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Explaining public opinion on the enforcement of the Stability and Growth Pact during the European sovereign debt crisis 解释公众对欧洲主权债务危机期间《稳定与增长公约》执行情况的看法
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-03-04 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221075940
Joshua C. Fjelstul
The EU reformed the regulatory rules of the Eurozone in response to the European sovereign debt crisis, empowering the EU to more effectively enforce the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP), which is designed to prevent debt crises. Given recent empirical evidence that the EU’s willingness to enforce EU law depends on public opinion, under what conditions will EU residents view SGP enforcement as an effective way of tackling the crisis? I theorize how individuals will evaluate SGP enforcement and test my theory’s predictions using cross-national survey data from all Eurozone member states and Bayesian multi-level models. I find that respondents’ preferences over SGP enforcement depend on the interaction of their political support for the European Economic and Monetary Union and their member state’s noncompliance with the SGP criteria. Public buy-in for SGP enforcement is lower precisely when enforcement is most important.
为了应对欧洲主权债务危机,欧盟改革了欧元区的监管规则,使欧盟能够更有效地执行旨在防止债务危机的《稳定与增长公约》。鉴于最近的经验证据表明,欧盟执行欧盟法律的意愿取决于公众舆论,在什么条件下,欧盟居民会将执行SGP视为应对危机的有效方式?我使用来自所有欧元区成员国的跨国家调查数据和贝叶斯多级模型,对个人将如何评估SGP的执行进行理论化,并测试我的理论预测。我发现,受访者对SGP执行的偏好取决于他们对欧洲经济和货币联盟的政治支持与其成员国不遵守SGP标准的相互作用。公众对SGP强制执行的支持率较低,恰恰是在强制执行最重要的时候。
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引用次数: 0
Measuring public support for European integration using a Bayesian item response theory model 使用贝叶斯项目反应理论模型测量公众对欧洲一体化的支持
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-25 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221080400
Michele Scotto di Vettimo
This study proposes the use of Bayesian item response theory models to measure aggregate public support for European integration. This approach addresses the limitations of other indicators and produces valid estimates of public attitudes over long time periods, even when available indicators change over time or present interruptions. I compare Bayesian item response theory models with alternative approaches used in the study of support for European integration, and demonstrate that they produce more accurate estimates of latent public opinion. The estimates are validated by showing their association both to alternative public opinion measures and to the vote share of Eurosceptic parties across Europe. I show that Bayesian models solve unaddressed issues like ensuring cross-country comparability of the estimates and modelling responses with multiple answer options.
本研究提出使用贝叶斯项目反应理论模型来衡量公众对欧洲一体化的总体支持。这种方法解决了其他指标的局限性,并对长期内的公众态度做出了有效的估计,即使现有指标随着时间的推移或出现中断。我将贝叶斯项目反应理论模型与支持欧洲一体化研究中使用的替代方法进行了比较,并证明它们对潜在公众舆论产生了更准确的估计。这些估计是通过显示它们与替代民意措施和欧洲各地疑欧派政党的选票份额之间的联系来验证的。我展示了贝叶斯模型解决了未解决的问题,如确保估计的跨国可比性,以及使用多个答案选项对响应进行建模。
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引用次数: 1
Beyond the U-curve: Citizen preferences on European integration in multidimensional political space 超越U曲线:多维政治空间中公民对欧洲一体化的偏好
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221080316
D. Toshkov, A. Krouwel
One of the major findings of the literature on Euroscepticism is that support for European integration generally declines as one moves closer to the extremes of the left-right ideological spectrum. However, in multidimensional policy space, Euroscepticism varies in more complex ways. This article explores the relief of Euroscepticism for citizens in four European states – the Netherlands, Germany, Italy and France – based on data from voting advice applications fielded before the 2019 elections of the European Parliament. The results reveal that the way Euroscepticism maps onto other dimensions differs significantly for citizens and for parties and across political contexts. Such variation is important for understanding how preferences for European integration are embedded into existing structures of political competition.
关于欧洲怀疑论的文献的一个主要发现是,随着人们向左右意识形态光谱的极端靠拢,对欧洲一体化的支持通常会下降。然而,在多层面的政策空间中,欧洲怀疑论以更复杂的方式变化。本文根据2019年欧洲议会选举前提交的投票建议申请数据,探讨了荷兰、德国、意大利和法国四个欧洲国家公民对欧洲怀疑论的缓解。结果表明,欧洲怀疑论映射到其他维度的方式因公民、政党和政治背景而异。这种变化对于理解欧洲一体化的偏好如何嵌入现有的政治竞争结构至关重要。
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引用次数: 5
Unemployment risk-sharing in the EU: How policy design influences citizen support for European unemployment policy 欧盟失业风险分担:政策设计如何影响公民对欧洲失业政策的支持
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-02-07 DOI: 10.1177/14651165221075251
B. Burgoon, Theresa Kuhn, F. Nicoli, F. Vandenbroucke
This article explores public preferences for European unemployment programs explicitly discussed in actual policymaker debate. European policymakers have been considering European-level Unemployment Risk Sharing (EURS) to stabilize member-state economies and provide a safety net for the unemployed. Using a conjoint experiment conducted in 13 European member states, we analyze public support across six crucial policy dimensions of EURS. The findings reveal that (a) overall support for EURS policies is broad and substantial, but sensitive to particular policy mixes; (b) citizen support is conditional on the program being generous and on coverage being limited to countries providing education and training and individual beneficiaries looking for and accepting work; and (c) cross-country variation is modest and most prominent with respect to cross-country redistribution.
