Pub Date : 2015-04-06DOI: 10.11575/SPPP.V8I0.42517
Anessa L. Kimball
Despite differences in scale, Canada and the U.S. face common challenges in military procurement and there is much Canada can learn as both countries pursue reforms. The U.S. employs a system of systems approach, based on requirements, resource allocation and acquisition. The process begins with the Joint Capabilities and Development System, focused on identifying and prioritizing needs and assessing alternatives. This is followed by the Planning, Programming, Budgeting and Execution System, which leads to the creation of a budget and provides guidance for the project’s execution. The third and final step is the Defense Acquisition System, which oversees the development and purchase of the new equipment. While deceptively simple in summary, U.S. defence procurement is dogged by problems — particularly cost overruns, a surfeit of key players and delayed schedules which degrade troops’ performance in the field. Additionally, the defence products market is restricted, inevitably limiting competition, encouraging misbehaviour on the part of business and driving up prices. The DoD is in the midst of consultations with contractors and Congress is undertaking an effort to rewrite acquisition laws. But the most pressing questions remain: Does a best procurement practice exist? If so, what criteria define it? In light of Canada’s new Defence Procurement Strategy (DPS), some lessons are clear. Further analysis is needed to figure out whether reforms can succeed in so narrow a marketplace. More attention must be paid to shaping contracts and clarifying expectations about sticking to schedules. And Ottawa must think carefully about the military’s needs, as it pushes ahead with the DPS. In surveying change at the DoD, this brief draws pointed conclusions to which Canada’s defence planners must pay heed, if they’re to leave the military stronger than they found it.
{"title":"What Canada Could Learn from U.S. Defence Procurement: Issues, Best Practices and Recommendations","authors":"Anessa L. Kimball","doi":"10.11575/SPPP.V8I0.42517","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.11575/SPPP.V8I0.42517","url":null,"abstract":"Despite differences in scale, Canada and the U.S. face common challenges in military procurement and there is much Canada can learn as both countries pursue reforms. The U.S. employs a system of systems approach, based on requirements, resource allocation and acquisition. The process begins with the Joint Capabilities and Development System, focused on identifying and prioritizing needs and assessing alternatives. This is followed by the Planning, Programming, Budgeting and Execution System, which leads to the creation of a budget and provides guidance for the project’s execution. The third and final step is the Defense Acquisition System, which oversees the development and purchase of the new equipment. While deceptively simple in summary, U.S. defence procurement is dogged by problems — particularly cost overruns, a surfeit of key players and delayed schedules which degrade troops’ performance in the field. Additionally, the defence products market is restricted, inevitably limiting competition, encouraging misbehaviour on the part of business and driving up prices. The DoD is in the midst of consultations with contractors and Congress is undertaking an effort to rewrite acquisition laws. But the most pressing questions remain: Does a best procurement practice exist? If so, what criteria define it? In light of Canada’s new Defence Procurement Strategy (DPS), some lessons are clear. Further analysis is needed to figure out whether reforms can succeed in so narrow a marketplace. More attention must be paid to shaping contracts and clarifying expectations about sticking to schedules. And Ottawa must think carefully about the military’s needs, as it pushes ahead with the DPS. In surveying change at the DoD, this brief draws pointed conclusions to which Canada’s defence planners must pay heed, if they’re to leave the military stronger than they found it.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130756936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The unveiling of the debt crisis in Europe brings forward a resurgence of the forgotten discipline of geopolitics along with its significance as a credible analytical tool in present transatlantic foreign policy analysis. Up until very recently one of the most unpopular and outdated intellectual concepts in contemporary Europe. The period of uncertainty which started in 2009 has included strategic tensions between European powers which have paved the way for introducing a new geometry of state relations that will continue altering the balance of power among key EU regional groupings. The aim of the paper is to provide a conceptual framework upon which, the predominance of the creditor-debtor divide rather than a consistent European wide response to the crisis, apart from sustaining systemic ambivalence, structural vulnerability and loss of confidence, above all introduces elements of geopolitical uncertainty. Due to the creditor-debtor relationships and not any other form of geopolitical frictions, a number of core EU balances have been broken down which affect intra-European power correlations and progressively pave the way for the evolution of geopolitical dilemmas impacting both on Europe and the US (indicative examples will include the Franco-German axis, Central and Eastern Europe, Russia and China). On top of that, growing US concerns over the strategic implications of Europe’s debt crisis and the geopolitical necessity for maintaining an unbroken and coordinated Atlantic West, increase the need for combining a forward thinking transatlantic analysis. In this regard, the methodology that is followed sheds light on how the Ukraine crisis symbolizes a policy shift and a definite signal of changing geopolitics by the US for: a) effectively address the linkages between economic and security issues in the EU context, b) progressively establish a functional balance of power that keeps Europe united and capable of sustaining its slow but determined pro-integration drive.
