IF 3.1 2区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Geoforum

Pub Date : 2026-01-30 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2026.104560

Emília Malcata Rebelo , Denise Lacerda Aquino

Urban crises often render visible the socio-spatial inequalities and governance arrangements that structure everyday urban life. The COVID-19 pandemic provides a critical lens through which to examine how resilience is not merely an emergent capacity but a politically mediated and spatially differentiated outcome. This article analyses how urban governance, spatial infrastructures, and digital inequalities shaped the resilience of the gastronomic sector during the pandemic in Porto (Portugal) and João Pessoa (Brazil).

Drawing on a mixed-methods comparative design – including surveys with workers and consumers, semi-structured interviews, spatial analysis, and policy review – the study examines how governance responses interacted with urban morphology, public-space accessibility, informality, and digital readiness to produce divergent adaptive trajectories. The findings show that Porto’s coordinated cross-sector governance, compact urban form, and higher institutional and digital capacity enabled rapid spatial reconfiguration, flexible licensing, and the retention of adaptive practices. In contrast, João Pessoa’s fragmented governance arrangements, infrastructural deficits in peripheral areas, and high levels of informality constrained adaptation, limiting access to institutional support and reducing the effectiveness of digital strategies.

The article advances a relational comparative perspective by identifying three interdependent mechanisms shaping resilience outcomes: governance agility, understood as the capacity to coordinate and adapt across sectors and scales; spatial justice, reflected in the unequal distribution of adaptable public-space infrastructures; and institutional visibility, mediated by informality and digital divides. By conceptualising resilience as the product of interacting institutional, spatial, and socio-technical conditions, the study contributes to critical debates on urban governance, inequality, and crisis management beyond the specific context of the pandemic.

城市危机往往暴露出构成城市日常生活的社会空间不平等和治理安排。2019冠状病毒病大流行提供了一个重要视角，通过这个视角，我们可以审视韧性如何不仅是一种应急能力，而且是一种政治调解和空间差异化的结果。本文分析了城市治理、空间基础设施和数字不平等如何影响葡萄牙波尔图和巴西若奥佩索阿（jo o Pessoa）大流行期间美食部门的复原力。利用混合方法的比较设计——包括对工人和消费者的调查、半结构化访谈、空间分析和政策审查——该研究考察了治理响应如何与城市形态、公共空间可达性、非正式性和数字化准备相互作用，从而产生不同的适应轨迹。研究结果表明，波尔图协调的跨部门治理、紧凑的城市形态以及更高的制度和数字能力，使其能够实现快速的空间重构、灵活的许可和适应性实践的保留。相比之下，jo奥佩索阿的治理安排分散，外围地区基础设施不足，以及高度的非正式性制约了适应，限制了获得机构支持的机会，降低了数字战略的有效性。本文通过确定形成弹性结果的三种相互依赖的机制，提出了一种关系比较的视角：治理敏捷性，被理解为跨部门和规模协调和适应的能力；空间公正，体现在适应性强的公共空间基础设施分布不均；以及以非正式性和数字鸿沟为中介的机构可见性。通过将复原力概念化为制度、空间和社会技术条件相互作用的产物，该研究有助于在大流行的特定背景之外就城市治理、不平等和危机管理进行批判性辩论。

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引用次数: 0

From denial to dilution: state response to environmental disaster in Peru 从否认到淡化：秘鲁国家对环境灾难的反应

IF 3.1 2区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Geoforum

Pub Date : 2026-01-30 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2026.104562

Apollonya Maria Porcelli , Hernán Manrique López , José Carlos Orihuela , Sergio Serrano Caballero

