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Vietnamese-American Diaspora Engagement in Homeland Development: Reciprocities, Potentials, and Challenges 旅居海外的越南裔美国人参与国土发展:互惠、潜力和挑战
Pub Date : 2022-07-09 DOI: 10.3138/diaspora.22.2.2022.06.08
N. D. H. Nguyen
This article explores the reciprocal relationship between Vietnam and its diaspora in the United States, and suggests that they have adopted a reconciliatory approach to promote development progress within the context of transnational interactions triggered by globalization. The diaspora acts reactively to the home state’s responses, but proactively to its capacity for effective communication and negotiation. Conversely, the home state at first acts reactively toward transnational interactions and then gradually adopts expatriate-oriented policies to proactively steer diaspora engagement for development impacts. Reciprocal interactions help to expand the scope of diaspora engagement from low- to high-level transnational practices, which go beyond income-based and material supports and center on social development aiming to improve the wellbeing of every individual in Vietnamese society. These reactions may also push for further policy change in the home country and result in improved institutional conditions in which deeper contributions of the diaspora could be expected for the consolidation of peace and development in a post-conflict society.
本文探讨了越南及其在美国的侨民之间的互惠关系,并提出他们在全球化引发的跨国互动背景下采取了一种和解的方式来促进发展进步。侨民对母国的反应是被动的,但对母国进行有效沟通和谈判的能力是主动的。相反,母国首先对跨国互动采取反应性行动,然后逐渐采取以侨民为导向的政策,主动引导侨民参与发展影响。互惠互动有助于将侨民参与的范围从低级扩展到高级跨国实践,这些实践超越了基于收入和物质支持的范畴,并以旨在改善越南社会每个人福祉的社会发展为中心。这些反应还可能推动原籍国进一步改变政策,并改善体制条件,从而可以期望侨民为巩固冲突后社会的和平与发展作出更大贡献。
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引用次数: 1
Trouble In/Troubling The Contact Zone: Representations Of Mexico’s Article 33 in Jordi Soler’s La ultima hora del ultimo día and los rojos de ultramar 在接触区出现的麻烦:墨西哥第33条在Jordi Soler的La ultima hora del ultimo dia和los rojos de ultramar的代表
Pub Date : 2022-07-09 DOI: 10.3138/diaspora.22.2.2022.06.07
Alexander Voisine
Abstract:The literature produced by Spanish exiles living in Mexico after the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) has created important inroads to analyze the complicated relationships between the exiles and their Mexican hosts. Jordi Soler’s novels Los rojos de ultramar (2004) and La última hora del último día (2007) differ from past works regarding the Spanish exile in Mexico by starkly depicting the complexity of the historicized relationship between foreigner and citizen in Mexico in colonial terms and by assuming distinct literary forms. In particular, the books’ centralization of Article 33—a Constitutional article in Mexico that allowed the executive branch to expel foreigners without due process—offers new avenues of analysis into the interlaced structures of law, xenophobia, and xenophilia. This article seeks to read Article 33 in the context of colonial and anticolonial dynamics at the time the exiles depicted in the novels arrived in Mexico, permitting a deeper examination of Mexico’s relationship with its foreign-born population. The article ends with a gendered analysis of the invocation of Article 33 in the “contact zone” depicted in the books, illuminating the relationship between citizenship, coloniality, exile, and illuminating the relationship between citizenship, coloniality, race, exile, and heteropatriachal nationalism.