{"title":"Eurozone's Debt Crisis and US Strategy: A Return of Geopolitics for Europe","authors":"Sotiris Serbos","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2580091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2580091","url":null,"abstract":"The unveiling of the debt crisis in Europe brings forward a resurgence of the forgotten discipline of geopolitics along with its significance as a credible analytical tool in present transatlantic foreign policy analysis. Up until very recently one of the most unpopular and outdated intellectual concepts in contemporary Europe. The period of uncertainty which started in 2009 has included strategic tensions between European powers which have paved the way for introducing a new geometry of state relations that will continue altering the balance of power among key EU regional groupings. The aim of the paper is to provide a conceptual framework upon which, the predominance of the creditor-debtor divide rather than a consistent European wide response to the crisis, apart from sustaining systemic ambivalence, structural vulnerability and loss of confidence, above all introduces elements of geopolitical uncertainty. Due to the creditor-debtor relationships and not any other form of geopolitical frictions, a number of core EU balances have been broken down which affect intra-European power correlations and progressively pave the way for the evolution of geopolitical dilemmas impacting both on Europe and the US (indicative examples will include the Franco-German axis, Central and Eastern Europe, Russia and China). On top of that, growing US concerns over the strategic implications of Europe’s debt crisis and the geopolitical necessity for maintaining an unbroken and coordinated Atlantic West, increase the need for combining a forward thinking transatlantic analysis. In this regard, the methodology that is followed sheds light on how the Ukraine crisis symbolizes a policy shift and a definite signal of changing geopolitics by the US for: a) effectively address the linkages between economic and security issues in the EU context, b) progressively establish a functional balance of power that keeps Europe united and capable of sustaining its slow but determined pro-integration drive.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134152283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The civil war in Syria has culminated into major refugee crises in its neighboring countries. By the end of 2013 more than half a million people were seeking shelter in cities and refugee camps in Turkey. We analyze how the Syrian refugee influx in Turkey has affected food and housing prices, employment rates and internal migration patterns in regions of Turkey where refugees are being accommodated. Refugee camps are geographically concentrated near the Syrian border, which enables us to employ the rest of regional Turkey as control group with a difference-in-difference approach to analyze the impact on local economies. Our findings suggest that housing and to a lesser degree food prices increased, but employment rates of natives in various skill groups are largely unaffected. Incumbent natives appear to be staying put considering the limited migration out of the region, but there is a significant decline in internal migration into regions hosting refugees. Nevertheless, the decline in internal in-migration is less than a tenth of the refugee influx, implying that there is little evidence of refugees crowding out natives in local labor markets.
