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Geopolitical strategies and transnational environmental governance: A comparative study of international NGOs in Cambodia 地缘政治战略与跨国环境治理:柬埔寨国际非政府组织比较研究
IF 3.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2024.104063
Qingge Geng , Kevin Lo

Geopolitical strategies and transnational governance can synergistically interact to meet strategic ambitions and environmental targets. International NGOs and their transnational operations are the heart of these entangled dynamics. This study reveals how geopolitical strategies influence international NGOs and their transnational activities. Drawing on empirical insights from a comparative study of international NGOs (Japanese and Chinese) in Cambodia, we developed two models to elucidate the nature of this relationship. The “tight coupling” model is exemplified by Japanese NGOs that are closely aligned with the Japanese state’s geopolitical focus on soft power in Southeast Asia. This alignment results in strong state support in terms of resources and networking capabilities, enabling the NGOs to conduct long-term environmental work and build relationships with Cambodian communities through deep engagement. The “loose coupling” model is exemplified by Chinese NGOs whose alignment with China’s dominant geopolitical strategy (the Belt and Road Initiative) is relatively weak. Consequently, these NGOs receive limited state support, which restrict their ability to engage with local communities and achieve a sustainable impact. This study breaks new ground by weaving together the fields of geopolitics and transnational environmental governance, offering new insights regarding how to incorporate geopolitical perspectives in examining the roles of non-state actors in global environmental politics.

地缘政治战略和跨国治理可以协同互动,以实现战略抱负和环境目标。国际非政府组织及其跨国行动是这些纠缠不清的动态关系的核心。本研究揭示了地缘政治战略如何影响国际非政府组织及其跨国活动。根据对柬埔寨的国际非政府组织(日本和中国)的比较研究得出的经验见解,我们建立了两个模型来阐明这种关系的性质。紧耦合 "模式以日本非政府组织为例,它们与日本国家在东南亚软实力方面的地缘政治重点紧密结合。这种紧密结合的结果是国家在资源和网络能力方面的大力支持,使非政府组织能够开展长期的环保工作,并通过深度参与与柬埔寨社区建立关系。中国的非政府组织是 "松耦合 "模式的典范,它们与中国主导地缘政治战略("一带一路 "倡议)的契合度相对较弱。因此,这些非政府组织获得的国家支持有限,限制了他们与当地社区合作并实现可持续影响的能力。本研究将地缘政治和跨国环境治理领域结合在一起,开辟了新的领域,为如何将地缘政治视角纳入全球环境政治中的非国家行为者角色研究提供了新的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Meat politics. Analysing actors, strategies and power relations governing the meat regime in Austria 肉类政治。分析奥地利肉类制度的参与者、战略和权力关系
IF 3.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2024.104048
Charlotte Voigt , Laura Hundscheid , Christina Plank , Melanie Pichler

Meat consumption is increasingly discussed as a key lever for reducing environmental and human health impacts within food systems. As in many high-income countries, meat consumption in Austria exceeds dietary and planetary-health recommendations. If, and how, to address overconsumption has become a site of political conflict. Calls for political measures toward sustainable dietary transitions make it important to consider the political economy of meat consumption and production in national contexts. It is thus important to understand the surrounding structures, institutions, and power relations. Using a theoretical approach grounded in food regime theory and critical state analysis, we shed light on important actors and power relations concerning meat production and consumption in Austria. Drawing on a qualitative analysis of interviews and documents, we identify three political projects competing for influence. A strong production driven project pushes to establish a regime of national consumption rather than addressing excessive production and consumption. A civil society driven project is gaining ground in challenging dominant forms of accumulation. In a third project, national producers and alternative production pathways are subject to an increasingly powerful corporate retail sector, which advances economic and increasingly ecologically oriented rationalization to increase profits. Strategies to challenge this corporate power have so far been sparse. Rather, the reproduction of consumer power and responsibility in the producing sector serves to strengthen this development as food retailers can effectively position themselves as custodians of the consumer. Active policies and willingness to accept the necessity for changing consumption are required to redistribute power.