摘要:西班牙内战(1936-1939)后流亡者在墨西哥创作的文学作品为分析流亡者与墨西哥主人之间的复杂关系提供了重要的突破口。Jordi Soler的小说《Los rojos de ultramar》(2004)和《La última hora del último día》(2007)与以往关于西班牙人在墨西哥流亡的作品不同,他们以殖民的方式赤裸裸地描绘了墨西哥外国人和公民之间历史关系的复杂性,并采用了独特的文学形式。尤其值得注意的是,这两本书集中阐述了第33条——墨西哥宪法中允许行政部门在没有正当程序的情况下驱逐外国人的条款——为分析法律、仇外心理和排外主义的交错结构提供了新的途径。本文试图在小说中描述的流亡者抵达墨西哥时的殖民和反殖民动态背景下解读第33条,从而更深入地审视墨西哥与其外国出生人口的关系。文章最后对书中所描绘的“接触区”中援引第33条进行了性别分析,阐明了公民权、殖民性、流亡之间的关系,也阐明了公民权、殖民性、种族、流亡和异族民族主义之间的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Coming Of Age In Post-War Anglophone Lebanese Literature: The Search For Identity In Niko And Lifted By The Great Nothing 战后以英语为母语的黎巴嫩文学中的成年:在《尼克》中寻找身份,并被伟大的虚无所提升
Pub Date : 2022-07-09 DOI: 10.3138/diaspora.22.2.2022.06.06
Pamela Layoun
Abstract:The aim of this article is to highlight the emergence of a coming-of-age trend in post-war Anglophone Lebanese literature and offer a postcolonial reading of the ways in which it explores the complexities of forming an identity in transnational subjects. Niko by Dimitri Nasrallah and Lifted by the Great Nothing by Karim Dimechkie adapt the form of the Bildungsroman to examine the role that diaspora and trauma play in shaping the identity of their young protagonists, whose self-realization depends on finding the parent they lost as a result of the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990). By analyzing these novels’ spatial and temporal mobility, this article argues that their protagonists’ transnational identity prescribes a fluid self which is not fixed to a specific home or to a present, but rather free to move between here and there and then and now.
摘要:本文旨在强调战后以英语为母语的黎巴嫩文学中出现的一种成年趋势,并提供一种后殖民阅读方式,探讨在跨国主体中形成身份的复杂性。迪米特里·纳斯鲁拉的《尼科》和卡里姆·迪梅克基的《虚无之躯》改编了成长小说的形式,审视了散居和创伤在塑造年轻主人公身份的过程中所起的作用,他们的自我实现依赖于找到因黎巴嫩内战(1975-1990)而失去的父母。通过分析这些小说的空间和时间流动性,本文认为主人公的跨国身份规定了一个流动的自我,这个自我不是固定在一个特定的家或现在,而是自由地在这里和那里,过去和现在之间移动。
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引用次数: 0
Inclusion and Repression in Turkey's Diaspora Policies in Kosovo as a Tool of Loyalty Building in Religious Circles 土耳其在科索沃的侨民政策中的包容与镇压:在宗教界建立忠诚的工具
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3138/diaspora.21.2.2021.05.25
László Szerencsés
Abstract:Turkey is a prime example of the growing importance of diaspora related policies in countries with emerging power status. Based on reports, observations, and interviews with Turkish and Kosovar citizens in Pristina in February 2019, this article examines how Turkey since 2002 has created societal influence in Kosovo—a new and insecure country with which Turkey established relations since its inception—by using, among other things, the Presidency for Re ligious Affairs (Diyanet) for its diaspora policies. Looking at how the inclusive and repressive tactics of Turkish diaspora-building feed into each other, I argue that Ankara has expanded the boundaries of the Turkish state's reach by harnessing religion (Islam) in addition to exist ing ethnic bonds (Turkishness), thereby allowing Turkey to create a diaspora out of a much larger group of people including non-Turkish Muslims. As a result, certain segments among the Sunni-Muslim Albanians in Kosovo have developed close relations with Turkey that may be employed when needed to police elements of the diaspora that are seen as oppositional. While Turkey's "domestic abroad" has expanded considerably due to the initial inclusive outreach, it has also become more fragmented, more contested, and more unruly, delivering continuously diminishing returns in terms of regime security at home. Although the repression of disloyal diaspora members by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) is aimed at stabilizing rule at home, it creates divisions in the diaspora and risks Turkey's relations with the countries in which it asserts its authority.