{"title":"The Impact of Refugee Crises on Host Labor Markets: The Case of the Syrian Refugee Crisis in Turkey","authors":"Y. Akgündüz, M. van den Berg, W. Hassink","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2564974","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2564974","url":null,"abstract":"The civil war in Syria has culminated into major refugee crises in its neighboring countries. By the end of 2013 more than half a million people were seeking shelter in cities and refugee camps in Turkey. We analyze how the Syrian refugee influx in Turkey has affected food and housing prices, employment rates and internal migration patterns in regions of Turkey where refugees are being accommodated. Refugee camps are geographically concentrated near the Syrian border, which enables us to employ the rest of regional Turkey as control group with a difference-in-difference approach to analyze the impact on local economies. Our findings suggest that housing and to a lesser degree food prices increased, but employment rates of natives in various skill groups are largely unaffected. Incumbent natives appear to be staying put considering the limited migration out of the region, but there is a significant decline in internal migration into regions hosting refugees. Nevertheless, the decline in internal in-migration is less than a tenth of the refugee influx, implying that there is little evidence of refugees crowding out natives in local labor markets.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"62 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114114722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
United Nations (UN) deliberations are underway towards a post-2015 agenda that unites poverty eradication and sustainable development. While negotiators are tasked to determine goals and indicators, another fundamental question is: How will progress towards the sustainable development goals (SDGs) be monitored and reviewed? A post-2015 accountability framework is needed to document and guide how stakeholders take responsibility, learn from their efforts and adjust their behaviour towards achieving the SDGs in a transparent manner. Discussions on such a framework are still at an early stage. Only some general elements of an accountability framework have been agreed among UN Member States. Most importantly, the framework will be voluntary, non-binding and state-led, which raises the question of how governments and other actors can be incentivised to participate. The main incentives are likely to be reputational: states can strengthen their SDG profiles and showcase “best-practices”. They could also benefit through exchanging lessons learnt. Financial support, capacity development support and technology transfer can be additional incentives, particularly for least developed countries. Incentives, however, have to be complemented by a strong commitment and ownership at the national level. The framework should be rooted in an inclusive, bottom-up approach, in which each government determines its own level of ambition. Further, governments should be able to link their national efforts to SDG discussions at the regional and international levels in a multi-layered framework.
{"title":"Post 2015: Setting Up a Coherent Accountability Framework","authors":"H. Janus, N. Keijzer","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2518401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2518401","url":null,"abstract":"United Nations (UN) deliberations are underway towards a post-2015 agenda that unites poverty eradication and sustainable development. While negotiators are tasked to determine goals and indicators, another fundamental question is: How will progress towards the sustainable development goals (SDGs) be monitored and reviewed? A post-2015 accountability framework is needed to document and guide how stakeholders take responsibility, learn from their efforts and adjust their behaviour towards achieving the SDGs in a transparent manner. Discussions on such a framework are still at an early stage. Only some general elements of an accountability framework have been agreed among UN Member States. Most importantly, the framework will be voluntary, non-binding and state-led, which raises the question of how governments and other actors can be incentivised to participate. The main incentives are likely to be reputational: states can strengthen their SDG profiles and showcase “best-practices”. They could also benefit through exchanging lessons learnt. Financial support, capacity development support and technology transfer can be additional incentives, particularly for least developed countries. Incentives, however, have to be complemented by a strong commitment and ownership at the national level. The framework should be rooted in an inclusive, bottom-up approach, in which each government determines its own level of ambition. Further, governments should be able to link their national efforts to SDG discussions at the regional and international levels in a multi-layered framework.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121195207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This note revisits the role of migrant social networks as determinants of bilateral-migration flows. We do so using a new database that covers about 190 world countries and features more accurate estimates of bilateral flows than those employed so far. Our battery of gravity- model exercises show that the impact of social networks is consistent and significant over different specifications, and in line with previous estimates. Furthermore, in presence of migrant networks at destination, geographical distance counts in explaining the absence of a migration corridor only when such networks have very small sizes.
