Pub Date : 2013-07-11DOI: 10.1017/CBO9781139094245.012
D. A. J. Telman
This chapter, a contribution to a book on International Legal Positivism in a Post-Modern World, gauges the potential for mutually enriching interactions between international legal positivism and legal realism. It first describes the encounter between legal positivism and legal realism in the U.S. legal academy and then proceeds to discuss the rise of a new legal realism in international legal theory. In a concluding section, the chapter assesses the compatibilities and tensions between the new international legal realism and the new international legal positivism.With its forthright embrace of the inescapability of uncertainty in law, the new international legal positivism adopts a sceptical position very similar to legal realism. However, this chapter contends, the new international legal positivism still requires a realist supplement in order to provide a fuller understanding of the way in which legal norms interact with non-legal factors and to help us describe, predict and analyse the behaviour of actors in international affairs. At the same time, new international legal realists can learn from the sceptical attitude towards sources of law that new international legal positivists have developed. The two movements can be symbiotic if brought into closer dialogue. Nonetheless, this chapter concludes with a dose of pessimism about the capacity of any of the currently available theories of international law to fully assimilate the complexities of both postmodern theory and postmodern global society into a comprehensive theory of international law in the postmodern world.
{"title":"International Legal Positivism and Legal Realism","authors":"D. A. J. Telman","doi":"10.1017/CBO9781139094245.012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139094245.012","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter, a contribution to a book on International Legal Positivism in a Post-Modern World, gauges the potential for mutually enriching interactions between international legal positivism and legal realism. It first describes the encounter between legal positivism and legal realism in the U.S. legal academy and then proceeds to discuss the rise of a new legal realism in international legal theory. In a concluding section, the chapter assesses the compatibilities and tensions between the new international legal realism and the new international legal positivism.With its forthright embrace of the inescapability of uncertainty in law, the new international legal positivism adopts a sceptical position very similar to legal realism. However, this chapter contends, the new international legal positivism still requires a realist supplement in order to provide a fuller understanding of the way in which legal norms interact with non-legal factors and to help us describe, predict and analyse the behaviour of actors in international affairs. At the same time, new international legal realists can learn from the sceptical attitude towards sources of law that new international legal positivists have developed. The two movements can be symbiotic if brought into closer dialogue. Nonetheless, this chapter concludes with a dose of pessimism about the capacity of any of the currently available theories of international law to fully assimilate the complexities of both postmodern theory and postmodern global society into a comprehensive theory of international law in the postmodern world.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133691720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I examine how the historical legacies of inter-ethnic complementarity and competition influence contemporary electoral competition and its effects on patterns of ethnic violence. Using local comparisons within Gujarat, a single Indian state known for its non-violent local traditions yet also for widespread ethnic pogroms in 2002, I provide evidence that while towns with close votes in the preceding state elections do predict an increased incidence of ethnic riots, these effects are diminished in medieval port towns that historically enjoyed exogenous inter-ethnic complementarities. Furthermore, unlike other towns where pre-riot electoral competitiveness coincided with historic inter-ethnic competition and where the ruling party reaped well-targeted electoral dividends from the riots, medieval port constituencies exhibited a relative vote swing of more than seven percentage points against that party. These rendered medieval port constituencies marginal constituencies in future elections, which also saw less ethnic violence. I interpret these results as consistent with the existence of a fundamentally conditional, yet magnifying interaction between electoral competition and local institutions in generating incentives for ethnic violence. Where marginal electoral constituencies coincide with or reflect pre-existing inter-ethnic economic competition, politicians have both enhanced local and state-wide incentives to foster ethnic mobilization and violence. On the other hand, when the focus of electoral competition shifts to constituencies enjoying complementary norms and organizations supporting local inter-ethnic tolerance, this can reduce state-wide incentives for ethnic violence.
