Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675-2021-1-2-3
S. Sherhin
The article presents an analytical review of the global trends in terms of futurology. The main attention is paid to the global problems of world’s development which were researched by Rome club, US National Intelligence Council, and Research Office of European Parliament. Address to the problems of future was caused by the global transformations that brought up the new threats to the world. In the base of the transformations are strategic instability, and possibility of conversion of the military conflicts into full-scale wars. On the one hand, a number of global problems, particular critical growth of anthropogenic impact on ecology of the planet, total fight for its resources, demography crisis, proliferation of nuclear weapons, international conflicts, and hybrid wars, cast doubts on the idea of «unlimited development» of the world community. On the other hand, the contradictive dynamic of world’s development, and the deterioration of relations between «major powers» became continual phenomena. The contemporary futurological researches of the global trends don’t bring positive results which far away from optimism. Primarily it concerns of the futurological forecasts that have been made by the research structures and special institutions. Their forecasts to 2035 noted accelerated the tendency of technogenic influence on ecology system, natural resources of the planet, ultimate climate changes, crises processes in world economy, and danger of the military conflicts escalation. There is a question on the agenda whether mankind is ready to resist eff ectively these challenges and threats.
{"title":"Futurology in the field of global studies and international relations","authors":"S. Sherhin","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675-2021-1-2-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675-2021-1-2-3","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents an analytical review of the global trends in terms of futurology. The main attention is paid to the global problems of world’s development which were researched by Rome club, US National Intelligence Council, and Research Office of European Parliament. Address to the problems of future was caused by the global transformations that brought up the new threats to the world. In the base of the transformations are strategic instability, and possibility of conversion of the military conflicts into full-scale wars. On the one hand, a number of global problems, particular critical growth of anthropogenic impact on ecology of the planet, total fight for its resources, demography crisis, proliferation of nuclear weapons, international conflicts, and hybrid wars, cast doubts on the idea of «unlimited development» of the world community. On the other hand, the contradictive dynamic of world’s development, and the deterioration of relations between «major powers» became continual phenomena. The contemporary futurological researches of the global trends don’t bring positive results which far away from optimism. Primarily it concerns of the futurological forecasts that have been made by the research structures and special institutions. Their forecasts to 2035 noted accelerated the tendency of technogenic influence on ecology system, natural resources of the planet, ultimate climate changes, crises processes in world economy, and danger of the military conflicts escalation. There is a question on the agenda whether mankind is ready to resist eff ectively these challenges and threats.","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70551735","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675-2021-1-2-1
Volodymyr Krasilchuk
The article deals with the most crucial components of the current political and institutional crisis in Venezuela. A brief historical deflection into the events of 1989-2020 was made, which indicate, among other things, deep-seated left-wing political views and feelings amidst the majority of the population. This situation serves as a solid platform for strengthening the role of the ruling PSUV party and the present head of State, N. Maduro, in the country’s domestic politics. The political and institutional crisis in the above-mentioned oil-rich South American country has expanded sharply, after being elected Juan Guaidó, a representative of the opposition party VP («People’s Will») as a Chairman of the National Assembly on January 5, 2019. He challenged the prevailing President, declaring himself as the Acting head of State just on January 23, 2019. In this context, the key social and economic aftermaths of the crisis in present-day Venezuela are revealed, in particular, such as the GDP contraction, hyperinflation, growth of the population living in extreme economic poverty, an increase of Venezuelans forced to leave the country due to, above all, obvious signs of a humanitarian crisis. Deepening of the Venezuelan society in destructive processes, escalating of the political debates at the level of parties’ leaders, a lack of the transparent discussion in the public arena concerning the country’s future, to be a necessary condition for realizing the citizen’s rights to democratic choice, appear as consequences of the failure of Guaidó’s strategy. It was built in particular on the desired, but not achieved cessation the usurpation of power by Maduro. The postures of the main international players (USA, EU, OAS, «Lima Group», International Contact Group) are outlined with regard to the assessments of the domestic situation in Venezuela and suggestions for resolving the political crisis and restoring democracy in this country, in particular via introducing sanctions against Venezuelan officials and legal entities, as well as establishing a constructive dialogue between Maduro and the opposition. The main items of Ukraine’s official position on the «Venezuelan issue» had also been notified. In a nutshell, a conclusion is made that for a certain category of Ukrainian voters and for the majority of Venezuelans, despite the obvious differences, the issue of the public administration model remains rhetorical, authoritative, as an outcome of the improvement of democratization, or authoritarian one.