{"title":"Revisiting the Role of Social Networks as Determinants of International-Migration Flows: A Note","authors":"G. Fagiolo, G. Santoni","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2511892","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2511892","url":null,"abstract":"This note revisits the role of migrant social networks as determinants of bilateral-migration flows. We do so using a new database that covers about 190 world countries and features more accurate estimates of bilateral flows than those employed so far. Our battery of gravity- model exercises show that the impact of social networks is consistent and significant over different specifications, and in line with previous estimates. Furthermore, in presence of migrant networks at destination, geographical distance counts in explaining the absence of a migration corridor only when such networks have very small sizes.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"80 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130692625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the first decade of the 20th century, the company Georg Schicht Works based in Aussig – currently known as Usti nad Labem in the northern part of the Czech Republic – producing soap and related products, flourished as one of the biggest enterprises of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. As a consequence of the decline of the Empire, culminating in World War I, the company of Georg Schicht lost 75% of its market outlet and went through a difficult period. In 1927-1930, the Schicht Company merged with the Anglo-Dutch multinational company Unilever. Members of the Schicht family took up leading positions within the board of Unilever and concentrated their Unilever-assets in a holding company in Zurich, Switzerland, under the name of “Limmat”. A daughter company of Limmat, the trading company “Ampra” was based in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, and was entrusted with the asset-management on behalf of the Schicht family. The immediate aftermath of World War II was a devastating turning point in the history of the Schichts family; one of the financially most powerful Eastern European families of their time. With the notable exception of George Schicht (1884-1961) who lived in London and was of British nationality, most members of the Schicht family, including his brother Heinrich (1880-1959) and his cousin Franz, were considered to be German “enemy citizens” and removed from all other positions within Unilever in 1945. As Sudeten-Germans, Heinrich and many other Schichts were expelled from Aussig during the year 1945-1946, leaving all possessions behind. Subsequently, the former Schicht – meanwhile Unilever – factories were nationalised by the Czechoslovakian government. The dispossession of the Schichts, however, was not only an Eastern European affair. At the very same time, their substantial assets, concentrated in Limmat and Ampra, were blocked as “enemy property” by the Western Allies, with the reluctant collaboration of the Swiss Government. In 1950, the Netherlands and Switzerland reached an inter-custodial agreement on the liquidation of Ampra and Limmat. The Dutch, considering Sudeten Germans as enemy citizens, even if the international definition of German enemy citizens was much narrower, finally confiscated 24% of the value of the assets of Ampra and Limmat (including 4% on behalf of the Swiss), to the benefit of the Dutch State and without paying compensation to the original stakeholders. This agreement was carried out in concord with the board of Limmat, presided by Heinrich Schicht, who was living in Switzerland in difficult circumstances. However, the partial loss of their assets caused dismay among most other family members and led to a rupture between Heinrich and most of his kin, including his brother George. This paper analyses the decline of the Schichts in more detail, with special reference to the vicissitudes of the enemy property legislation of the Netherlands and Switzerland in their relations with Western Allies in the years 1945-1
{"title":"The Assets of the Schichts. The Fate of Enemy Property in the Netherlands and in Switzerland between 1945 and 1952","authors":"W. Veraart","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2496322","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2496322","url":null,"abstract":"In the first decade of the 20th century, the company Georg Schicht Works based in Aussig – currently known as Usti nad Labem in the northern part of the Czech Republic – producing soap and related products, flourished as one of the biggest enterprises of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. As a consequence of the decline of the Empire, culminating in World War I, the company of Georg Schicht lost 75% of its market outlet and went through a difficult period. In 1927-1930, the Schicht Company merged with the Anglo-Dutch multinational company Unilever. Members of the Schicht family took up leading positions within the board of Unilever and concentrated their Unilever-assets in a holding company in Zurich, Switzerland, under the name of “Limmat”. A daughter company of Limmat, the trading company “Ampra” was based in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, and was entrusted with the asset-management on behalf of the Schicht family. The immediate aftermath of World War II was a devastating turning point in the history of the Schichts family; one of the financially most powerful Eastern European families of their time. With