{"title":"\"Unfinished Business\": Ethnic Complementarities and the Political Contagion of Peace and Conflict in Gujarat","authors":"Saumitra Jha","doi":"10.3386/W19203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3386/W19203","url":null,"abstract":"I examine how the historical legacies of inter-ethnic complementarity and competition influence contemporary electoral competition and its effects on patterns of ethnic violence. Using local comparisons within Gujarat, a single Indian state known for its non-violent local traditions yet also for widespread ethnic pogroms in 2002, I provide evidence that while towns with close votes in the preceding state elections do predict an increased incidence of ethnic riots, these effects are diminished in medieval port towns that historically enjoyed exogenous inter-ethnic complementarities. Furthermore, unlike other towns where pre-riot electoral competitiveness coincided with historic inter-ethnic competition and where the ruling party reaped well-targeted electoral dividends from the riots, medieval port constituencies exhibited a relative vote swing of more than seven percentage points against that party. These rendered medieval port constituencies marginal constituencies in future elections, which also saw less ethnic violence. I interpret these results as consistent with the existence of a fundamentally conditional, yet magnifying interaction between electoral competition and local institutions in generating incentives for ethnic violence. Where marginal electoral constituencies coincide with or reflect pre-existing inter-ethnic economic competition, politicians have both enhanced local and state-wide incentives to foster ethnic mobilization and violence. On the other hand, when the focus of electoral competition shifts to constituencies enjoying complementary norms and organizations supporting local inter-ethnic tolerance, this can reduce state-wide incentives for ethnic violence.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126370968","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Evidence-based economic policies—pragmatic policies that work—played a major role in Asia’s success in raising its living standards in the last half century. However, growth prospects are now threatened by rising income inequality and environmental degradation if Asia continues on its established growth path. Evidence strongly argues for Asia to broaden its development priorities into a triple bottom line: that is, a focus on growth, social inclusion, and environmental sustainability. The paper focuses on how Asia can manage this ambitious goal. Possible resistance from vested interests is to be anticipated, but pursuing this path could bring large overall gains. The paper looks at how Asian governments and their development partners can make a difference in promoting the three policy objectives. Innovations in governance for better accountability, transparency, and feedback will be necessary for achieving these priorities. Societies in Asia and the international community will also need rigorous evidence and analysis to establish the benefits of this strategy and to make informed policy choices. International financial institutions and the donor community can provide financial lubricants for cooperation, as well as knowledge to help governments counter vested interests and champion regional perspectives on transborder issues. Reversing the negative social and environmental trends has to become a real development priority rather than a mere aspiration. Progress is possible on the three bottom-line goals, but it will require focusing Asia’s vaunted methods of learning and innovation to meet the new challenges.
{"title":"Development Imperatives for the Asian Century","authors":"P. Petri, Vinod Thomas","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2295823","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2295823","url":null,"abstract":"Evidence-based economic policies—pragmatic policies that work—played a major role in Asia’s success in raising its living standards in the last half century. However, growth prospects are now threatened by rising income inequality and environmental degradation if Asia continues on its established growth path. Evidence strongly argues for Asia to broaden its development priorities into a triple bottom line: that is, a focus on growth, social inclusion, and environmental sustainability. The paper focuses on how Asia can manage this ambitious goal. Possible resistance from vested interests is to be anticipated, but pursuing this path could bring large overall gains. The paper looks at how Asian governments and their development partners can make a difference in promoting the three policy objectives. Innovations in governance for better accountability, transparency, and feedback will be necessary for achieving these priorities. Societies in Asia and the international community will also need rigorous evidence and analysis to establish the benefits of this strategy and to make informed policy choices. International financial institutions and the donor community can provide financial lubricants for cooperation, as well as knowledge to help governments counter vested interests and champion regional perspectives on transborder issues. Reversing the negative social and environmental trends has to become a real development priority rather than a mere aspiration. Progress is possible on the three bottom-line goals, but it will require focusing Asia’s vaunted methods of learning and innovation to meet the new challenges.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132414160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Regional policies in European Union member countries have undergone significant changes in recent two decades. New policy approach is particularly focused on issues such as regional competitiveness, role of regional and local actors in managing development, multi-annual programming and policy evaluation. Latest policy trends have not yet been recognized by Croatian policy-makers. Croatian regional policy is still based on old-fashioned instruments such as tax relief’s and intergovernmental transfers, while a meaningful approach to supporting regional growth and competitiveness is lacking. Accession process could become a catalyst for setting up new and modern regional policy, but on the other hand it could result with having two parallel systems of supporting regional development based on entirely different principles. On the basis of the identified trends in European regional policies and the analysis of current regional development and regional policy context, the paper provides recommendations for improvement of the current policy approach.
{"title":"Current Situation and Future Perspectives of Regional Policy in Croatia","authors":"Jaksa Puljiz, Sanja Maleković","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2238654","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2238654","url":null,"abstract":"Regional policies in European Union member countries have undergone significant changes in recent two decades. New policy approach is particularly focused on issues such as regional competitiveness, role of regional and local actors in managing development, multi-annual programming and policy evaluation. Latest policy trends have not yet been recognized by Croatian policy-makers. Croatian regional policy is still based on old-fashioned instruments such as tax relief’s and intergovernmental transfers, while a meaningful approach to supporting regional growth and competitiveness is lacking. Accession process could become a catalyst for setting up new and modern regional policy, but on the other hand it could result with having two parallel systems of supporting regional development based on entirely different principles. On the basis of the identified trends in European regional policies and the analysis of current regional development and regional policy context, the paper provides recommendations for improvement of the current policy approach.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130922747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By examining the preferences over migration destinations of those revealing a desire to permanently leave their country, this paper provides new evidence on the relevance of subjective measures for cross country comparisons. While hard statistics such as GDP per capita and unemployment rates are commonly used to measure a country success, this analysis reveals that people preferences over alternative migration destinations are better explained by average levels of life satisfaction in the destination country. Aggregated measures of subjective well-being are, therefore, useful for international comparisons as they better reflect what makes some countries more attractive than others.