{"title":"Venezuela: to be or not to be","authors":"Volodymyr Krasilchuk","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675-2021-1-2-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675-2021-1-2-1","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the most crucial components of the current political and institutional crisis in Venezuela. A brief historical deflection into the events of 1989-2020 was made, which indicate, among other things, deep-seated left-wing political views and feelings amidst the majority of the population. This situation serves as a solid platform for strengthening the role of the ruling PSUV party and the present head of State, N. Maduro, in the country’s domestic politics. The political and institutional crisis in the above-mentioned oil-rich South American country has expanded sharply, after being elected Juan Guaidó, a representative of the opposition party VP («People’s Will») as a Chairman of the National Assembly on January 5, 2019. He challenged the prevailing President, declaring himself as the Acting head of State just on January 23, 2019. In this context, the key social and economic aftermaths of the crisis in present-day Venezuela are revealed, in particular, such as the GDP contraction, hyperinflation, growth of the population living in extreme economic poverty, an increase of Venezuelans forced to leave the country due to, above all, obvious signs of a humanitarian crisis. Deepening of the Venezuelan society in destructive processes, escalating of the political debates at the level of parties’ leaders, a lack of the transparent discussion in the public arena concerning the country’s future, to be a necessary condition for realizing the citizen’s rights to democratic choice, appear as consequences of the failure of Guaidó’s strategy. It was built in particular on the desired, but not achieved cessation the usurpation of power by Maduro. The postures of the main international players (USA, EU, OAS, «Lima Group», International Contact Group) are outlined with regard to the assessments of the domestic situation in Venezuela and suggestions for resolving the political crisis and restoring democracy in this country, in particular via introducing sanctions against Venezuelan officials and legal entities, as well as establishing a constructive dialogue between Maduro and the opposition. The main items of Ukraine’s official position on the «Venezuelan issue» had also been notified. In a nutshell, a conclusion is made that for a certain category of Ukrainian voters and for the majority of Venezuelans, despite the obvious differences, the issue of the public administration model remains rhetorical, authoritative, as an outcome of the improvement of democratization, or authoritarian one.","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70552144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.52-60
Oleksandr Tsvietkov
This paper considers the theoretical and practical approaches to the analysis of pressing and sensitive issues of international life, such as conflicts and threats in international relations. Their current multipolar model, as well as the previous bipolar one, is described by an expansive range of historically developed and new hybrid conflicts occurring in Europe and almost all parts of the world, which in themselves pose serious regional and global threats or result from such exacerbations. In a modernised political-scientific epistemological key, this article raises the question of the need to isolate and analyse the current diversity of international challenges, threats, and conflicts and their typification and structuring. For this reason, it is proposed to achieve greater specificity in the analysis of conflict situations and in understanding the possibilities of obtaining a certain geopolitical result from their settlement, namely in the confrontation between Ukraine and Russia. Thematically, using examples from world and Ukrainian diplomatic practice, the study presents analytical approaches to the issue of international threats based on the theory of international relations and relevant research in expert and academic circles on war, peace, and conflict studies. The methods of application of the Copenhagen School of Securitisation Theory, the Normandy Index, the Concept of Ontological Security, etc. are defined as the most appropriate and promising among others. Conflict structuring models based on value approaches in five areas, and different levels of crisis and threat analysis are also considered. The latter is proposed to expand from three to four levels of analysis or targeted “dilution of 4 shelves” of a particular situation, with variable or combined choice of level of consideration and solution. An in-depth understanding of current conflicts and threats should stimulate international dialogue and contribute to a better understanding of international security and the search for solutions to the current conflicts