肉类消费作为食品系统中减少环境和人类健康影响的一个关键杠杆,正越来越多地被讨论。与许多高收入国家一样,奥地利的肉类消费超过了膳食和地球健康建议。是否以及如何解决过度消费问题已成为政治冲突的焦点。人们呼吁采取政治措施,实现可持续的膳食转型,这使得在国家背景下考虑肉类消费和生产的政治经济问题变得非常重要。因此,了解周围的结构、制度和权力关系非常重要。我们采用以食品制度理论和批判性国家分析为基础的理论方法,揭示了奥地利肉类生产和消费的重要参与者和权力关系。通过对访谈和文件的定性分析,我们确定了三个争夺影响力的政治项目。一个以生产为主导的项目推动建立国家消费制度,而不是解决过度生产和消费的问题。一个由民间社会推动的项目正在挑战主流的积累形式。在第三个项目中,国家生产者和替代生产途径受制于日益强大的企业零售部门,该部门推进经济合理化,并日益以生态为导向以增加利润。迄今为止,挑战这种企业力量的战略还很少。相反,由于食品零售商可以有效地将自己定位为消费者的监护人,消费者的权力和责任在生产部门的再现有助于加强这种发展。重新分配权力需要积极的政策和接受改变消费的意愿。
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引用次数: 0
Territories as Practice for economic transformations. Insights from Latin American geography 作为经济转型实践的领土。拉丁美洲地理学的启示
IF 3.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2024.104062
Diana Morales , Laura Sariego-Kluge , Tiago Teixeira

Based on the contributions of critical Latin American geography, this paper proposes an alternative understanding of territories to explore the transformation of regional and local economies towards environmentally friendly and conscious modes of production while tackling uneven development. We argue that economic geography is well-suited to study these transformations due to its emphasis on understanding the spatial distribution and organization of economic activities. However, most of its theorisations are based on the Global North, leaving out discussions in the Global South. A decolonial approach to territories can help understand economic change towards sustainability and inclusiveness, considering alternative institutional and social arrangements that mediate socio-economic relations. The concept of ‘territories as practice’ emerges from critical Latin American geography and challenges monolithic and colonial conceptions of development and modernity. As proposed here, territories as practice allows explaining and planning for regional transformations in non-core regions, while paying attention to how global networks and extra-territorial factors influence economic change. We advocate for a practice-based spatial approach that acknowledges the practices shaping territories, helping us comprehend how localities and communities resist and adopt economic transformations. Territories as practice capture the multiplicity of visions, contradictions, and constructions defining a territory, leading to more inclusive and context-specific approaches to economic transformations.

本文以批判性拉丁美洲地理学的贡献为基础,提出了对地域的另一种理解,以探讨地区和地方经济向环境友好型和有意识的生产模式转型,同时解决发展不平衡的问题。我们认为,经济地理学强调理解经济活动的空间分布和组织,因此非常适合研究这些转型。然而,经济地理学的大多数理论都是以全球北方为基础的,忽略了对全球南方的讨论。对领土采取非殖民主义的方法有助于理解经济向可持续性和包容性的转变,同时考虑到调解社会经济关系的其他制度和社会安排。作为实践的领土 "这一概念产生于批判性的拉丁美洲地理学,对发展和现代化的单一和殖民概念提出了挑战。这里提出的 "作为实践的领土 "可以解释和规划非核心地区的区域转型,同时关注全球网络和域外因素如何影响经济变化。我们主张以实践为基础的空间方法,承认塑造地域的实践,帮助我们理解地方和社区如何抵制和采纳经济转型。作为实践的领土可以捕捉到定义领土的多种愿景、矛盾和建构,从而为经济转型提供更具包容性和针对具体情况的方法。
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引用次数: 0
“Shale gas development will bring local economic benefits”. An analysis of central Appalachian landowners' lived experience and situated knowledge of extractivism "页岩气开发将为当地带来经济效益"。分析阿巴拉契亚中部土地所有者的生活经验和对采掘业的情景知识
IF 3.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2024.104050
Martina Angela Caretta , Erin Carlson , Rachael Hood

Extractivism is notorious for causing environmental destruction, resulting in worsened living conditions for those residing near sites of, among other processes, mining, logging, and hydraulic fracturing. Yet, companies can operate in certain areas because they mobilize narratives, often supported by governments and local authorities, asserting that extraction will bring local economic benefits in the forms of employment, improved general living standards, and economic compensation. In this article, we examine this core argument, focusing on shale gas development that has taken place since the mid-2000s in central Appalachia. We ground our analysis in original material gathered between 2020 and 2022 through 55 interviews with land and mineral owners. Extractivism is a capitalistic complex that operates on a systemic level with similar structures independently of the context where it is taking place. In this article, we zoom in on its operations and consequences at a micro level. We show how the logic of critical infrastructures is enacted by energy companies through compensation and experienced by residents through impacts on livelihood. While this qualitative analysis does not quantify local economic gains or losses, there is a preponderance of evidence showing that land and mineral owners have received limited and discontinuous compensation often compounded with the loss of usable land or forest. We argue that the extraction of raw fossil materials not only contributes to environmental destruction and climate change but is fundamentally grounded in unequal power relations that heighten social vulnerability and potentially destroy livelihoods.