摘要:在新兴大国中,与移民相关的政策日益重要,土耳其就是一个典型的例子。根据2019年2月在普里什蒂纳对土耳其和科索沃公民的报道、观察和采访,本文考察了土耳其自2002年以来如何通过利用宗教事务主席(Diyanet)制定其侨民政策,在科索沃(一个新的、不安全的国家,土耳其自成立以来就与科索沃建立了关系)创造社会影响力。看看土耳其侨民建设的包容性和压制性策略是如何相互影响的,我认为安卡拉通过利用宗教(伊斯兰教)和现有的种族纽带(土耳其性)扩大了土耳其国家的范围,从而允许土耳其从包括非土耳其穆斯林在内的更大群体中创造一个侨民。结果,科索沃境内的逊尼派-穆斯林阿尔巴尼亚人中的某些部分与土耳其发展了密切的关系,必要时可以利用这种关系来监督被视为反对派的散居侨民。虽然土耳其的“内外关系”由于最初的包容性接触而大大扩大,但它也变得更加分散,更具竞争性,更加不守规矩,在国内政权安全方面的回报不断减少。尽管执政的正义与发展党(AKP)镇压不忠的侨民成员是为了稳定国内的统治,但它在侨民中造成了分裂,并危及土耳其与其主张其权威的国家的关系。
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引用次数: 1
Performing while Black: Disrupting Gender and Sexuality from Trinidad to Norway—TheArtivism of Thomas Prestø 黑人表演:从特立尼达到挪威的颠覆性与性别——托马斯·普雷斯托的艺术主义
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3138/diaspora.21.2.2021.05.14.2
G. M. Francis
Abstract:In this interview, artistic director and choreographer Thomas Prestø speaks with cultural studies scholar Dr. Gladys M. Francis about his personal journey as a hyper visible Black boy growing up in a Norwegian region known as a hub for neo-Nazi groups. Subjected to various forms of torture, Prestø discusses how his experiences shaped his politics of arts when he founded the Tabanka Dance Company to promote "a sustainable Black identity" that converges both Ca ribbean and African movement esthetics to tell the stories of Blacks in Norway. Prestø presents how his body of work informs Black diaspora studies in terms of art and culture through issues of minority identities, body-memory, body-politics, and political and cultural agency relating to Black performances and cultures in Norway. He discusses principles on "Caribfuturism" and corporealities within what he calls "the uniqueness of the Afropean, the Afro-Scandinavian and the poly-Diasporan." His insights on the prejudiced mechanisms of representation and segmen tation of cultures visible in Norway also convey how his artistic productions offer challenging esthetics and representations of gender and sexuality for performing Brown and Black artists. The following segments were gathered during his 2018 dance fellowship in Dakar, Senegal, my scholar appointment in Norway in 2019, and follow up discussions in spring 2021.
摘要:在本次采访中,艺术总监兼编舞托马斯·普雷斯托与文化研究学者格拉迪斯·m·弗朗西斯博士讲述了他作为一个在挪威新纳粹组织中心地区长大的黑人男孩的个人经历。在经历了各种形式的折磨后,Prestø讨论了他的经历如何塑造了他的艺术政治,当时他创立了Tabanka舞蹈团,以促进“可持续的黑人身份”,将加勒比海和非洲运动美学融合在一起,讲述挪威黑人的故事。Prestø展示了他的作品是如何通过少数民族身份、身体记忆、身体政治以及与挪威黑人表演和文化相关的政治和文化代理等问题,在艺术和文化方面为黑人侨民研究提供信息的。他讨论了“加勒比未来主义”的原则,以及他所谓的“非洲人、非洲-斯堪的纳维亚人和多移民的独特性”中的物质现实。他对挪威可见的文化表现和分割的偏见机制的见解也传达了他的艺术作品如何为表演的布朗和黑人艺术家提供具有挑战性的美学和性别和性行为的表现。以下是他2018年在塞内加尔达喀尔参加舞蹈奖学金期间收集的片段,2019年我在挪威担任学者期间收集的片段,并在2021年春季进行后续讨论。
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引用次数: 0
Digital Archiving of Diasporic Cultural Productions and Transnational Citizenship of Arabs in the West 流散文化产品的数位档案与西方阿拉伯人的跨国公民权
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3138/diaspora.21.2.2021.05.07
Melissa Finn, Eid Mohamed, Bessma Momani
Abstract:When transnationally constructed art forms, such as the works of diasporic cultural productions of Arabs in the West, are made available in open-source on a digital archive, this supports the transnational flow or exchange of citizenship-enhancing ideas, skill-sets, technologies, tools, capacities, and practices. In this theoretical investigation, we explore imagined outcomes when new audiences can engage with diasporic cultural productions of Arabs. Digital archiving of ethnically diverse cultural productions can expand civility, solidarity, and common ground among people; these latter behaviors are the ideational foundations of agency-based claims of transnational citizenship. Such cultural productions help to reconfigure the questions, opportunities, and nature of political and social agency in ways that empower diaspora communities and expand their abilities to make citizenship claims in multiple societies. This is what the Internet enables despite its tendency towards parochialism in globalized pockets. Moreover, we highlight the possibilities of open-source digital archiving—with a focus on literature, poetry, biographies, and letters—for agency-based claims of citizenship and the many caveats that require further attention and consideration.