{"title":"Structuring the Analysis of International Conflicts and Threats","authors":"Oleksandr Tsvietkov","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.52-60","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.52-60","url":null,"abstract":"This paper considers the theoretical and practical approaches to the analysis of pressing and sensitive issues of international life, such as conflicts and threats in international relations. Their current multipolar model, as well as the previous bipolar one, is described by an expansive range of historically developed and new hybrid conflicts occurring in Europe and almost all parts of the world, which in themselves pose serious regional and global threats or result from such exacerbations. In a modernised political-scientific epistemological key, this article raises the question of the need to isolate and analyse the current diversity of international challenges, threats, and conflicts and their typification and structuring. For this reason, it is proposed to achieve greater specificity in the analysis of conflict situations and in understanding the possibilities of obtaining a certain geopolitical result from their settlement, namely in the confrontation between Ukraine and Russia. Thematically, using examples from world and Ukrainian diplomatic practice, the study presents analytical approaches to the issue of international threats based on the theory of international relations and relevant research in expert and academic circles on war, peace, and conflict studies. The methods of application of the Copenhagen School of Securitisation Theory, the Normandy Index, the Concept of Ontological Security, etc. are defined as the most appropriate and promising among others. Conflict structuring models based on value approaches in five areas, and different levels of crisis and threat analysis are also considered. The latter is proposed to expand from three to four levels of analysis or targeted “dilution of 4 shelves” of a particular situation, with variable or combined choice of level of consideration and solution. An in-depth understanding of current conflicts and threats should stimulate international dialogue and contribute to a better understanding of international security and the search for solutions to the current conflicts","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.97-102
Olesya Kostyuk
{"title":"The Most Important Thing in Life is Beauty","authors":"Olesya Kostyuk","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.97-102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.97-102","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675-2021-3-4-6
Dmitry Tkach
According to the data of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, there are more than 1,100 monuments to Shevchenko in the world: 99 are located in 44 countries, another 1,068 - in Ukraine. It is noted that a significant number of monuments that were constructed abroad were erected during the independence of Ukraine at the initiative of Ukrainian embassies and organizations of the Ukrainian diaspora. Therefore, it is considered useful and interesting to tell the story of the creation of these monuments by those people who contributed to this noble activity their energy, strength and patriotism. First of all, we are talking about the teams of embassies abroad and their heads - Ambassadors Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. It is further reported about a difficult situation that appeared with the erection of the monument to Taras Shevchenko in Budapest in 2004 and 2005. Former Ambassador of Ukraine to Hungary Yuriy Mushka initiated the erection of the monument to Taras Shevchenko without the consent of the Ukrainian community. The monument was made by a Hungarian sculptor and it did not look like Shevchenko at all. The Society of Ukrainian Culture of Hungary, headed by its chairman Yaroslava Khortiani, opposed the installation of this sculpture. Eventually, they achieved their goal, and the Hungarian authorities decided not to erect the monument. But on March 15 on the square in Budapest there was a pedestal for the monument to Taras Shevchenko without a bust. The Ukrainian community appealed to the new Ambassador of Ukraine to Hungary, Dmytro Tkach, to remove the bust from the square. The solution was very simple - to install this monument in the courtyard of the embassy. And since it is the Ukrainian territory, no permits from the Hungarian authorities were required. The Hungarians gladly accepted this proposal, and the TUKU leadership supported it. It is described in details what work was carried out by the Embassy of Ukraine for the production and installation of Taras Shevchenko Memorial in Budapest. The role of the leadership of self-government body of the second district of Budapest in providing of a place for the monument, the owners of the Industrial Union of Donbass and, first of all, Sergiy Taruta in providing financial support for the creation of this complex is mentioned. The selfless work of the Ukrainian sculptor, professor of the sculpture department of Lviv National Academy of Arts Ivan Mykytyuk was especially noted. For a little more than a month, this talented artist managed to create a three-meter sculpture of Kobzar, which was then made of bronze at a leading foundry in Budapest. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine announced that the world record of the largest number of erected monuments to the cultural figure now belongs to the Ukrainian poet, novelist and artist Taras Shevchenko. This titanic work on creation of a memorial dedicated to Taras Shevchenko in Budapest was completed in this way. On July 11, 2007, President
