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United or divided in diversity? The heterogeneous effects of ethnic diversity on European and national identities 团结还是分裂?种族多样性对欧洲和国家认同的异质效应
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211063770
Dominik Schraff, Ronja Sczepanski
In this article, we argue that the size and cultural proximity of immigrant populations in people's residential surroundings shape national and European identities. This means that the type of migrant population activates cultural threat perceptions and opportunities for contact to varying degrees. Geocoded survey data from the Netherlands suggests that large non-Western immigrant shares are associated with more exclusive national identities, while mixed contexts with Western and non-Western populations show more inclusive identities. These results suggest that highly diverse areas with mixed immigrant populations hold a potential for more tolerance. In contrast, exclusive national identities become strongly pronounced under the presence of sizeable culturally distant immigrant groups.
在本文中,我们认为移民人口在人们居住环境中的规模和文化接近性塑造了国家和欧洲的身份认同。这意味着流动人口的类型在不同程度上激活了文化威胁感知和接触机会。来自荷兰的地理编码调查数据表明,大量非西方移民与更排外的民族身份有关,而西方和非西方人口混合的背景显示出更包容的身份。这些结果表明,拥有混合移民人口的高度多样化的地区具有更大的容忍度。相比之下,排他性的民族认同在相当大的文化遥远的移民群体的存在下变得非常明显。
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引用次数: 5
Bargaining power in informal trilogues: Intra-institutional preference cohesion and inter-institutional bargaining success 非正式三方谈判中的议价能力:制度内偏好凝聚与制度间议价成功
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211064485
Maximilian Haag
Informal trilogue meetings are the main legislative bargaining forum in the European Union, yet their dynamics remain largely understudied in a quantitative context. This article builds on the assumption that the negotiating delegations of the European Parliament and the Council play a two-level game whereby these actors can use their intra-institutional constraint to extract inter-institutional bargaining success. Negotiators can credibly claim that their hands are tied if the members of their parent institutions hold similar preferences and do not accept alternative proposals or if their institution is divided and negotiators need to defend a fragile compromise. Employing a measure of document similarity (minimum edit distance) between an institution's negotiation mandate and the trilogue outcome to measure bargaining success, the analysis supports the hypothesis for the European Parliament, but not for the Council.
非正式的三语会议是欧盟主要的立法谈判论坛,但从数量角度来看,它们的动态在很大程度上仍未得到充分研究。这篇文章建立在这样一个假设的基础上,即欧洲议会和理事会的谈判代表团玩着一个两级游戏,通过这个游戏,这些参与者可以利用其机构内的约束来获得机构间谈判的成功。如果其母机构的成员持有类似的偏好,不接受替代方案,或者如果其机构存在分歧,谈判代表需要捍卫脆弱的妥协,谈判代表可以可信地声称他们的手被束缚了。该分析采用了一种衡量机构谈判授权与三语结果之间文件相似性(最小编辑距离)的方法来衡量谈判成功与否,支持欧洲议会的假设,但不支持理事会的假设。
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引用次数: 1
Introducing COMEPELDA: Comprehensive European Parliament electoral data covering rules, parties and candidates COMEPELDA:全面的欧洲议会选举数据,包括规则,政党和候选人
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-11-24 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211053439
T. Däubler, Mihail Chiru, Silje SL Hermansen
We introduce a new collection of data that consolidates information on European Parliament elections into one comprehensive source. It provides information on formal electoral rules as well as national-level and district-level election results for parties and individual politicians (including full candidate lists). The use of existing and new key variables makes it easy to link the data across the different units of observation (country, party, candidate, member of parliament) and join them with external information. Currently, the data cover four elections (1999–2014). Among other aspects, the collection should facilitate research on the European Parliament's allegedly weak electoral connection. In this article, we outline the main features of the datasets, describe patterns of intra-party competition and preference voting and conduct exploratory analyses of individual-level changes in list positions.