the notable exception of George Schicht (1884-1961) who lived in London and was of British nationality, most members of the Schicht family, including his brother Heinrich (1880-1959) and his cousin Franz, were considered to be German “enemy citizens” and removed from all other positions within Unilever in 1945. As Sudeten-Germans, Heinrich and many other Schichts were expelled from Aussig during the year 1945-1946, leaving all possessions behind. Subsequently, the former Schicht – meanwhile Unilever – factories were nationalised by the Czechoslovakian government. The dispossession of the Schichts, however, was not only an Eastern European affair. At the very same time, their substantial assets, concentrated in Limmat and Ampra, were blocked as “enemy property” by the Western Allies, with the reluctant collaboration of the Swiss Government. In 1950, the Netherlands and Switzerland reached an inter-custodial agreement on the liquidation of Ampra and Limmat. The Dutch, considering Sudeten Germans as enemy citizens, even if the international definition of German enemy citizens was much narrower, finally confiscated 24% of the value of the assets of Ampra and Limmat (including 4% on behalf of the Swiss), to the benefit of the Dutch State and without paying compensation to the original stakeholders. This agreement was carried out in concord with the board of Limmat, presided by Heinrich Schicht, who was living in Switzerland in difficult circumstances. However, the partial loss of their assets caused dismay among most other family members and led to a rupture between Heinrich and most of his kin, including his brother George. This paper analyses the decline of the Schichts in more detail, with special reference to the vicissitudes of the enemy property legislation of the Netherlands and Switzerland in their relations with Western Allies in the years 1945-1","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129328791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
World has experienced the great losses during various disasters in this decade. Therefore, building disaster resilient community has become a main agenda nowdays. Following the Indian Ocean Tsunami on late 2004, the stakeholders raise their commitments to hold up the progress of disaster risk reduction by optimizing various parties’ role in all levels on reducing the disaster risk. Furthermore, development is necessary to be mainstreamed in order to achieve disaster resilience effectively. In the case of Indonesia, the disaster management has been transformed into higher stage – not only by providing the programs in all stages of disaster managementi (pra-disaster, emergency situation, and post-disaster), but also by linking the disaster managemnet program with development program, aftermath of the adaption and adoption process of international framework on disaster risk reduction. Furthermore, the author will analyze the program which has attached both development and disaster management through the pilot program, called Destana (Disaster Resilient Village), and has initiated on 2012. Therefore, in order to evaluate the program conducted by Indonesia government, the author will identify the implementation in the local level.
{"title":"International Policy Framework for Building Disaster Resilient Community: The Case of Sleman","authors":"M. Sugiono, A. Umar, D. Prameswari","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2485881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2485881","url":null,"abstract":"World has experienced the great losses during various disasters in this decade. Therefore, building disaster resilient community has become a main agenda nowdays. Following the Indian Ocean Tsunami on late 2004, the stakeholders raise their commitments to hold up the progress of disaster risk reduction by optimizing various parties’ role in all levels on reducing the disaster risk. Furthermore, development is necessary to be mainstreamed in order to achieve disaster resilience effectively. In the case of Indonesia, the disaster management has been transformed into higher stage – not only by providing the programs in all stages of disaster managementi (pra-disaster, emergency situation, and post-disaster), but also by linking the disaster managemnet program with development program, aftermath of the adaption and adoption process of international framework on disaster risk reduction. Furthermore, the author will analyze the program which has attached both development and disaster management through the pilot program, called Destana (Disaster Resilient Village), and has initiated on 2012. Therefore, in order to evaluate the program conducted by Indonesia government, the author will identify the implementation in the local level.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134490060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article considers a range of procedural defences argued by state parties in investment treaty arbitration proceedings. These defences are based upon the co-existence of obligations that bind Contracting Parties to the Treaty on the European Union (‘TEU’) signed at Maastricht in 1992 and enforce in November 1993, as successively modified; and those derived from an investment treaty that bind the same Contracting Parties. It shall illustrate how investment treaty arbitration panels have dealt with jurisdictional objections related to this co-existence of obligations, and whether jurisdiction to investment arbitration has been avoided by states using defences based upon this fact.