{"title":"Tell Me Where You Would Like to Go and I Tell You Why - Potential Migration and Subjective Well-Being","authors":"Stefania Lovo","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2237537","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2237537","url":null,"abstract":"By examining the preferences over migration destinations of those revealing a desire to permanently leave their country, this paper provides new evidence on the relevance of subjective measures for cross country comparisons. While hard statistics such as GDP per capita and unemployment rates are commonly used to measure a country success, this analysis reveals that people preferences over alternative migration destinations are better explained by average levels of life satisfaction in the destination country. Aggregated measures of subjective well-being are, therefore, useful for international comparisons as they better reflect what makes some countries more attractive than others.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"89 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117091882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the more prominent issues to emerge from the recent economic crisis has been a concern about the method and quality of policy-making in Ireland. This concern has been specifically raised in relation to regulation of banking and other financial and fiscal affairs, but also more generally in relation to what is traditionally understood as being a defining characteristic of a civil service, i.e. the development of policy options for government. The importance of how public policy is created, framed and evaluated has been ‘rediscovered’ not just in Ireland, but across the OECD as governments seek to address crisis-inspired and other problems in new ways, and with less resources. This development has implications not just for the way in which public service organisations work, but also for the nature of politics itself. Policy, after all, creates politics as it involves resource allocations and decisions that will favour some interests over others. Recent events also pose challenging questions for the academic community as dominant theories concerning policy development have been found wanting, while also presenting opportunities for rethinking the role and capacity of contemporary state governing. Taking policy-making as a problem-solving activity, this paper sets Irish policy-making in some international and theoretical contexts, before looking at recent developments and considering future reform trajectories.
{"title":"Reform of Public Policy-Making in Ireland","authors":"Muiris MacCarthaigh","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2261003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2261003","url":null,"abstract":"One of the more prominent issues to emerge from the recent economic crisis has been a concern about the method and quality of policy-making in Ireland. This concern has been specifically raised in relation to regulation of banking and other financial and fiscal affairs, but also more generally in relation to what is traditionally understood as being a defining characteristic of a civil service, i.e. the development of policy options for government. The importance of how public policy is created, framed and evaluated has been ‘rediscovered’ not just in Ireland, but across the OECD as governments seek to address crisis-inspired and other problems in new ways, and with less resources. This development has implications not just for the way in which public service organisations work, but also for the nature of politics itself. Policy, after all, creates politics as it involves resource allocations and decisions that will favour some interests over others. Recent events also pose challenging questions for the academic community as dominant theories concerning policy development have been found wanting, while also presenting opportunities for rethinking the role and capacity of contemporary state governing. Taking policy-making as a problem-solving activity, this paper sets Irish policy-making in some international and theoretical contexts, before looking at recent developments and considering future reform trajectories.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125275086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Eastern Mediterranean region is rapidly changing. The turbolent political transition in Egypt after the Arab Spring, the civil war in Syria, the emergence of Turkey as leading regional power, the tensions between Israel and Gaza and the never-ending dispute between Turkey and the Republic of Cyprus are -all together- reshuffling the regional geopolitical equilibrium. At the same time natural gas findings are flourishing in the offshore of Egypt, Israel, and Cyprus, reshaping the regional energy map and rapidly making the Eastern Mediterranean a world-class natural gas province. These geopolitical and energy pressures are rapidly converging, generating a number of new challenges and opportunities for each player in the region. The aim of this paper is to provide a comprehensive overview on these new regional developments and to propose a critical discussion of the market opportunities and geopolitical risks related to the potential emergence of a new Eastern Mediterranean Energy Corridor.