我们引入了一个新的数据集合,将欧洲议会选举的信息整合到一个综合来源中。它提供关于正式选举规则以及政党和政治家个人的国家和地区一级选举结果的资料(包括完整的候选人名单)。利用现有的和新的关键变量,可以很容易地将不同观察单位(国家、政党、候选人、议员)之间的数据联系起来,并将它们与外部信息结合起来。目前,该数据涵盖了四次选举(1999-2014)。在其他方面,这些收集应该有助于研究欧洲议会与选举之间所谓的微弱联系。在本文中,我们概述了数据集的主要特征,描述了党内竞争和偏好投票的模式,并对名单位置的个人层面变化进行了探索性分析。
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引用次数: 5
The cultural origins of institutional trust: The case of the European Central Bank 机构信任的文化起源:以欧洲央行为例
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-11-11 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211048325
Siria Angino, F. Ferrara, Stefania Secola
Does culture have a causal effect on institutional trust? We answer this question by assessing the non-economic determinants of public trust in the European Central Bank. To analyse institutional trust, we employ a novel dataset of citizen perceptions and knowledge about the European Central Bank. Cultural traits are measured by indicators of social trust at the level of Euro area sub-national regions. We show that individuals living in regions with lower social trust systematically exhibit less trust in the European Central Bank. An instrumental variable approach based on historical variables of education and political institutions supports a causal interpretation of our findings. These results are robust across different model specifications and measures of trust.
文化对制度信任有因果影响吗?我们通过评估公众对欧洲央行信任的非经济决定因素来回答这个问题。为了分析机构信任,我们使用了一个关于公民对欧洲央行的看法和知识的新数据集。文化特征是通过欧元区次国家地区的社会信任指标来衡量的。我们发现,生活在社会信任度较低地区的个人对欧洲央行的信任度系统性降低。基于教育和政治制度的历史变量的工具变量方法支持对我们的研究结果的因果解释。这些结果在不同的模型规范和信任度量中是稳健的。
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引用次数: 8
Understanding leader evaluations in European Parliament elections 了解欧洲议会选举中的领导人评价
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-16 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211046108
Katjana Gattermann, Claes H. de Vreese
Leader evaluations are a crucial aspect in representative democracy. We analyse the patterns, antecedents and consequences of European Union leader evaluations against the backdrop of the 2019 European Parliament elections in ten countries. The article shows, firstly, that leader evaluations are unidimensional, both among voters with low and high knowledge as well as partisans and non-partisans. Secondly, among the antecedents of leader evaluations, European Union trust and performance evaluations are positively associated with leader evaluations, while European identity hardly plays a role compared to other factors. Lastly, the positive effect of leader evaluations on vote choice is conditional upon the individual leader and their party affiliation. Our results have important implications for expectations towards and evaluations of European Union leadership in the long term.
领导人评价是代议制民主的一个重要方面。我们以2019年10个国家的欧洲议会选举为背景,分析了欧盟领导人评估的模式、前因和后果。文章首先表明,无论是在知识水平低的选民和知识水平高的选民中,还是在党派和无党派选民中,对领导人的评价都是单向的。其次,在领导人评价的前因中,欧盟信任和绩效评价与领导人评价呈正相关,而与其他因素相比,欧洲身份几乎没有发挥作用。最后,领导人评价对选票选择的积极影响取决于个人领导人及其党派关系。我们的研究结果对人们对欧洲联盟长期领导能力的期望和评价具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 6
Discrimination against mobile European Union citizens before and during the first COVID-19 lockdown: Evidence from a conjoint experiment in Germany 在第一次COVID-19封锁之前和期间对流动欧盟公民的歧视:来自德国联合实验的证据
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211037208
Xavier Fernández‐i‐Marín, Carolin Rapp, Christian Adam, O. James, Anita Manatschal
One of the greatest achievements of the EU is the freedom of movement between member states offering citizens equal rights in EU member states. EU enlargement and the COVID-19 pandemic allow for a critical test of whether EU citizens are indeed treated equally in practice. We test preferential treatment of EU citizens in two hypothetical choice experiments in Germany at two different time points: in the period before and during the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown. Theories of responses to threat suggest that the COVID-19 crisis should increase discrimination against mobile EU citizens. While our findings reveal sizeable discrimination based on nationality and language proficiency of mobile EU citizens, the findings also suggest that, contrary to expectations, discrimination did not increase in the initial COVID-19 crisis period.