In this paper, we examine the two largest oil spills in Peru’s history: the Cuninico inland disaster of 2014 and the Ventanilla offshore spill of 2022. At face value these two cases seem distinct: one characterized by very little environmental data and governmental accountability bound with domestic courts, and another with significant scientific documentation and tremendous international legal pressure. However, we show that in both cases, states respond with a four-fold process designed to assert their legitimacy amid severe environmental crises: denial, delegation, data collection, and deliberation. Through this process, states quell public discontent and dilute their responsibility. In explaining how nation-states respond to environmental crises, the existing political economy of development literature argues that weak state capacity is often to blame for poor disaster response. However, attributing environmental failures solely to state weakness offers an incomplete explanation. Ironically, developing countries such as Peru, demonstrate strength to promote extractive industries, yet not as much to regulate or halt them. Thus, the resulting weak environmental institutions can be seen not a cause of poor environmental outcomes, but rather a consequence of extractive development in Peru. By integrating the strategic ignorance literature, we show that “non-knowledge” is deployed by weak states in the aftermath of a disaster, when significant environmental data is both present and not present. Thus, we argue that strategic ignorance is a form of statecraft that enables extractive corporations to continue with business-as-usual, perpetuating cycles of resource exploitation and social inequality without true accountability.

在本文中，我们研究了秘鲁历史上最大的两起石油泄漏事件：2014年的库尼尼科内陆灾难和2022年的文塔尼拉海上泄漏。从表面上看，这两种情况似乎是截然不同的：一种情况的特点是环境数据很少，政府的责任与国内法院有关，另一种情况则有重要的科学文件和巨大的国际法律压力。然而，我们表明，在这两种情况下，国家都采取了四步应对措施，旨在在严重的环境危机中维护其合法性：拒绝、授权、数据收集和审议。通过这一过程，国家平息了公众的不满，淡化了自己的责任。在解释民族国家如何应对环境危机时，现有的发展政治经济学文献认为，国家能力薄弱往往是导致灾难应对不力的原因。然而，将环境问题完全归咎于政府的软弱是一种不完整的解释。具有讽刺意味的是，秘鲁等发展中国家在促进采掘业方面表现出了实力，但在监管或阻止采掘业方面却表现得不够。因此，由此产生的环境制度薄弱，可以看作不是造成不良环境结果的原因，而是秘鲁采掘业发展的结果。通过整合战略无知文献，我们表明，在灾难发生后，当重要的环境数据既存在又不存在时，弱国会部署“非知识”。因此，我们认为，战略上的无知是一种治国方略，它使采掘企业能够继续一切照旧，使资源开采和社会不平等的循环永久化，而不承担真正的责任。

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引用次数: 0

Decolonising water resource allocations: towards a typology of experiences in small island developing states 非殖民化水资源分配：朝向小岛屿发展中国家经验的类型学

IF 3.1 2区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Geoforum

Pub Date : 2026-01-30 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2026.104563

Lianne Oosterbaan, Aleksandra Peeroo

This paper explores the role of colonial legacies on contemporary water resource allocations in Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and current experiences with decolonisation processes. Drawing on three case studies − Mauritius, Papua New Guinea, and Cabo Verde − the article provides a typology of SIDS’ experiences in decolonising their water resources – maintenance of the status quo, de jure but no de facto change, and de facto change. The paper argues that differences in decolonisation outcomes can be partly explained by the existence of Indigenous populations prior to colonisation, as well as the relative abundance of water resources. The findings highlight the context-specific nature of decolonising water resources and caution against one-size-fits-all approaches pushed by international institutions. The paper calls for further research on how global financial and aid agencies influence water governance in postcolonial SIDS contexts, where fiscal constraints and dependence on external actors pose additional challenges to equitable water allocations.