根据乌克兰外交部的数据，全世界有1100多座舍甫琴科纪念碑:99座位于44个国家，另外1068座在乌克兰。值得注意的是，在乌克兰独立期间，在乌克兰大使馆和乌克兰侨民组织的倡议下，在国外建造了许多纪念碑。因此，讲述那些为这项崇高的活动贡献了他们的精力、力量和爱国主义的人们创造这些纪念碑的故事被认为是有用和有趣的。首先，我们谈论的是驻外使馆团队及其负责人——特命全权大使。据进一步报道，2004年和2005年在布达佩斯建立塔拉斯·舍甫琴科纪念碑时出现了困难局面。前乌克兰驻匈牙利大使尤里·穆什卡未经乌克兰社区同意，就发起了塔拉斯·舍甫琴科纪念碑的建立。这座纪念碑是由一位匈牙利雕塑家制作的，它看起来一点也不像舍甫琴科。匈牙利乌克兰文化协会(Society of Ukrainian Culture of Hungary)主席雅罗斯拉瓦·科尔蒂亚尼(yarosava Khortiani)反对安装这座雕塑。最终，他们实现了他们的目标，匈牙利当局决定不建立纪念碑。但是3月15日在布达佩斯的广场上，塔拉斯舍甫琴科纪念碑的基座上却没有半身像。乌克兰社区呼吁乌克兰新任驻匈牙利大使德米特罗·特卡奇(Dmytro Tkach)将半身像从广场上移走。解决方案非常简单——把这个纪念碑安装在大使馆的院子里。由于它是乌克兰领土，因此不需要匈牙利当局的许可。匈牙利人欣然接受了这一建议，TUKU领导层也表示支持。文中详细描述了乌克兰大使馆在布达佩斯为塔拉斯·舍甫琴科纪念碑的制作和安装所做的工作。布达佩斯第二区的自治机构领导为纪念碑提供了一个地方，顿巴斯工业联盟的所有者，首先是Sergiy Taruta在为这个综合体的创建提供财政支持方面的作用。乌克兰雕塑家，利沃夫国家艺术学院雕塑系教授Ivan Mykytyuk的无私工作尤其受到注意。在一个多月的时间里，这位才华横溢的艺术家成功地创造了一个三米高的Kobzar雕塑，然后在布达佩斯的一家领先的铸造厂用青铜制作。乌克兰外交部宣布，为乌克兰诗人、小说家和艺术家塔拉斯·舍甫琴科(Taras Shevchenko)建立纪念碑数量最多的世界纪录现在属于他。在布达佩斯为塔拉斯舍甫琴科建造的纪念碑就是这样完成的。2007年7月11日，乌克兰总统尤先科对布达佩斯进行正式访问，并与匈牙利总统肖伊姆共同为乌克兰著名诗人、乌克兰独立斗士塔拉斯·舍甫琴科纪念碑揭幕。2013年3月23日，塔拉斯·舍甫琴科广场出现在布达佩斯，与大科布扎尔纪念碑的位置相同。
{"title":"The role of the figure Taras Shevchenko in the cultural diplomacy of Ukraine","authors":"Dmitry Tkach","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675-2021-3-4-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675-2021-3-4-6","url":null,"abstract":"According to the data of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, there are more than 1,100 monuments to Shevchenko in the world: 99 are located in 44 countries, another 1,068 - in Ukraine. It is noted that a significant number of monuments that were constructed abroad were erected during the independence of Ukraine at the initiative of Ukrainian embassies and organizations of the Ukrainian diaspora. Therefore, it is considered useful and interesting to tell the story of the creation of these monuments by those people who contributed to this noble activity their energy, strength and patriotism. First of all, we are talking about the teams of embassies abroad and their heads - Ambassadors Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. It is further reported about a difficult situation that appeared with the erection of the monument to Taras Shevchenko in Budapest in 2004 and 2005. Former Ambassador of Ukraine to Hungary Yuriy Mushka initiated the erection of the monument to Taras Shevchenko without the consent of the Ukrainian community. The monument was made by a Hungarian sculptor and it did not look like Shevchenko at all. The Society of Ukrainian Culture of Hungary, headed by its chairman Yaroslava Khortiani, opposed the installation of this sculpture. Eventually, they achieved their goal, and the Hungarian authorities decided not to erect the monument. But on March 15 on the square in Budapest there was a pedestal for the monument to Taras Shevchenko without a bust. The Ukrainian community appealed to the new Ambassador of Ukraine to Hungary, Dmytro Tkach, to remove the bust from the square. The solution was very simple - to install this monument in the courtyard of the embassy. And since it is the Ukrainian territory, no permits from the Hungarian authorities were required. The Hungarians gladly accepted this proposal, and the TUKU leadership supported it. It is described in details what work was carried out by the Embassy of Ukraine for the production and installation of Taras Shevchenko Memorial in Budapest. The role of the leadership of self-government body of the second district of Budapest in providing of a place for the monument, the owners of the Industrial Union of Donbass and, first of all, Sergiy Taruta in providing financial support for the creation of this complex is mentioned. The selfless work of the Ukrainian sculptor, professor of the sculpture department of Lviv National Academy of Arts Ivan Mykytyuk was especially noted. For a little more than a month, this talented artist managed to create a three-meter sculpture of Kobzar, which was then made of bronze at a leading foundry in Budapest. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine announced that the world record of the largest number of erected monuments to the cultural figure now belongs to the Ukrainian poet, novelist and artist Taras Shevchenko. This titanic work on creation of a memorial dedicated to Taras Shevchenko in Budapest was completed in this way. On July 11, 2007, President ","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70551933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675-2021-1-2-2
D. Viedienieiev
The article presents the main factors of the institutionalization and development acceleration (from 2016) of Ukrainian cultural diplomacy. The author provides an overview of the historical way of the institute of cultural diplomacy of Ukraine becoming in 1918-1991. It is constated, that in the conditions of the new international relations paradigm approval – geoinformation (in which the main factor of the world policy system became the information flows and mass consciousness correcting) the eff orts on behalf of cultural diplomacy could improve the international image of Ukraine as an effective state, improve the competitiveness of the national art and cultural products on the world cultural market. It is considered the performance of the cultural diplomacy functions by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine for the national cultural product and information about the