摘要:当跨国构建的艺术形式,如西方阿拉伯人的流散文化作品,在数字档案中以开源形式提供时,这支持了公民身份增强思想、技能、技术、工具、能力和实践的跨国流动或交流。在这一理论研究中,我们探索了当新的观众可以参与阿拉伯人的流散文化作品时的想象结果。多元民族文化产品的数字化存档可以扩大人们之间的文明、团结和共同点;后一种行为是基于代理的跨国公民权主张的观念基础。这些文化产品有助于重新配置政治和社会机构的问题、机会和性质,从而赋予侨民社区权力,并扩大他们在多个社会中申请公民身份的能力。这就是互联网所能做到的,尽管它在全球化的口袋里有狭隘的倾向。此外,我们还强调了开源数字存档的可能性——以文学、诗歌、传记和信件为重点——以机构为基础的公民身份声明和许多需要进一步关注和考虑的警告。
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引用次数: 1
Islam, the Homeland, and the Family: Diyanet's Narrative and Practices Aimed at Shaping a Loyal Muslim Turkish Diaspora 伊斯兰、祖国和家庭:迪亚内的叙事和实践旨在塑造一个忠诚的土耳其穆斯林侨民
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3138/diaspora.21.2.2021.05.20.1
Chiara Maritato
Abstract:With the inclusion of women among the religious officers of the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Di yanet) who are serving abroad, the "ideal Turkish family" has become the main program underlying projects and activities oriented towards women, families, and young people. This international mis sion has led to an expansion of religious services and moral support in order to reinforce a religion– nation–family nexus within the diaspora. This article examines how the Diyanet officers reproduce the Islam–nation–family intersection as a discourse to be propagated to the diaspora, and whether this narrative reinforces Turkey's attempts to create loyalty to Turkey within the diaspora. Based on ethnographic observations, an analysis of Diyanet official publications, and interviews with Diyanet officers at mosques in Vienna and Stockholm, this article shows the extent to which the Diyanet's international mission is a catalyst for the dissemination of nationalist, moral, and religious values within the diaspora, how Diyanet officers are actively involved in fostering a religious-national discourse within diaspora communities and how they specifically reinforce the connection between Islam, the Turkish nation, and the traditional Turkish family.