采掘业因造成环境破坏而臭名昭著,导致采矿、伐木和水力压裂等作业地点附近居民的生活条件恶化。然而,公司之所以能在某些地区开展业务,是因为他们动员了一些说法,这些说法往往得到政府和地方当局的支持,声称开采将给当地带来经济利益,如就业、提高总体生活水平和经济补偿等。在本文中,我们将研究这一核心论点,重点关注自 2000 年代中期以来在阿巴拉契亚中部进行的页岩气开发。我们的分析基于 2020 年至 2022 年间通过 55 次对土地和矿产所有者的访谈收集到的原始材料。采掘业是一种资本主义综合体,它在系统层面上运作,具有类似的结构,不受其发生背景的影响。在这篇文章中,我们将从微观层面放大其运作和后果。我们展示了关键基础设施的逻辑是如何由能源公司通过补偿来实施,并由居民通过对生活的影响来体验的。虽然这种定性分析没有量化当地的经济收益或损失,但大量证据表明,土地和矿产所有者获得的补偿有限且不连续,往往伴随着可用土地或森林的丧失。我们认为,原化石材料的开采不仅会造成环境破坏和气候变化,而且从根本上说是建立在不平等的权力关系之上的,这种关系加剧了社会的脆弱性,并有可能破坏人们的生计。
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引用次数: 0
Urban conservation workers on a just transition: Labor, land, and love 城市保护工作者的公正过渡:劳动、土地和爱
IF 3.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-07 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2024.104033
Miriam Solis , Anthony Bissiri , LaJuan Tucker

Movements and scholars have called for proactive just transition efforts that involve the protection of historically marginalized communities and workers. Urban conservation is increasingly central to shifts away from a carbon-based economy, but its racialized hierarchies have reproduced inequality. This article builds on just transition, political ecology, and environmental justice scholarship in its understanding of workers as key sources of needed and imaginative interventions. We used photovoice methods with participants of a green workforce development program in Austin, Texas to identify the equity implications of their urban conservation work. Participants called attention to an incomplete just transition effort and strategic possibilities in two domains: workplace structure and relationality. Acting upon these insights to create and maintain an environmentally just urban forest system requires urban governance structures that are more responsive to workers and communities.

各种运动和学者呼吁积极主动地进行公正过渡,保护历史上被边缘化的社区和工人。城市保护日益成为摆脱碳基经济的核心,但其种族化的等级制度复制了不平等。本文以公正转型、政治生态学和环境正义学术为基础,将工人理解为所需和富有想象力的干预措施的关键来源。我们与德克萨斯州奥斯汀市一项绿色劳动力发展计划的参与者一起,采用摄影选言的方法来确定他们在城市保护工作中的公平影响。参与者呼吁关注未完成的公正过渡工作,以及工作场所结构和关系性这两个领域的战略可能性。根据这些见解来创建和维护一个环境公正的城市森林系统,要求城市治理结构能够更好地响应工人和社区的需求。
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引用次数: 0
Political ecologies of the future: Introduction to the special issue 未来的政治生态:特刊导言
IF 3.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-06 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2024.104023
Jevgeniy Bluwstein, Salvatore Paolo De Rosa
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引用次数: 0
The maintenance of carbonscapes: Enacting Net Zero in Stavanger, Norway 碳景观的维护:在挪威斯塔万格实现零净排放
IF 3.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2024.104040
Anders Riel Müller , Siddharth Sareen