Ukrainian folk cultural- civilizational achievements distribution abroad. The author describes the complex of the special departments (institutions) in the structure of the MFA’ main body, Ukrainian diplomatic representatives, others cultural-informational institutes (foundations, unions) of the state and civil character. The article defines the main role for international-cultural communication development played by the Ukrainian Institute (UI) – the state organisation which presents the Ukrainian culture in the world and forms the positive image of Ukraine abroad. The author highlights such the main UI tasks as improving Ukraine’s recognizability in the world thru the distribution of the knowledge about Ukraine; Ukrainian language and culture popularization abroad; development of the international dialogue thru the international exchanges maintaining; ensuring Ukrainian participation in the cooperation projects in the sphere of the creatives industries, culture, education, science, economy and others; distribution of the Ukrainian civil society development, state-building, commitment to the values of freedom, democracy, national unity.
{"title":"Stablishment of cultural diplomacy of ukraine as a socio-cultural institute","authors":"D. Viedienieiev","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675-2021-1-2-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675-2021-1-2-2","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents the main factors of the institutionalization and development acceleration (from 2016) of Ukrainian cultural diplomacy. The author provides an overview of the historical way of the institute of cultural diplomacy of Ukraine becoming in 1918-1991. It is constated, that in the conditions of the new international relations paradigm approval – geoinformation (in which the main factor of the world policy system became the information flows and mass consciousness correcting) the eff orts on behalf of cultural diplomacy could improve the international image of Ukraine as an effective state, improve the competitiveness of the national art and cultural products on the world cultural market. It is considered the performance of the cultural diplomacy functions by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine for the national cultural product and information about the Ukrainian folk cultural- civilizational achievements distribution abroad. The author describes the complex of the special departments (institutions) in the structure of the MFA’ main body, Ukrainian diplomatic representatives, others cultural-informational institutes (foundations, unions) of the state and civil character. The article defines the main role for international-cultural communication development played by the Ukrainian Institute (UI) – the state organisation which presents the Ukrainian culture in the world and forms the positive image of Ukraine abroad. The author highlights such the main UI tasks as improving Ukraine’s recognizability in the world thru the distribution of the knowledge about Ukraine; Ukrainian language and culture popularization abroad; development of the international dialogue thru the international exchanges maintaining; ensuring Ukrainian participation in the cooperation projects in the sphere of the creatives industries, culture, education, science, economy and others; distribution of the Ukrainian civil society development, state-building, commitment to the values of freedom, democracy, national unity.","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70552187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.44-51
Wei Lu
The relevance of the study is due to the need for a comparative analysis of the establishment of think tanks in the United States and the People’s Republic of China. In this regard, this article aims to identify the main factors influencing the quality of think tanks, disclosure of universal methods of modernization and quality control of think tanks around the world, description of the main aspects of establishing think tanks, predict and justify possible consequences of think tanks in the paradigm of different political regimes for local political systems, citizens of the country and the international community as a whole. The leading method in this study is systems analysis, which can be used to carry out a comparative analysis of the establishment of Chinese and American think tanks. Also in the process of writing this article were used such research methods as: the method of logical analysis, comparative method, methods of synthesis and deduction, the method of classification. The article presents the results of the analysis, reveals the main factors influencing the quality of think tanks, identifies universal methods of modernization and quality control of think tanks around the world, describes the main aspects of founding think tanks, predicted and justified the possible consequences of think tanks in the paradigm of different political regimes for local political systems, citizens of the country and the international community as a whole; the results are presented in the form of tables and figures. The materials of the article are of practical value for teachers and students of higher educational institutions in the field of sociology and analytics and politicians