摘要:随着在国外服务的宗教事务主席团(Di yanet)宗教官员中包括妇女,“理想的土耳其家庭”已成为面向妇女、家庭和年轻人的项目和活动的主要方案。这一国际使命导致了宗教服务和道义支持的扩大,以便加强散居侨民内部的宗教-国家-家庭联系。本文探讨了Diyanet官员如何将伊斯兰-国家-家庭的交集作为一种话语传播给海外侨民,以及这种叙事是否强化了土耳其在海外侨民中建立对土耳其忠诚的尝试。基于对民族志的观察、对Diyanet官方出版物的分析,以及对Diyanet在维也纳和斯德哥尔摩清真寺的官员的采访,本文显示了Diyanet的国际使命在多大程度上促进了民族主义、道德和宗教价值观在流散人群中的传播。Diyanet官员如何积极参与促进侨民社区内的宗教-民族话语,以及他们如何具体加强伊斯兰教、土耳其民族和传统土耳其家庭之间的联系。
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引用次数: 2
Introduction-A State of Diasporas: The Transnationalisation of Turkey and its Communities Abroad 散居者的状态:土耳其及其海外社区的跨国化
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3138/diaspora.21.2.2021.intro
Chiara Maritato, K. Öktem, A. Zadrożna, Bilge Yabanci, Gül Üret, László Szerencsés, J. Gow, Navid Fozi, Melissa Finn, Eid Mohamed, Bessma Momani, G. M. Francis
Abstract:With the inclusion of women among the religious officers of the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Di yanet) who are serving abroad, the "ideal Turkish family" has become the main program underlying projects and activities oriented towards women, families, and young people. This international mis sion has led to an expansion of religious services and moral support in order to reinforce a religion– nation–family nexus within the diaspora. This article examines how the Diyanet officers reproduce the Islam–nation–family intersection as a discourse to be propagated to the diaspora, and whether this narrative reinforces Turkey's attempts to create loyalty to Turkey within the diaspora. Based on ethnographic observations, an analysis of Diyanet official publications, and interviews with Diyanet officers at mosques in Vienna and Stockholm, this article shows the extent to which the Diyanet's international mission is a catalyst for the dissemination of nationalist, moral, and religious values within the diaspora, how Diyanet officers are actively involved in fostering a religious-national discourse within diaspora communities and how they specifically reinforce the connection between Islam, the Turkish nation, and the traditional Turkish family.
摘要:随着在国外服务的宗教事务主席团(Di yanet)宗教官员中包括妇女,“理想的土耳其家庭”已成为面向妇女、家庭和年轻人的项目和活动的主要方案。这一国际使命导致了宗教服务和道义支持的扩大,以便加强散居侨民内部的宗教-国家-家庭联系。本文探讨了Diyanet官员如何将伊斯兰-国家-家庭的交集作为一种话语传播给海外侨民,以及这种叙事是否强化了土耳其在海外侨民中建立对土耳其忠诚的尝试。基于对民族志的观察、对Diyanet官方出版物的分析,以及对Diyanet在维也纳和斯德哥尔摩清真寺的官员的采访,本文显示了Diyanet的国际使命在多大程度上促进了民族主义、道德和宗教价值观在流散人群中的传播。Diyanet官员如何积极参与促进侨民社区内的宗教-民族话语,以及他们如何具体加强伊斯兰教、土耳其民族和传统土耳其家庭之间的联系。
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引用次数: 4
Home State Oriented Diaspora Organizations and the Making of Partisan Citizens Abroad: Motivations, Discursive Frames, and Actions Towards Co-Opting the Turkish Diaspora in Europe 以母国为导向的侨民组织和海外党派公民的形成:动机、话语框架和对吸纳欧洲土耳其侨民的行动
Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3138/diaspora.21.2.2021.05.20.2
Bilge Yabanci
Abstract:What motivates diasporas to support undemocratic rule in their countries of origin while en joying democratic freedoms in their countries of settlement? This study adopts a meso-level ap proach to answer this question, and focuses on the Turkish diaspora in Europe as a case study. Lately, the diaspora governance literature has focused on official diaspora institutions and the policies of countries of origin. This study, alternatively, highlights "diasporic civic space" as an arena entrenching authoritarian practices "at home." It investigates the conditions under which diasporic civic space can be co-opted by undemocratic countries of origin and the role of "home state oriented diaspora organizations" in this process of co-optation. The study shows that diasporic civic space can offer resources to undemocratic regimes to mobilize previously dormant diaspora communities and create a support base abroad that is driven by nationalism and partisanship. The empirical discussion unveils four factors behind the successful mobili zation of diasporas by undemocratic countries of origin: (1) nationalist sentiments among the diaspora; (2) motivations to get a share from the perks that may be meted out by home country government; (3) feelings of insecurity, fear, and marginalization as immigrants; and (4) the de sire to assert one's identity and cultural ties vis-à-vis the majority in countries of settlement. The findings are based on the case of the Turkish diasporic civic space in Europe, which has recently been mobilized by a diaspora organization with political ties to the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Original data are drawn from semi-structured interviews conducted in 2018–2019 with members and representatives of major pro-AKP diaspora organization known as the Union of International Democrats (UID), as well as Alevi, Kurdish, and Islamist/conservative diaspora organizations in Sweden, Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Germany. The findings con tribute to the understanding of undemocratic home states' non-coercive and de-territorialized governance practices beyond their borders.