本文探讨了殖民遗产对小岛屿发展中国家（SIDS）当代水资源分配的作用以及当前非殖民化进程的经验。通过对毛里求斯、巴布亚新几内亚和佛得角三个案例的研究，本文提供了小岛屿发展中国家在水资源非殖民化方面的经验类型学——维持现状、法律上但没有事实上的改变、以及事实上的改变。该论文认为，非殖民化结果的差异可以部分地解释为殖民之前土著人口的存在，以及水资源的相对丰富。研究结果强调了水资源非殖民化的具体情况，并告诫人们不要采用国际机构推行的一刀切的方法。该文件呼吁进一步研究全球金融和援助机构如何影响后殖民时期小岛屿发展中国家的水治理，在这些国家，财政限制和对外部行为者的依赖对公平的水分配构成了额外的挑战。

引用次数: 0

“You should be able to eat that meal and feel like someone cares”: Community food carers, good food, and the emergence of food-aid mutualism during Covid-19 “你应该能够吃到那顿饭，并感到有人关心你”：社区食品护理人员、美食以及2019冠状病毒病期间出现的食品援助互助

IF 3.1 2区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Geoforum

Pub Date : 2026-01-29 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2026.104553

Adele Wylie

Austerity policies in the UK have fostered a ‘foodbank society’ by reducing state support and normalising reliance on charitable aid and poor-quality food. As a result, individuals’ physical, emotional, and mental relationships with food are being reshaped. This paper draws upon on geographies of mutual aid and care and the visceral framework in food geographies, to examine the improvised community foodwork that emerged in Manchester during the Covid-19 pandemic. Using qualitative interviews and participatory foodwork in a local food bank, I show how community food workers reintroduced good food into emergency food provision by attending to dignity, agency and sensory pleasure rather than prioritising scarcity and functionality. At the same time, I found that these practices also supported the food workers own emotional wellbeing during the uncertainty surrounding lockdown events. Whilst this foodwork forged reciprocal affective relations, it also sits in an ambivalent political space shaped by welfare retreat, is vulnerable to neoliberal co-optation and is also over-reliant on unpaid gendered and racialised labour. I therefore conceptualise this convergence of material and affective care as food mutualism, a form of reciprocal nourishment that emerges through foodwork and both challenges and reproduces the inequalities produced by austerity. By engaging with both the political stakes of mutualism and viscerality this work provides insight into how community-based food aid might be reimagined beyond the neoliberal foodbank model in ways that centre dignity, reciprocity, and sensory pleasure.

英国的紧缩政策通过减少国家支持和使对慈善援助和劣质食品的依赖正常化，培育了一个“食物银行社会”。因此，个人与食物的身体、情感和精神关系正在被重塑。本文利用互助和护理地理以及食品地理的内在框架，研究了2019冠状病毒病大流行期间曼彻斯特出现的临时社区食品工作。通过定性访谈和当地食品银行的参与性食品工作，我展示了社区食品工作者如何通过关注尊严、代理和感官愉悦，而不是优先考虑稀缺性和功能性，将优质食品重新引入紧急食品供应。与此同时，我发现这些做法也有助于食品工人在封锁事件的不确定性期间保持情绪健康。虽然这种食物形成了互惠的情感关系，但它也处于一个由福利撤退塑造的矛盾的政治空间中，容易受到新自由主义的影响，也过度依赖无报酬的性别化和种族化劳动。因此，我将这种物质和情感关怀的融合概念化为食物互惠主义，这是一种通过食物工作出现的互惠营养形式，既挑战又再现了紧缩所产生的不平等。通过参与互惠主义和内脏性的政治风险，这项工作提供了一种见解，即如何以以尊严、互惠和感官愉悦为中心的方式，重新构想基于社区的粮食援助，超越新自由主义的粮食银行模式。

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引用次数: 0

‘Each One Teach One’: revolutionary education and training in Grenada, 1979–1983 “人人教一”：1979-1983年格林纳达的革命教育和培训

IF 3.1 2区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Geoforum

Pub Date : 2026-01-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2026.104542