本文探讨了公众对实际决策者辩论中明确讨论的欧洲失业计划的偏好。欧洲政策制定者一直在考虑欧洲层面的失业风险分担(EURS),以稳定成员国经济并为失业者提供安全网。通过在13个欧洲成员国进行的联合实验,我们分析了公众对欧元六个关键政策维度的支持。研究结果显示:(a)对EURS政策的总体支持是广泛而实质性的,但对特定的政策组合很敏感;(b)公民支持的条件是项目慷慨,覆盖范围仅限于提供教育和培训的国家以及寻找和接受工作的个人受益人;(c)在跨国再分配方面,跨国差异不大,且最为突出。
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引用次数: 7
Learning about the unknown Spitzenkandidaten: The role of media exposure during the 2019 European Parliament elections 了解未知的斯皮岑候选人:媒体曝光在2019年欧洲议会选举中的作用
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-12-20 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211051171
S. Richter, Sebastian Stier
The Spitzenkandidaten were meant to personalize European Parliament elections. This paper asks whether and through which channels the lead candidates were actually able to make themselves known among voters – a necessary precondition for any electoral effect. Combining panel surveys and online tracking data, the study explores candidate learning during the German 2019 European Parliament election campaign and relates learning to different types of news exposure, with a special focus on online news. The results show that learning was limited and unevenly distributed across candidates. However exposure to candidate-specific online news and most types of offline news helped to acquire knowledge. The findings imply that Spitzenkandidaten stick to voters’ minds when they get exposed to them, but that exposure is infrequent in high-choice media environments.
斯皮岑候选人意在将欧洲议会选举个人化。本文的问题是,领先的候选人是否以及通过哪些渠道实际上能够让选民了解自己——这是任何选举效果的必要先决条件。结合小组调查和在线跟踪数据,该研究探讨了德国2019年欧洲议会选举期间的候选人学习情况,并将学习与不同类型的新闻曝光联系起来,特别关注在线新闻。结果表明,学习是有限的,并且在候选人之间分布不均匀。然而,接触候选人特定的在线新闻和大多数类型的离线新闻有助于获得知识。研究结果表明,当候选人接触到选民时,他们会坚持选民的想法,但在高选择的媒体环境中,这种接触并不常见。
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引用次数: 4
United or divided in diversity? The heterogeneous effects of ethnic diversity on European and national identities 团结还是分裂?种族多样性对欧洲和国家认同的异质效应
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211063770
Dominik Schraff, Ronja Sczepanski
In this article, we argue that the size and cultural proximity of immigrant populations in people's residential surroundings shape national and European identities. This means that the type of migrant population activates cultural threat perceptions and opportunities for contact to varying degrees. Geocoded survey data from the Netherlands suggests that large non-Western immigrant shares are associated with more exclusive national identities, while mixed contexts with Western and non-Western populations show more inclusive identities. These results suggest that highly diverse areas with mixed immigrant populations hold a potential for more tolerance. In contrast, exclusive national identities become strongly pronounced under the presence of sizeable culturally distant immigrant groups.
在本文中,我们认为移民人口在人们居住环境中的规模和文化接近性塑造了国家和欧洲的身份认同。这意味着流动人口的类型在不同程度上激活了文化威胁感知和接触机会。来自荷兰的地理编码调查数据表明,大量非西方移民与更排外的民族身份有关,而西方和非西方人口混合的背景显示出更包容的身份。这些结果表明,拥有混合移民人口的高度多样化的地区具有更大的容忍度。相比之下,排他性的民族认同在相当大的文化遥远的移民群体的存在下变得非常明显。
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引用次数: 5
Bargaining power in informal trilogues: Intra-institutional preference cohesion and inter-institutional bargaining success 非正式三方谈判中的议价能力:制度内偏好凝聚与制度间议价成功
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211064485
Maximilian Haag
Informal trilogue meetings are the main legislative bargaining forum in the European Union, yet their dynamics remain largely understudied in a quantitative context. This article builds on the assumption that the negotiating delegations of the European Parliament and the Council play a two-level game whereby these actors can use their intra-institutional constraint to extract inter-institutional bargaining success. Negotiators can credibly claim that their hands are tied if the members of their parent institutions hold similar preferences and do not accept alternative proposals or if their institution is divided and negotiators need to defend a fragile compromise. Employing a measure of document similarity (minimum edit distance) between an institution's negotiation mandate and the trilogue outcome to measure bargaining success, the analysis supports the hypothesis for the European Parliament, but not for the Council.