欧盟最大的成就之一是成员国之间的行动自由,为欧盟成员国公民提供了平等的权利。欧盟的扩大和新冠肺炎大流行使得欧盟公民在实践中是否确实受到平等对待成为一个关键的考验。我们在德国的两个不同时间点,即新冠肺炎疫情封锁前和封锁期间,在两个假设的选择实验中测试了欧盟公民的优惠待遇。应对威胁的理论表明,新冠肺炎危机应该会增加对流动欧盟公民的歧视。虽然我们的研究结果显示,欧盟流动公民基于国籍和语言熟练程度的歧视相当大,但研究结果也表明,与预期相反,在最初的新冠肺炎危机时期,歧视并没有增加。
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引用次数: 1
Electoral responses to the increased contestation over European integration. The European Elections of 2019 and beyond 选举对欧洲一体化争论加剧的反应。2019年及以后的欧洲选举
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-30 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211036263
Wouter van der Brug, Katjana Gattermann, Claes H. de Vreese
This special issue focuses on the consequences of the heightened conflict between member states and increased politicization of European affairs for electoral politics in the European Union. In this introduction we begin by outlining three important developments that fuelled the politicization: (a) the common currency; (b) the increased pushback on the EU’s open border policies; and (c) the inability of the EU to prevent democratic backsliding in some countries. We then discuss their consequences for EU elections, particularly campaigns, public opinion on Europe and voter behaviour, which are investigated against the backdrop of the 2019 European Parliament elections in the individual articles in this special issue. This introduction provides a contextual framework for these contributions and reflects upon some of its main findings.
本期特刊关注成员国之间冲突加剧和欧洲事务政治化加剧对欧盟选举政治的影响。在本导言中,我们首先概述了助长政治化的三个重要事态发展:(a)共同货币;(b) 对欧盟开放边境政策的抵制力度加大;以及(c)欧盟无力防止一些国家的民主倒退。然后,我们在本期特刊的个别文章中讨论了它们对欧盟选举的影响,特别是竞选活动、欧洲舆论和选民行为,这些都是在2019年欧洲议会选举的背景下进行调查的。本导言为这些贡献提供了一个背景框架,并对其一些主要发现进行了反思。
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引用次数: 14
Analysing how crises shape mass and elite preferences and behaviour in the European Union 分析危机如何影响欧盟的大众和精英偏好和行为
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-22 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211044086
Catherine E. De Vries
The COVID-19 pandemic proved the latest stress test for the European Union, after Brexit, the Eurozone crisis and the large influx of refugees. This highly relevant and well-timed special issue examines how past crises have left an imprint on the opinions and behaviour of ordinary citizens and political elites regarding the European Union. This Forum article reviews the special issue contributions by spelling out which lessons we can learn from each of them and which paths for future research they have opened up. In terms of a path forward, I argue that scholars ought to pay more attention to (a) the role of political elites, (b) political opportunity structures, and (c) heterogeneity both between and within member states.