Jacob Fairless Nicholson

In March 1979, the New Jewel Movement formed the People’s Revolutionary Government of Grenada after ousting former Prime Minister Eric Gairy. Reawakening a long history of anti-colonial struggle on the island, Grenada’s Revolution initiated reforms to education, healthcare and employment, and launched new forms of democratic participation and civic engagement. To date, important stories from this geopolitical event – including those of its radical education provision – remain overlooked by geographers. Drawing on the recent accession of archival material including a tranche of Free West Indian newspapers dedicated to Jacqueline Creft (Minister for Education in Grenada 1980–1983) at the Black Cultural Archives, London, this paper analyses the Grenada Revolution’s cradle-to-grave programme of education that precipitated curriculum reform and improvements in teacher-training, and literacy – or ‘popular’ – education. Conceptually, the paper employs a multi-scalar feminist geopolitical analysis that is attentive to the ways shifting geopolitical terrains and agendas are imbricated within fixed, local, and familial experiences alongside those of nation and region. The paper’s central contribution is thus to illustrate the multi-scalar lived experiences and intimacies produced in education amid emerging geopolitical agendas of imperialism and resistance. Detailing the Revolution’s reimagining of schools, community centres, homes, and relationships, the paper argues that this ostensibly national project was also laced through with a politics of internationalism.

1979年3月，新宝石运动在驱逐前总理埃里克·加里后组建了格林纳达人民革命政府。格林纳达革命唤醒了岛上反殖民斗争的悠久历史，启动了教育、保健和就业方面的改革，并启动了新形式的民主参与和公民参与。迄今为止，这一地缘政治事件的重要故事——包括其激进的教育规定——仍被地理学家所忽视。根据最近在伦敦黑人文化档案馆获得的档案材料，包括献给杰奎琳·克雷夫特（1980-1983年格林纳达教育部长）的一部分自由西印度报纸，本文分析了格林纳达革命从摇篮到坟墓的教育计划，该计划促成了课程改革和教师培训的改进，以及扫盲或“流行”教育。从概念上讲，本文采用了多尺度的女权主义地缘政治分析，关注地缘政治地形和议程的变化方式，这些地形和议程与国家和地区的固定、地方和家庭经验相结合。因此，本文的核心贡献是说明在帝国主义和抵抗的新兴地缘政治议程中，教育中产生的多尺度生活经验和亲密关系。这篇论文详细描述了革命对学校、社区中心、家庭和人际关系的重新构想，认为这个表面上的国家项目也带有国际主义的政治色彩。

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引用次数: 0

Contesting dominant narratives on soil erosion: A view from Mexico 关于土壤侵蚀的主流叙事之争：来自墨西哥的观点

IF 3.1 2区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Geoforum

Pub Date : 2026-01-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2026.104540

Helena Cotler , Jose María león Villalobos , Fernanda Figueroa

Soil erosion threatens soil’s ecological processes and functions that sustain life and provide ecosystem benefits. In the Global South, dominant narratives and the policies they inform often frame soil erosion as a purely technical issue requiring techno-scientific and supposedly objective interventions. However, these narratives are themselves social constructs rooted in neo-Malthusian and colonial assumptions and reproduced through asymmetrical social relations embedded in institutions that legitimize certain forms of knowledge. This study analyzes the construction of soil erosion as a socio-environmental problem in Mexico. We examine how it has been conceived, measured, and narrated in official documents, policy discourses, and scientific studies produced since the mid-twentieth century. Dominant discourses, aligned with the interests of powerful actors, have tended to “blame the victims,” targeting poor peasants and indigenous communities whose knowledge systems and land-use practices have been historically dismissed. The persistent association between poverty, ignorance, and soil erosion has reinforced an image of an inevitable “downward spiral of soil erosion, poverty, and environmental degradation.” We deconstruct this imaginary and argue that strategies aimed at mitigating soil erosion have largely failed because they rely on flawed assumptions and overlook the problem’s political, economic, and historical dimensions. Counter-narratives and empirical evidence contest dominant discourses and offer pathways toward a more comprehensive and effective understanding of soil management. Integrating alternative environmental narratives, local knowledge and practices, and rigorous science in the co-production of solutions is crucial to addressing soil erosion more justly and sustainably.