{"title":"Towards a New Eastern Mediterranean Energy Corridor? Natural Gas Developments between Market Opportunities and Geopolitical Risks","authors":"S. Tagliapietra","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2225272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2225272","url":null,"abstract":"The Eastern Mediterranean region is rapidly changing. The turbolent political transition in Egypt after the Arab Spring, the civil war in Syria, the emergence of Turkey as leading regional power, the tensions between Israel and Gaza and the never-ending dispute between Turkey and the Republic of Cyprus are -all together- reshuffling the regional geopolitical equilibrium. At the same time natural gas findings are flourishing in the offshore of Egypt, Israel, and Cyprus, reshaping the regional energy map and rapidly making the Eastern Mediterranean a world-class natural gas province. These geopolitical and energy pressures are rapidly converging, generating a number of new challenges and opportunities for each player in the region. The aim of this paper is to provide a comprehensive overview on these new regional developments and to propose a critical discussion of the market opportunities and geopolitical risks related to the potential emergence of a new Eastern Mediterranean Energy Corridor.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133902252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A differential game of global warming is offered. The game involves individual country social utility functions that balance gains from GHG emissions with damages due to global warming. Two state variables are involved, the concentration of anthropogenic GHG in the atmosphere, and the increase in global temperature, compared to preindustrial times, due to the anthropogenic GHG. Temperature increase adjusts gradually to the effect of increased GHG concentration, while the GHG concentration increases with GHG emissions from countries around the globe, and declines due to the absorptive capacity of the environment, a capacity that is negatively affected by the increased global temperature. A cooperative solution is defined, as is an open-loop equilibrium, and a tax policy is offered that induces an open-loop equilibrium which coincides with the cooperative solution. The tax policy offered serves to bring damages from global warming to all countries into the utility function of each individual country.
{"title":"A Global Warming Differential Game","authors":"G. Erickson","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2212368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2212368","url":null,"abstract":"A differential game of global warming is offered. The game involves individual country social utility functions that balance gains from GHG emissions with damages due to global warming. Two state variables are involved, the concentration of anthropogenic GHG in the atmosphere, and the increase in global temperature, compared to preindustrial times, due to the anthropogenic GHG. Temperature increase adjusts gradually to the effect of increased GHG concentration, while the GHG concentration increases with GHG emissions from countries around the globe, and declines due to the absorptive capacity of the environment, a capacity that is negatively affected by the increased global temperature. A cooperative solution is defined, as is an open-loop equilibrium, and a tax policy is offered that induces an open-loop equilibrium which coincides with the cooperative solution. The tax policy offered serves to bring damages from global warming to all countries into the utility function of each individual country.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-02-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121957256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this research evaluates the investments of rich oil and natural gas source owner and the most blooming country of the world - Azerbaijan’s investments in Turkey and its impacts to preventing Dutch Disease problem Azerbaijan economy. After giving brief information about economy of Azerbaijan, the research analyzes SOCAR’s investment on petrochemical institution in Turkey Petkim which was purchased in Turkish privatization master plan. Star Rafinery which began to be built on Petkim peninsula, electric power-plants and port investments were examined under several titles. Additionally, the research gives information about the investment on Trans Anatolia Natural Gas Pipeline (TANAP) which was signed at the end of 2011 and evaluated its impacts on Azerbaijan Economy.
{"title":"Azerbaycanin Hollanda Hastaliği Problemini Önleme Stratejilerinde Türkiye Ile Yapilan Ekonomik Ilişkilerin Önemi (Importance of Economic Collaboration between Azerbaijan and Turkey in Preventing Dutch Disease in Azerbaijan)","authors":"C. Bulut, E. Suleymanov","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2172960","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2172960","url":null,"abstract":"In this research evaluates the investments of rich oil and natural gas source owner and the most blooming country of the world - Azerbaijan’s investments in Turkey and its impacts to preventing Dutch Disease problem Azerbaijan economy. After giving brief information about economy of Azerbaijan, the research analyzes SOCAR’s investment on petrochemical institution in Turkey Petkim which was purchased in Turkish privatization master plan. Star Rafinery which began to be built on Petkim peninsula, electric power-plants and port investments were examined under several titles. Additionally, the research gives information about the investment on Trans Anatolia Natural Gas Pipeline (TANAP) which was signed at the end of 2011 and evaluated its impacts on Azerbaijan Economy.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"97 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116015249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-08-01DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-6435.2012.00544.x
R. Weder, H. Grubel
In this paper, we argue that, first, the contestable‐markets hypothesis increases our understanding of why and how public referenda and initiatives are beneficial for the political decision‐making process and, second, that these direct‐democratic instruments could solve some of the current and pending institutional problems of the European Union (EU) and reshape its process of political integration. The Lisbon Treaty includes some attempts in this direction which, however, are half‐hearted and thus hardly increase the democratic control of the EU by its member states and their citizens.
{"title":"A Note on Political Contestability and the Future of the European Union","authors":"R. Weder, H. Grubel","doi":"10.1111/j.1467-6435.2012.00544.x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6435.2012.00544.x","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we argue that, first, the contestable‐markets hypothesis increases our understanding of why and how public referenda and initiatives are beneficial for the political decision‐making process and, second, that these direct‐democratic instruments could solve some of the current and pending institutional problems of the European Union (EU) and reshape its process of political integration. The Lisbon Treaty includes some attempts in this direction which, however, are half‐hearted and thus hardly increase the democratic control of the EU by its member states and their citizens.","PeriodicalId":118088,"journal":{"name":"SRPN: International Affairs Issues (Topic)","volume":"159 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127124133","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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