Aggregate donor welfare improves to the extent that the added social motive alleviates the underprovision of the public good; however, overprovision may result. Our theory therefore predicts a light-handed regulation for charitable solicitations, which is consistent with their exemption from the popular Do Not Call list in the U.S. We further show that contrary to pure altruism, a more equal income distribution may produce more of the public good. In fundraising campaigns where a social norm is not apparent, one may emerge endogenously if donors are not too heterogeneous. In fact, multiple social norms may form, which offers a focal point argument for suggested donations.
根据最近的证据,我们发展了一种慈善捐赠理论,在这种理论中,捐赠者感受到来自直接征求的社会压力。我们发现,均衡捐赠集中在一个社会规范周围:低于规范的捐赠者增加捐赠,而高于规范的捐赠者减少捐赠。尽管公共利益水平较高,但相对贫穷和/或利他主义程度较低的捐赠者在社会压力下表现更差,他们会不惜代价避开律师。当增加的社会动机缓解了公共物品供给不足时,总捐助者福利就会得到改善;然而,可能会导致供应过剩。因此,我们的理论预测了对慈善募捐的宽松监管,这与他们在美国流行的“不要打电话”名单上的豁免是一致的。我们进一步表明,与纯粹的利他主义相反,更平等的收入分配可能会产生更多的公共利益。在社会规范不明显的筹款活动中,如果捐赠者不是太异质,就可能会内生地出现一个社会规范。事实上,可能会形成多种社会规范,这为建议捐赠提供了一个焦点论点。
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引用次数: 13
Working with an Elegant Idea in a Messy and Chaotic World: Thoughts on Real-World Implementation of Basic Income 在一个凌乱和混乱的世界里用一个优雅的想法工作:关于基本收入在现实世界中实施的思考
Pub Date : 2015-02-22 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3305610
James P. Mulvale
These speaking notes were the basis of a plenary address to the North American Basic Income Guarantee (NABIG) Congress in February 2015
这些演讲笔记是2015年2月在北美基本收入保障大会(NABIG)全体会议上发表讲话的基础
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引用次数: 0
'Pay It Forward' and Higher Education Subsidies: A Theoretical Model “把它传递出去”与高等教育补贴:一个理论模型
Pub Date : 2015-01-11 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2518248
Jennifer A. Delaney, Dhammika Dharmapala
Since 2013, more than 20 states have considered legislation on Pay It Forward (PIF) models of higher education finance (which enable students to pay the price of college upon departure from an institution, as opposed to paying upfront tuition). This paper proposes a theoretical model of PIF policies within a framework in which voters belonging to different income groups vote over the level of subsidies to higher education. We analyze the impact of two facets of potential PIF policies – a deferred tuition approach and an income share approach – on college access and on voting equilibria over subsidies levels. The results show that college access is enhanced by PIF policies. The equilibrium level of subsidies depends crucially on the pattern of income distribution, in particular on the relationship between mean income and the income of the median income group. We show that the equilibrium level of subsidies to higher education will not necessarily decline under PIF, and may increase in some equilibria due to changes in college access for low income groups. We also present a descriptive cross-country empirical analysis showing that there are higher levels of access to college credentials in countries with deferred tuition systems.
自2013年以来,已有20多个州考虑为高等教育融资的“未来支付”(Pay It Forward,简称PIF)模式立法(该模式允许学生在离开学校时支付大学学费,而不是预先支付学费)。本文在不同收入群体选民对高等教育补贴水平进行投票的框架下,提出了一个PIF政策的理论模型。我们分析了潜在的PIF政策的两个方面——递延学费方法和收入分成方法——对大学入学和补贴水平上的投票均衡的影响。结果表明,PIF政策对高校录取有促进作用。补贴的均衡水平在很大程度上取决于收入分配的格局,特别是取决于平均收入与中等收入群体的收入之间的关系。我们表明,在PIF下,高等教育补贴的均衡水平不一定会下降,并且由于低收入群体的大学入学机会的变化,在某些均衡中可能会增加。我们还提出了一项描述性的跨国实证分析,表明在实行延期学费制度的国家,获得大学文凭的水平更高。
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引用次数: 0
Public Education Spending and Private Substitution in Urban China 中国城市公共教育支出与私人教育替代
Pub Date : 2014-09-29 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2061390
Cheng Yuan, Lei Zhang
This paper documents robust evidence that increases in public spending on basic education are associated with significant reductions in household private tutoring spending in urban China. This reduction comes primarily from the top and bottom income households, suggesting multi-dimensional demands for private tutoring. It concentrates on households with an only boy and is larger for middle-school than primary-school children. Increases in public education spending are associated with significant reduction in school tuition, which is homogeneous across households of different income levels. Changes in household spending on textbooks in response to more public education spending are modest but statistically insignificant.