土壤侵蚀威胁到维持生命和提供生态系统效益的土壤生态过程和功能。在发展中国家，主流叙事和它们所传达的政策经常将土壤侵蚀描述为一个纯粹的技术问题，需要技术科学和所谓的客观干预。然而，这些叙事本身是植根于新马尔萨斯主义和殖民主义假设的社会结构，并通过嵌入使某些知识形式合法化的制度中的不对称社会关系得以再现。本研究分析了墨西哥作为社会环境问题的土壤侵蚀建设。我们研究了自20世纪中期以来，它是如何在官方文件、政策话语和科学研究中被构想、衡量和叙述的。与权力者利益相一致的主流话语倾向于“指责受害者”，把目标对准贫穷的农民和土著社区，他们的知识体系和土地使用实践在历史上一直被忽视。贫困、无知和土壤侵蚀之间的长期联系强化了一种不可避免的“土壤侵蚀、贫困和环境退化的恶性循环”的形象。我们解构了这种想象，并认为旨在缓解土壤侵蚀的策略在很大程度上失败了，因为它们依赖于有缺陷的假设，忽视了问题的政治、经济和历史层面。反叙事和经验证据竞争主导话语，并为更全面和有效地理解土壤管理提供了途径。将不同的环境叙述、当地知识和实践以及严谨的科学结合起来，共同制定解决方案，对于更公正和可持续地解决土壤侵蚀问题至关重要。

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引用次数: 0

Indigenous peoples and nature conservation: Lessons from 25 years of Australian biodiversity strategy 土著人民与自然保护：澳大利亚生物多样性战略25年的经验教训

IF 3.1 2区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Geoforum

Pub Date : 2026-01-26 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2025.104518

Lydia Schofield , Elaine Stratford , Aidan Davison

Indigenous peoples play a central role in Australian national biodiversity conservation, even as they continue to resist marginalization and dispossession by the settler colonial state. Foucauldian discourse analysis of national strategic documents on biodiversity conservation from 1999 to 2024 reveals changes in government discourses, ambitions, and mechanisms for inclusion. Our analysis identifies an emergent process within biodiversity strategy of enrolling Indigenous peoples into a collective citizenry tasked with conserving biodiversity within shared and standardized epistemological and managerial frameworks. At the intersection of scientific, managerialist, capitalist and nationalist discourses, such strategy recognizes Indigenous peoples as distinct and essential custodians of nature. However, the price of such recognition is subtle reordering of Indigenous identities, knowledge systems, and relations to Country. Thus, biodiversity strategies claim to honour and continue Indigenous peoples’ historical conservation roles but simultaneously reposition Indigenous knowledges and territories as assets of the settler colonial state. In the process, these strategies reframe Indigenous knowledges as integral to a distinctively and authentically Australian national identity. This study shows how new forms of Indigenous empowerment and recognition are entangled with contemporary forms of settler colonial extraction and state-led ordering, with ambivalent results for Indigenous peoples and Country.

土著人民在澳大利亚国家生物多样性保护中发挥着核心作用，尽管他们继续抵制移民殖民国家的边缘化和剥夺。对1999年至2024年国家生物多样性保护战略文件的福柯话语分析揭示了政府话语、目标和包容机制的变化。我们的分析确定了生物多样性战略中的一个新兴过程，即在共享和标准化的认识论和管理框架内，将土著人民纳入一个集体公民，负责保护生物多样性。在科学、管理主义、资本主义和民族主义话语的交汇处，这种战略承认土著人民是独特和必不可少的自然守护者。然而，这种承认的代价是对土著身份、知识体系和与国家的关系进行微妙的重新排序。因此，生物多样性战略要求尊重和延续土著人民的历史保护角色，但同时将土著知识和领土重新定位为移民殖民国家的资产。在此过程中，这些战略将土著知识重新构建为独特而真实的澳大利亚民族认同的组成部分。这项研究表明，新形式的土著权力和认可是如何与当代定居者殖民榨取和国家主导的秩序纠缠在一起的，对土著人民和国家产生了矛盾的结果。