在英国脱欧、欧元区危机和大量难民涌入之后,新冠肺炎疫情证明了欧盟面临的最新压力测试。这期高度相关且恰逢其时的特刊探讨了过去的危机如何在普通公民和政治精英对欧盟的看法和行为中留下印记。论坛的这篇文章回顾了特刊的贡献,详细说明了我们可以从中吸取哪些教训,以及它们为未来的研究开辟了哪些道路。就前进的道路而言,我认为学者们应该更多地关注(a)政治精英的作用,(b)政治机会结构,以及(c)成员国之间和内部的异质性。
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引用次数: 3
In varietate concordia?! Political parties’ digital political marketing in the 2019 European Parliament election campaign 在多样化的康考迪亚?!政党在2019年欧洲议会选举中的数字政治营销
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-08 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211040728
S. Kruschinski, M. Bene
This article provides the first comprehensive analysis of how parties across 28 countries use digital political marketing on Facebook by drawing on the example of the 2019 European Parliament election. We introduce a theoretical model of political Facebook marketing and compare the paid media activity (sponsored posts, ads) of 186 parties to their owned media (posts) and earned media (user reactions, comments, shares). Our results concerning cross-country patterns indicate that differences in European parties’ paid media activity exist and only a few parties leverage sophisticated targeting strategies. Regarding temporal dynamics, we find that paid media is used to supplement owned media during similar campaign phases. In terms of engagement-triggering effects, we show that sponsoring posts is a suitable tool to increase earned media. Overall, paid media activity on Facebook is largely embedded into parties’ overall marketing strategy and national countries’ regulatory settings. Our results have implications for the understanding of public opinion, voting behaviour and the regulations of elections in modern European democracies.
本文以2019年欧洲议会选举为例,首次全面分析了28个国家的政党如何在Facebook上使用数字政治营销。我们引入了一个政治Facebook营销的理论模型,并将186个政党的付费媒体活动(赞助帖子、广告)与他们自己的媒体(帖子)和挣得媒体(用户反应、评论、分享)进行了比较。我们关于跨国模式的研究结果表明,欧洲政党的付费媒体活动存在差异,只有少数政党利用复杂的目标策略。在时间动态方面,我们发现在类似的竞选阶段,付费媒体被用来补充自有媒体。在参与触发效应方面,我们表明赞助帖子是增加赚取媒体的合适工具。总的来说,Facebook上的付费媒体活动在很大程度上嵌入了各方的整体营销策略和各国的监管环境中。我们的研究结果对理解现代欧洲民主国家的公众舆论、投票行为和选举规则具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 4
Euroscepticism and the use of negative, uncivil and emotional campaigns in the 2019 European Parliament election: A winning combination 欧洲怀疑主义和在2019年欧洲议会选举中使用负面、不文明和情绪化的竞选活动:一个获胜的组合
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-09-06 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211035675
Alessandro Nai, Mike Medeiros, Michael F. Maier, J. Maier
Are Eurosceptic parties more likely to run negative, uncivil and emotional campaigns, as it is often intuitively argued? And with what consequences? In this article, we shed light on the effectiveness of these campaign strategies for Eurosceptic parties during the 2019 European elections. We argue that ‘harsher’ campaigns are ‘in character’ for Eurosceptic parties, and are as such more likely to be electorally successful for them. We use data from the 2019 European Parliament Elections Expert Survey, covering 191 unique parties, and show that, indeed, Eurosceptic parties are more likely to campaign in a harsh way, and more likely than Europhile parties to benefit electorally from it. All data and materials are openly available for replication.
怀疑欧洲的政党是否更有可能像人们通常直观地认为的那样,进行消极、不文明和情绪化的竞选活动?后果是什么?在本文中,我们揭示了2019年欧洲选举期间欧洲怀疑主义政党的这些竞选策略的有效性。我们认为,“更严厉”的竞选活动是欧洲怀疑主义政党的“性格”,因此更有可能在选举中取得成功。我们使用了2019年欧洲议会选举专家调查的数据,涵盖了191个独特的政党,结果表明,疑欧派政党确实更有可能以严厉的方式竞选,而且比亲欧派政党更有可能从中获得选举利益。所有数据和材料均可公开复制。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
European Union Politics
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