{"title":"A Resolution of the Conflict Between EU Law Rights and the Rights in Investment Treaties When Determining Investment Treaty Arbitration Jurisdiction","authors":"A. P. Pandya","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2479936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2479936","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers a range of procedural defences argued by state parties in investment treaty arbitration proceedings. These defences are based upon the co-existence of obligations that bind Contracting Parties to the Treaty on the European Union (‘TEU’) signed at Maastricht in 1992 and enforce in November 1993, as successively modified; and those derived from an investment treaty that bind the same Contracting Parties. It shall illustrate how investment treaty arbitration panels have dealt with jurisdictional objections related to this co-existence of obligations, and whether jurisdiction to investment arbitration has been avoided by states using defences based upon this fact.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129561018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper explores the impact of floods on women with disabilities in the Tokwe-Mukosi basin, Zimbabwe. It discusses the impact of flooding on the livelihoods of women with disabilities as well as the challenges they are facing in the course of their relocation. The research employed purposive sampling. Data was gathered through key informant interviews and observation in the Tokwe-Mukosi basin, transit camps and the Nuanetsi relocation site. Research revealed that women with disabilities were adversely impacted by the floods. Their livelihood assets were destroyed and environmental and access barriers became more pronounced. The research also revealed that the relocation exercise was not all-encompassing thus, further compounded the situation for women with disabilities. The paper concludes that there is a need for the government of Zimbabwe to improve disaster management by taking on board representatives of people with disabilities.
{"title":"Flooding and the Forgotten Tribe: The Impact of Floods on Women with Disabilities in the Tokwe-Mukosi Basin, Zimbabwe","authors":"Kudzayi Savious Tarisayi","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2491691","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2491691","url":null,"abstract":"The paper explores the impact of floods on women with disabilities in the Tokwe-Mukosi basin, Zimbabwe. It discusses the impact of flooding on the livelihoods of women with disabilities as well as the challenges they are facing in the course of their relocation. The research employed purposive sampling. Data was gathered through key informant interviews and observation in the Tokwe-Mukosi basin, transit camps and the Nuanetsi relocation site. Research revealed that women with disabilities were adversely impacted by the floods. Their livelihood assets were destroyed and environmental and access barriers became more pronounced. The research also revealed that the relocation exercise was not all-encompassing thus, further compounded the situation for women with disabilities. The paper concludes that there is a need for the government of Zimbabwe to improve disaster management by taking on board representatives of people with disabilities.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124699708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Svoboda and Irvine (S2014) consider possible compensation for harm from solar radiation management (SRM) geoengineering, implying that both SRM and compensation are futile efforts, bound to do more harm than good. However, the shortcomings of SRM and compensation for its potential negative secondary effects which they cite are found among three existing policy domains, which happen to intersect at the proposed compensation for SRM’s harms: socially organized responses to other complex problems (especially the provision of public goods), compensation (especially in complex situations), and climate change. An additional problematic aspect is that, to some degree, they stack the deck against SRM. SRM is indeed complex and challenging but Svoboda and Irvine fail to indicate why its case should be fundamentally different from these others. A more pragmatic approach, which asks what policies and avenues of research would be most likely to offer the greatest benefits may be more productive.
{"title":"Response to Svoboda and Irvine (Ethical and Technical Challenges in Compensating for Harm Due to Solar Radiation Management Geoengineering)","authors":"Jesse L. Reynolds","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2501271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2501271","url":null,"abstract":"Svoboda and Irvine (S2014) consider possible compensation for harm from solar radiation management (SRM) geoengineering, implying that both SRM and compensation are futile efforts, bound to do more harm than good. However, the shortcomings of SRM and compensation for its potential negative secondary effects which they cite are found among three existing policy domains, which happen to intersect at the proposed compensation for SRM’s harms: socially organized responses to other complex problems (especially the provision of public goods), compensation (especially in complex situations), and climate change. An additional problematic aspect is that, to some degree, they stack the deck against SRM. SRM is indeed complex and challenging but Svoboda and Irvine fail to indicate why its case should be fundamentally different from these others. A more pragmatic approach, which asks what policies and avenues of research would be most likely to offer the greatest benefits may be more productive.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133582379","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：