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引用次数: 0

Tracing the settler colonial legacies of insurance: From empire to wildfires in British Columbia, Canada 追踪移民殖民时期的保险遗产：从帝国到加拿大不列颠哥伦比亚省的野火

IF 3.1 2区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Geoforum

Pub Date : 2026-01-26 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2026.104544

Onyx Sloan Morgan

British Columbia (BC), Canada is repeatedly identified as ‘ground zero’ for climate injustices. These impacts are seen internationally and experienced locally through increased severity and intensity of wildfires. What international audiences do not see, however, is the role that insurance plays in the aftermath of wildfires—particularly the ways that insurance widens pre-existing social and economic gaps as created by and through socio-legal subjectivities. How insurance continues to uphold property regimes in BC, recreating legal and political dynamics rooted within settler coloniality, is rendered invisible in media and the literature. While property is a precursor for property insurance and research has outlined how property in BC is based upon settler colonialism, research has not considered the impacts of wildfire in BC on property as upheld by insurance, nor trickle down impacts on communities. It is these unacknowledged interconnections between wildfire, insurance, property, and settler colonialism that this paper begins to address by laying a theoretical foundation that can serve for future place-based and empirical studies. By engaging Indigenous-led and anti-colonial frameworks of settler colonialism and property, I interrogate the emergence of insurance and property, and how socio-legal subjectivities operate on reserve land and remain central in defining who and how insurance can be accessed. In so doing, I suggest that property insurance widens pre-existing social and legal disparities as animated through settler coloniality by allowing some to 'build back’ and remain 'in place’ while others cannot.

加拿大不列颠哥伦比亚省（BC）多次被认为是气候不公正的“归零地”。这些影响在国际上可见，并通过野火的严重程度和强度增加而在当地经历。然而，国际观众没有看到的是，保险在野火之后所扮演的角色——特别是保险扩大了由社会法律主体性造成的已有的社会和经济差距的方式。保险如何继续维护不列颠哥伦比亚省的财产制度，重建植根于定居者殖民地的法律和政治动态，在媒体和文学作品中是不可见的。虽然财产保险是财产保险的前身，研究也概述了不列颠哥伦比亚省的财产是如何建立在定居者殖民主义的基础上的，但研究并没有考虑到不列颠哥伦比亚省野火对财产的影响是由保险维持的，也没有考虑到对社区的涓滴效应。正是这些野火、保险、财产和定居者殖民主义之间未被承认的相互联系，本文开始通过为未来基于地点和实证研究奠定理论基础来解决。通过参与土著主导的定居者殖民主义和财产的反殖民框架，我质疑保险和财产的出现，以及社会法律主体性如何在储备土地上运作，并在定义谁以及如何获得保险方面保持核心地位。在这样做的过程中，我认为财产保险通过允许一些人“重建”并保持“原地”而另一些人却不能，从而扩大了先前存在的社会和法律差异，这是定居者殖民时期产生的。

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引用次数: 0

Queer(y)ing bodies as infrastructure: Glitchy modalities of infrastructural failure 同性恋身体作为基础设施：基础设施故障的故障模式

IF 3.1 2区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Geoforum

Pub Date : 2026-01-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2026.104555

Fang Bian

By embracing “the glitch” as an alternative mode of queer failure, I argue for a queer ethico-political project: queer(y)ing bodies as infrastructure by locating “the glitch” as an epistemological reorientation toward sites and moments of digital-material incongruities that fail to compute with the algorithmic logic of platform capitalism. The glitch is not merely the revelation of infrastructural failure; rather, it holds the political possibility of a positional shift – one that reorients queer failure from radical passivity to collective action. I articulate this political possibility through three situated modalities of glitch politics by foregrounding how “glitch as limit”, “glitch as mess”, and “glitch as fugitivity” can save queer bodies from platform capitalism’s traps of normative binarisms that reduce them into either “good data” or “bad data”. Glitch, as a fantastic mode of infrastructure, reorients and disorients queer bodies to revel in all locations of in-betweenness that actively reverse, repurpose, and refuse the infrastructural violence of digital infrastructure within, against, and outside platform capitalism’s tyranny of infrastructural success.