本文提供了强有力的证据,证明基础教育公共支出的增加与中国城市家庭私人家教支出的显著减少有关。这种减少主要来自高收入和低收入家庭,这表明对私人辅导的需求是多方面的。它集中在只有一个男孩的家庭,中学生比小学生更大。公共教育支出的增加与学校学费的大幅下降有关,不同收入水平的家庭学费的下降是相同的。随着公共教育支出的增加,家庭在教科书上的支出变化不大,但在统计上并不显著。
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引用次数: 40
Promoting Competition or Helping the Less Endowed? Distributional Preferences and Collective Institutional Choices under Intra-Group Inequality 促进竞争还是帮助穷人?群体内不平等下的分配偏好与集体制度选择
Pub Date : 2014-06-20 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2457242
Kenju Kamei
Unequally-distributed resources, whether people’s income or competence, are ubiquitous in our real world. Whether to promote competition or to lead to a more equal environment is often in question in societies or organizations. With heterogeneous endowments, we let subjects collectively choose whether to have a competitive lottery contest - where only one individual in a group wins and receives an award, generating a greater income inequality - or to have a public good that benefits the less-endowed to a greater degree. Our data indicates that highly-endowed individuals contribute little when the public good is selected. The majority of subjects, however, vote in favor of having a public good, contrary to the standard theory predictions. In addition, a belief elicitation task shows that they expect payoffs to be more equally distributed under the public good regime than under the contest regime. Moreover, the subjects’ preferences between the two regimes are little affected by their risk attitudes or the size of awards in competition. These suggest that people’s institutional choices are driven more by their income inequality-averse preferences.
不平等的资源分配,无论是人们的收入还是能力,在我们的现实世界中无处不在。在社会或组织中,是促进竞争还是创造一个更平等的环境常常是一个问题。在异质性禀赋的情况下,我们让受试者集体选择是进行竞争性的彩票比赛——一个群体中只有一个人获胜并获奖,从而产生更大的收入不平等——还是提供一种公共产品,使禀赋较少的人在更大程度上受益。我们的数据表明,当选择公共利益时,高天赋的个人贡献很少。然而,与标准理论预测相反,大多数受试者投票赞成拥有公共利益。此外,信念激发任务表明,他们期望在公共物品制度下的收益分配比在竞争制度下更平均。此外,受试者在两种制度之间的偏好很少受到他们的风险态度或竞争中奖项大小的影响。这表明,人们的制度选择更多地是由他们厌恶收入不平等的偏好所驱动的。
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引用次数: 4
Gender and Public Goods Provision in Tamil Nadu's Village Governments 泰米尔纳德邦乡村政府的性别与公共产品供应
Pub Date : 2014-05-01 DOI: 10.1093/WBER/LHU001
Kiran Gajwani, X. Zhang
Using data from 144 village-level governments in India's Tamil Nadu state, this paper investigates political reservations for women and whether the gender of village government leaders influences the provision of village public goods. A knowledge test of village government presidents and a survey about the interaction between village presidents and higher-level officials reveal that female village government presidents have much lower knowledge of the village government system than do their male counterparts and have significantly less contact with higher-level government officials. Although male and female presidents provide similar amounts of some public goods, there is strong evidence that village governments led by a woman built fewer schools and roads—two public goods that require relatively more contact and coordination with higher-level officials.
本文利用印度泰米尔纳德邦144个村级政府的数据,研究了对妇女的政治保留,以及村级政府领导人的性别是否影响村级公共产品的提供。通过对村长的知识测试和对村长与上级官员互动的调查发现,女性村长对村政府系统的了解远低于男性村长,与上级官员的接触也明显少于男性村长。尽管男性和女性主席提供的一些公共产品数量相当,但有强有力的证据表明,由女性领导的村政府修建的学校和道路更少——这两项公共产品需要与更高级别的官员进行相对更多的接触和协调。
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引用次数: 15
期刊
Public Economics: Publicly Provided Goods eJournal
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