摘要:是什么促使散居者支持原籍国的非民主统治,同时在定居国享受民主自由?本研究采用中观方法来回答这个问题,并将重点放在欧洲的土耳其侨民作为案例研究。最近,散居治理文献集中在官方散居机构和原籍国的政策。另一方面,这项研究强调“散居的公民空间”是一个巩固“国内”威权实践的舞台。它调查了流散公民空间可以被非民主原籍国吸收的条件,以及“以母国为导向的流散组织”在这一吸收过程中的作用。该研究表明,散居公民空间可以为非民主政权提供资源,以动员以前处于休眠状态的散居社区,并在民族主义和党派关系的驱动下在国外建立一个支持基础。实证讨论揭示了非民主原籍国成功动员侨民的四个因素:(1)侨民的民族主义情绪;(2)从母国政府可能发放的津贴中分一杯羹的动机;(3)作为移民的不安全感、恐惧感和边缘化感;(4)主张自己的身份和文化联系的愿望对-à-vis大多数定居国家。调查结果基于欧洲土耳其侨民公民空间的案例,该案例最近被一个与正义与发展党(AKP)有政治联系的侨民组织动员起来。原始数据来自2018-2019年对主要亲akp散居组织国际民主联盟(UID)的成员和代表进行的半结构化访谈,以及瑞典、奥地利、波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那和德国的Alevi、库尔德和伊斯兰/保守派散居组织。研究结果有助于理解非民主母国在其境外的非强制性和非领土化治理实践。
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引用次数: 5
Between Lifestyle Migration and Comfortable Exit Strategies: Turkish Golden Visa Investors in Greece 在生活方式移民和舒适退出策略之间:土耳其黄金签证投资者在希腊
Pub Date : 2021-07-02 DOI: 10.3138/diaspora.21.2.2021.05.21
Gül Üret
This article examines a new phenomenon of affluent Turks investing in Greek real estate following the 15 July 2016 coup attempt in order to obtain residence rights in Greece. Triggered by a sense of social, political, and economic insecurity, Turkish nationals invest to secure an exit strategy and safe haven for family and capital in case of potential economic and political upheaval in the country. Drawing on Hirschman’s (1970) typology of Exit, Voice, and Loyalty , this paper argues that this new form of mobility and comfortable exit of the Turkish upper middle class helps defuse opposition to the AKP government and could have a stabilizing effect for the regime in the long run. Based on data from twenty-eight interviews with investors and Golden Visa brokers taking part in the investment process, two factors, in particular, are making the move from Turkey to Greece an attractive option for Turkish nationals, namely geographic proximity and perceived cultural familiarity.
本文探讨了2016年7月15日政变后,富裕的土耳其人投资希腊房地产的新现象,以获得在希腊的居留权。由于对社会、政治和经济的不安全感,土耳其国民进行投资,以确保在该国潜在的经济和政治动荡中为家人和资本提供退出策略和安全的避风港。根据Hirschman(1970)的“退出、声音和忠诚”的类型学,本文认为,土耳其中上层阶级的这种新形式的流动性和舒适退出有助于化解对正义与发展党政府的反对,并可能在长期内对政权产生稳定作用。根据对参与投资过程的28位投资者和黄金签证经纪人的采访数据,有两个因素使从土耳其到希腊成为土耳其国民的一个有吸引力的选择,即地理位置接近和文化熟悉度。
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引用次数: 1
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Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies
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