通过接受“故障”作为酷儿失败的另一种模式，我主张一个酷儿伦理政治项目：酷儿(y)身体作为基础设施，通过将“故障”定位为一种认识论上的重新定位，指向数字材料不协调的地点和时刻，这些地点和时刻无法用平台资本主义的算法逻辑进行计算。这次故障不仅暴露了基础设施的故障；相反，它拥有一种立场转变的政治可能性——一种将酷儿失败从激进的被动转向集体行动的可能性。我通过故障政治的三种情境模式阐明了这种政治可能性，即“故障作为限制”、“故障作为混乱”和“故障作为逃亡”如何将酷儿团体从平台资本主义的规范性二元主义陷阱中拯救出来，这种二元主义将它们减少为“好数据”或“坏数据”。Glitch作为一种奇妙的基础设施模式，重新定位和迷失了酷儿群体，让他们陶醉在所有中间地带，积极地逆转、重新定位和拒绝数字基础设施的暴力，在平台内部，反对平台之外，资本主义对基础设施成功的暴政。

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引用次数: 0

Militarized margins: Counternarcotics policy and the struggle for territorial governance in Central America 军事化边缘：中美洲禁毒政策和领土治理斗争

IF 3.1 2区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Geoforum

Pub Date : 2026-01-24 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2026.104535

Laura R. Blume , Laura Aileen Sauls , Fernando Galeana

This paper examines how counternarcotics policies have shaped state presence and territorial governance in the Moskitia region of Honduras and Nicaragua. Drawing on historical analysis and ethnographic fieldwork, we argue that the Hemisphere’s almost exclusively militarized response to the international narcotics trade has undermined the potential for more Indigenous-centered governance, even in areas like the Moskitia where collective land rights have been recognized and titled. Instead, this response has enabled the extension of the Honduran and Nicaraguan states into this region in specific and often perverse ways, evidenced through modalities of authoritarianism, rent extraction, and violence against community leaders and environmental defenders. Rather than state absence, it is in fact these modalities of state presence that have resulted in the selective forms of enforcement and violence that constrain the potential for alternative governance models. We also highlight how U.S. counternarcotics policies in particular have facilitated the development of these state modalities. By tracing the evolution of narco-state relations and foreign intervention, we demonstrate how external influences continue to impact local realities and the prospects for Indigenous territorial governance in contested frontier spaces. This paper responds to calls to better explain actually existing and emerging territorial governance under competing political economic systems.

本文考察了禁毒政策如何影响洪都拉斯和尼加拉瓜莫斯科地区的国家存在和领土治理。根据历史分析和民族志田野调查，我们认为西半球对国际毒品贸易几乎完全军事化的反应破坏了更多以土著为中心的治理的潜力，即使在像莫斯科这样的集体土地权利已经得到承认和命名的地区也是如此。相反，这种反应使洪都拉斯和尼加拉瓜国家以特定且往往反常的方式扩展到该地区，其表现形式包括威权主义、榨取租金以及对社区领袖和环境捍卫者的暴力。事实上，正是这些国家存在的形式导致了选择性的执法和暴力形式，限制了其他治理模式的潜力，而不是国家缺席。我们还强调，美国的禁毒政策尤其促进了这些国家模式的发展。通过追踪毒品国家关系和外国干预的演变，我们展示了外部影响如何继续影响当地现实和有争议的边境地区土著领土治理的前景。本文回应了在相互竞争的政治经济制度下更好地解释实际存在的和正在出现的领土治理的呼吁。

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引用次数: 0

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