{"title":"Comparative Analysis of the Establishment of Chinese and American Think Tanks","authors":"Wei Lu","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.44-51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.44-51","url":null,"abstract":"The relevance of the study is due to the need for a comparative analysis of the establishment of think tanks in the United States and the People’s Republic of China. In this regard, this article aims to identify the main factors influencing the quality of think tanks, disclosure of universal methods of modernization and quality control of think tanks around the world, description of the main aspects of establishing think tanks, predict and justify possible consequences of think tanks in the paradigm of different political regimes for local political systems, citizens of the country and the international community as a whole. The leading method in this study is systems analysis, which can be used to carry out a comparative analysis of the establishment of Chinese and American think tanks. Also in the process of writing this article were used such research methods as: the method of logical analysis, comparative method, methods of synthesis and deduction, the method of classification. The article presents the results of the analysis, reveals the main factors influencing the quality of think tanks, identifies universal methods of modernization and quality control of think tanks around the world, describes the main aspects of founding think tanks, predicted and justified the possible consequences of think tanks in the paradigm of different political regimes for local political systems, citizens of the country and the international community as a whole; the results are presented in the form of tables and figures. The materials of the article are of practical value for teachers and students of higher educational institutions in the field of sociology and analytics and politicians","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70546961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.15-27
Rendiuk Teofil
Наголошується на важливості дослідження унікального явища української еміграції, яка має давню історію та глобальні географічні масштаби. Актуальність роботи обґрунтована потребою вивчення джерел української еміграції, формування з часом потужної маси переселенців з України, розселених у всьому світі, які завжди підтримували ідею відродження Української держави і сьогодні відіграють істотну роль у просуванні її інтересів за кордоном. З історичного ракурсу українська еміграція посідає п’яте місце у світі після єврейської, грецької, вірменської та китайської. Першими українці емігрували до Європи та у межах сучасної Росії. У середині XVIII ст. з’явилися перші українські хліборобські колонії в тодішній Австрійській імперії, коли декілька тисяч закарпатських українців у пошуках роботи переїхали до Бачки, Срему й Славонії – регіонів сучасних Сербії та Хорватії. Але значно більше українських селян перебралися на Надволжя, Урал та у Сибір, де вони створювали великі українські поселення серед місцевих росіян. Метою статті є дослідження невідомих дотепер питань щодо мотивів індивідуальної та групової еміграції на ранніх етапах існування Української держави в усіх її формах, джерела формування перших українських хліборобських колоній у країнах Європи, поселень етнічних українців у межах царської Росії, Північної, Південної Америки та в Австралії. Базовою методологічною основою роботи є системний підхід і комплексний аналіз, що дали можливість надати цілісне бачення ролі та місця співвітчизників у формуванні потужної, національно-свідомої та впливової української діаспори. Результатами роботи стало виявлення причин індивідуальної та групової еміграції українців, встановлення географії їх розселення в різних країнах світу, їх роль у засвоєнні вільних до того територій, збереженні рідної мови та національної культури. Практична цінність роботи зводиться до того, що наведений фактичний матеріал, висловленні авторські міркування та зроблені висновки можуть бути використані для підготовки праць з історії України, окремих зарубіжних країн та української діаспори
{"title":"До витоків української еміграції: передумови, основні форми та напрями формування перших зарубіжних груп і колоній етнічних українців","authors":"Rendiuk Teofil","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.15-27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.15-27","url":null,"abstract":"Наголошується на важливості дослідження унікального явища української еміграції, яка має давню історію та глобальні географічні масштаби. Актуальність роботи обґрунтована потребою вивчення джерел української еміграції, формування з часом потужної маси переселенців з України, розселених у всьому світі, які завжди підтримували ідею відродження Української держави і сьогодні відіграють істотну роль у просуванні її інтересів за кордоном. З історичного ракурсу українська еміграція посідає п’яте місце у світі після єврейської, грецької, вірменської та китайської. Першими українці емігрували до Європи та у межах сучасної Росії. У середині XVIII ст. з’явилися перші українські хліборобські колонії в тодішній Австрійській імперії, коли декілька тисяч закарпатських українців у пошуках роботи переїхали до Бачки, Срему й Славонії – регіонів сучасних Сербії та Хорватії. Але значно більше українських селян перебралися на