非正式的三语会议是欧盟主要的立法谈判论坛,但从数量角度来看,它们的动态在很大程度上仍未得到充分研究。这篇文章建立在这样一个假设的基础上,即欧洲议会和理事会的谈判代表团玩着一个两级游戏,通过这个游戏,这些参与者可以利用其机构内的约束来获得机构间谈判的成功。如果其母机构的成员持有类似的偏好,不接受替代方案,或者如果其机构存在分歧,谈判代表需要捍卫脆弱的妥协,谈判代表可以可信地声称他们的手被束缚了。该分析采用了一种衡量机构谈判授权与三语结果之间文件相似性(最小编辑距离)的方法来衡量谈判成功与否,支持欧洲议会的假设,但不支持理事会的假设。
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引用次数: 1
Introducing COMEPELDA: Comprehensive European Parliament electoral data covering rules, parties and candidates COMEPELDA:全面的欧洲议会选举数据,包括规则,政党和候选人
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-11-24 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211053439
T. Däubler, Mihail Chiru, Silje SL Hermansen
We introduce a new collection of data that consolidates information on European Parliament elections into one comprehensive source. It provides information on formal electoral rules as well as national-level and district-level election results for parties and individual politicians (including full candidate lists). The use of existing and new key variables makes it easy to link the data across the different units of observation (country, party, candidate, member of parliament) and join them with external information. Currently, the data cover four elections (1999–2014). Among other aspects, the collection should facilitate research on the European Parliament's allegedly weak electoral connection. In this article, we outline the main features of the datasets, describe patterns of intra-party competition and preference voting and conduct exploratory analyses of individual-level changes in list positions.
我们引入了一个新的数据集合,将欧洲议会选举的信息整合到一个综合来源中。它提供关于正式选举规则以及政党和政治家个人的国家和地区一级选举结果的资料(包括完整的候选人名单)。利用现有的和新的关键变量,可以很容易地将不同观察单位(国家、政党、候选人、议员)之间的数据联系起来,并将它们与外部信息结合起来。目前,该数据涵盖了四次选举(1999-2014)。在其他方面,这些收集应该有助于研究欧洲议会与选举之间所谓的微弱联系。在本文中,我们概述了数据集的主要特征,描述了党内竞争和偏好投票的模式,并对名单位置的个人层面变化进行了探索性分析。
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引用次数: 5
The cultural origins of institutional trust: The case of the European Central Bank 机构信任的文化起源:以欧洲央行为例
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-11-11 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211048325
Siria Angino, F. Ferrara, Stefania Secola
Does culture have a causal effect on institutional trust? We answer this question by assessing the non-economic determinants of public trust in the European Central Bank. To analyse institutional trust, we employ a novel dataset of citizen perceptions and knowledge about the European Central Bank. Cultural traits are measured by indicators of social trust at the level of Euro area sub-national regions. We show that individuals living in regions with lower social trust systematically exhibit less trust in the European Central Bank. An instrumental variable approach based on historical variables of education and political institutions supports a causal interpretation of our findings. These results are robust across different model specifications and measures of trust.
文化对制度信任有因果影响吗?我们通过评估公众对欧洲央行信任的非经济决定因素来回答这个问题。为了分析机构信任,我们使用了一个关于公民对欧洲央行的看法和知识的新数据集。文化特征是通过欧元区次国家地区的社会信任指标来衡量的。我们发现,生活在社会信任度较低地区的个人对欧洲央行的信任度系统性降低。基于教育和政治制度的历史变量的工具变量方法支持对我们的研究结果的因果解释。这些结果在不同的模型规范和信任度量中是稳健的。
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引用次数: 8
Understanding leader evaluations in European Parliament elections 了解欧洲议会选举中的领导人评价
IF 2.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2021-10-16 DOI: 10.1177/14651165211046108
Katjana Gattermann, Claes H. de Vreese
Leader evaluations are a crucial aspect in representative democracy. We analyse the patterns, antecedents and consequences of European Union leader evaluations against the backdrop of the 2019 European Parliament elections in ten countries. The article shows, firstly, that leader evaluations are unidimensional, both among voters with low and high knowledge as well as partisans and non-partisans. Secondly, among the antecedents of leader evaluations, European Union trust and performance evaluations are positively associated with leader evaluations, while European identity hardly plays a role compared to other factors. Lastly, the positive effect of leader evaluations on vote choice is conditional upon the individual leader and their party affiliation. Our results have important implications for expectations towards and evaluations of European Union leadership in the long term.
领导人评价是代议制民主的一个重要方面。我们以2019年10个国家的欧洲议会选举为背景,分析了欧盟领导人评估的模式、前因和后果。文章首先表明,无论是在知识水平低的选民和知识水平高的选民中,还是在党派和无党派选民中,对领导人的评价都是单向的。其次,在领导人评价的前因中,欧盟信任和绩效评价与领导人评价呈正相关,而与其他因素相比,欧洲身份几乎没有发挥作用。最后,领导人评价对选票选择的积极影响取决于个人领导人及其党派关系。我们的研究结果对人们对欧洲联盟长期领导能力的期望和评价具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
European Union Politics
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