Надволжя, Урал та у Сибір, де вони створювали великі українські поселення серед місцевих росіян. Метою статті є дослідження невідомих дотепер питань щодо мотивів індивідуальної та групової еміграції на ранніх етапах існування Української держави в усіх її формах, джерела формування перших українських хліборобських колоній у країнах Європи, поселень етнічних українців у межах царської Росії, Північної, Південної Америки та в Австралії. Базовою методологічною основою роботи є системний підхід і комплексний аналіз, що дали можливість надати цілісне бачення ролі та місця співвітчизників у формуванні потужної, національно-свідомої та впливової української діаспори. Результатами роботи стало виявлення причин індивідуальної та групової еміграції українців, встановлення географії їх розселення в різних країнах світу, їх роль у засвоєнні вільних до того територій, збереженні рідної мови та національної культури. Практична цінність роботи зводиться до того, що наведений фактичний матеріал, висловленні авторські міркування та зроблені висновки можуть бути використані для підготовки праць з історії України, окремих зарубіжних країн та української діаспори","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675-2021-3-4-2
Volodymyr Chupyra
Following article refl ects political and political military al liances as means to solve defense challenges that threaten sov ereignty and territorial integrity, among other those of Ukraine. The article evaluates several historical examples of such regional alliances, their benefi ts and drawbacks and how these aff ected the dynamics of international politics. Typical alliances established in pre-modern times, were either temporary and of personal nature or tended to develop into actual unions, limiting the sovereignty of its members. In the modern era though, military-political alliances prevailed, initiated either to perceive imperialist intentions or to protect sovereignty and territorial integrity. Such alliances became especially relevant after the First World War, as new independent states emerged under the terms of the Versailles system and a new confi guration of international borders was established. The examples of Little, Balkan and Baltic Ententes demonstrate the prime shortcoming of these alliances being unable to maintain eff ectiveness in the face of changing sources of threat, when former enemies became allies under new international circumstances. Given that the possibility of Ukraine’s membership to NATO still seems to be a distant pros pect and the need to protect Ukraine’s sovereignty from growing Russian aggression when the position of EU leaders is not always consolidated, further ways of countering Russian aggression must be explored, for instance accumulating possible political or even limited military assistance. From this perspective, it could be ef fective to establish close military-political ties with East European countries, which are as well aware of the degree of threat coming from Russia for their own sovereignty. Certain opportunities could be realized based on the ideas known as Intermarium Coalition in East-Central Europe, the Baltic to Black Sea Alliance, or though achieving Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) status for Ukraine.
{"title":"Regional Alliances between states: historical review and future projections for Ukraine","authors":"Volodymyr Chupyra","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675-2021-3-4-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675-2021-3-4-2","url":null,"abstract":"Following article refl ects political and political military al liances as means to solve defense challenges that threaten sov ereignty and territorial integrity, among other those of Ukraine. The article evaluates several historical examples of such regional alliances, their benefi ts and drawbacks and how these aff ected the dynamics of international politics. Typical alliances established in pre-modern times, were either temporary and of personal nature or tended to develop into actual unions, limiting the sovereignty of its members. In the modern era though, military-political alliances prevailed, initiated either to perceive imperialist intentions or to protect sovereignty and territorial integrity. Such alliances became especially relevant after the First World War, as new independent states emerged under the terms of the Versailles system and a new confi guration of international borders was established. The examples of Little, Balkan and Baltic Ententes demonstrate the prime shortcoming of these alliances being unable to maintain eff ectiveness in the face of changing sources of threat, when former enemies became allies under new international circumstances. Given that the possibility of Ukraine’s membership to NATO still seems to be a distant pros pect and the need to protect Ukraine’s sovereignty from growing Russian aggression when the position of EU leaders is not always consolidated, further ways of countering Russian aggression must be explored, for instance accumulating possible political or even limited military assistance. From this perspective, it could be ef fective to establish close military-political ties with East European countries, which are as well aware of the degree of threat coming from Russia for their own sovereignty. Certain opportunities could be realized based on the ideas known as Intermarium Coalition in East-Central Europe, the Baltic to Black Sea Alliance, or though achieving Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) status for Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70552061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.28-34
Pyrih Roman
У статті досліджуються можливі мотиви дипломатичних контактів між імперським Римом і древньою Індією в часи імператора Октавіна Августа (27 р. до н.е. – 14 р. н.е.). Наявність активних зв’язків між Середземноморям і Індостаном в античний період є недостатньо вивченою сторінкою історії, що свідчить про існування спільного індоєвропейського економічного та культурного простору. Актуальність дослідження пов’язана, зокрема, із зростанням інтересу до витоків індоєвропейської спільності на тлі останніх відкриттів у галузі геноміки та генографії. Автор аналізує економічне підґрунтя відносин між Середземномор’ям і державами Індостану, привертаючи увагу до активного розвитку торговельних зв’язків між ними, що став можливим завдяки освоєнню навігації Індійським океаном, включенню Єгипту до складу Римської імперії та високому попиту на індійські спеції серед римлян. Порівнюється потуга Риму та Індії, як домінантних економік античного світу, описується вплив торгівлі на культурні обміни між ними. Детально досліджуючи наявні історичні джерела та свідчення про індійську дипломатичну місію до імператора Октавіана Августа, автор описує її можливі причини, політичні та ідеологічні наслідки для Імперії. Наводиться версія щодо скіфського походження царя Пора та його можливого прагнення укласти військовий союз з Римом. Для кращого розуміння контексту події окремо йдеться про ритуальні традиції римської дипломатії. Серед цікавих деталей індійського посольства привертається увага до самоспалення одного з його членів – Зарманохега. Автор зупиняється на можливих мотивах його вчинку, історії ритуальних самогубств, зв’язку з культом Гермеса і Елевсинськими містеріями, звертається до історичних записів про аналогічні вчинки індійських аскетів і правителів. Виокремлюючи індійську місію як яскраву сторінку у відносинах між західним і східним краєм індоєвропейського простору, автор статті вписує цю подію в ширший контекст, що починається з перших контактів між еллінами і індійцями, зафіксованих істориками під час військового походу Александра Македонського, і закінчується колонізацією Індії європейськими державами та ренесансом інтересу європейців до індійської релігії та культури. Стаття зацікавить спеціалістів з історії дипломатії, культурології та компаративістики
{"title":"Індійська дипломатична місія до імператора Октавіана Августа в дзеркалі індоєвропейських контактів","authors":"Pyrih Roman","doi":"10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.28-34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.31(5).2021.28-34","url":null,"abstract":"У статті досліджуються можливі мотиви дипломатичних контактів між імперським Римом і древньою Індією в часи імператора Октавіна Августа (27 р. до н.е. – 14 р. н.е.). Наявність активних зв’язків між Середземноморям і Індостаном в античний період є недостатньо вивченою сторінкою історії, що свідчить про існування спільного індоєвропейського економічного та культурного простору. Актуальність дослідження пов’язана, зокрема, із зростанням інтересу до витоків індоєвропейської спільності на тлі останніх відкриттів у галузі геноміки та генографії. Автор аналізує економічне підґрунтя відносин між Середземномор’ям і державами Індостану, привертаючи увагу до активного розвитку торговельних зв’язків між ними, що став можливим завдяки освоєнню навігації Індійським океаном, включенню Єгипту до складу Римської імперії та високому попиту на індійські спеції серед римлян. Порівнюється потуга Риму та Індії, як домінантних економік античного світу, описується вплив торгівлі на культурні обміни між ними. Детально досліджуючи наявні історичні джерела та свідчення про індійську дипломатичну місію до імператора Октавіана Августа, автор описує її можливі причини, політичні та ідеологічні наслідки для Імперії. Наводиться версія щодо скіфського походження царя Пора та його можливого прагнення укласти військовий союз з Римом. Для кращого розуміння контексту події окремо йдеться про ритуальні традиції римської дипломатії. Серед цікавих деталей індійського посольства привертається увага до самоспалення одного з його членів – Зарманохега. Автор зупиняється на можливих мотивах його вчинку, історії ритуальних самогубств, зв’язку з культом Гермеса і Елевсинськими містеріями, звертається до історичних записів про аналогічні вчинки індійських аскетів і правителів. Виокремлюючи індійську місію як яскраву сторінку у відносинах між західним і східним краєм індоєвропейського простору, автор статті вписує цю подію в ширший контекст, що починається з перших контактів між еллінами і індійцями, зафіксованих істориками під час військового походу Александра Македонського, і закінчується колонізацією Індії європейськими державами та ренесансом інтересу європейців до індійської релігії та культури. Стаття зацікавить спеціалістів з історії дипломатії, культурології та компаративістики","PeriodicalId":12371,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":7.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70547097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：