As a stable, democratic petrostate, Janus-faced Norway balances fossil fuel incumbency (profitable oil and gas exports) with leadership in green transitions (domestic hydropower supply and transport electrification) and just transitions (major donor to global green initiatives). These roles imbue domestic politics with reverence for fossil fuels as enablers of generous welfare state support, alongside a push to show progress on low-carbon energy transitions. This political dynamic has embraced the global rise to prominence of Net Zero target-setting, highly reliant on speculative, yet-to-emerge carbon mitigation technologies. Such a hubristic response to this target has served to direct massive financing to innovation activities of fossil incumbents. Nowhere is this push felt keener than in Stavanger, the oil capital rebranded to Norway’s ‘energy capital’, and the site of the country’s largest industrial hub Forus and great performative spectacles such as the Offshore Northern Seas conferences and numerous other oil and gas events. Yet it is also here that critique is often focused, pointing out the folly of continued investment that assumes oil and gas persistence in tempered form over rapid renewable energy rollout. We investigate the forms this enactment of Net Zero takes at the urban scale in Stavanger through which the promise of carbon removal is used to uphold carbonscapes. Empirical material includes place-based observation, participatory ethnography at events, and media reports. We engage with conceptual scholarship on the positionality of researchers, role of actionable knowledge, and the specific function of the knowledge economy to enable Stavanger’s juggling act as the site of fossil success since 1969, and champion of carbon removal innovation and development as one of Europe’s 112 climate-neutral 2030 Mission Cities. We argue that unpacking urban spectacle offers evidence of the interwoven nature of domestic politics and performative carbon mitigation approaches, constituting an entry point to critique mitigation deterrence.

作为一个稳定、民主的石油国家,挪威在化石燃料领域(石油和天然气出口利润丰厚)与绿色转型(国内水电供应和交通电气化)和公正转型(全球绿色倡议的主要捐助国)之间取得了平衡。这些角色使国内政治崇尚化石燃料,将其视为慷慨的福利国家支持的推动者,同时推动低碳能源转型取得进展。这种政治态势使得 "净零 "目标的设定在全球崭露头角,它高度依赖于投机性的、尚未出现的碳减排技术。对这一目标的狂妄回应,有助于将大量资金用于化石燃料现有企业的创新活动。斯塔万格是挪威的 "能源之都",也是挪威最大的工业中心福鲁斯(Forus)的所在地,这里还举办了诸如 "北方近海会议 "等大型石油和天然气活动。然而,批判也往往集中在这里,指出持续投资的愚蠢之处,即假定石油和天然气将以有节制的形式持续下去,而不是迅速推广可再生能源。我们在斯塔万格的城市范围内调查了 "净零 "的实施形式,通过这种形式,碳清除的承诺被用来维护碳景观。经验材料包括基于地点的观察、活动中的参与性人种学研究以及媒体报道。我们参与了有关研究人员的地位、可操作知识的作用以及知识经济的特定功能的概念性学术研究,从而使斯塔万格既能自 1969 年以来在化石问题上取得成功,又能作为欧洲 112 个 "2030 年气候中立使命城市 "之一,成为碳清除创新和发展的倡导者。我们认为,解读城市奇观可以证明国内政治与表演性碳减排方法的相互交织性质,从而成为批评减排威慑的切入点。
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引用次数: 0
Everyday lived experience and ‘carescape’ of women street vendors: Spatial Justice in Al-Hisba Marketplace, Ramallah/Al-Bireh, Palestine 街头女摊贩的日常生活经验和 "关爱景观":巴勒斯坦拉马拉/比雷 Al-Hisba 市场的空间正义
IF 3.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-31 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2024.104014
Sahera Bleibleh , Shaden Awad

The city’s local markets are essential for daily shopping and nurture traditions, spatial practices, and heritage. This study investigates the everyday lived experiences of Palestinian women street vendors operating in the Al-Hisba marketplace, located in the center of Ramallah/Al-Bireh. It investigates the challenges they encountered in the evolving Al-Hisba, against the backdrop of male dominance and the impediments imposed by the Israeli occupation. Within this context, they struggle to survive and to cope with transformative shifts in marketing trends. These challenges offer glimpses of resilience and opportunities to adapt to emerging informalities, the essential practices of spatial making-do, and a growing network of “carescape.” Employing a qualitative approach and actor-network theory, this study draws on the narratives of women street vendors to unravel their tactics of resilience, the dynamics of their carescape network, and the adaptive practices they employ to sustain their presence in Al-Hisba. The findings illuminate the negotiated spatial opportunities of adaptation in the face of uncertainties within Al-Hisba marketplace. This study also contributes to the realm of cultural studies and human behavior, offering insights that inform urban epistemologies. It underscores the importance of local markets in anchoring cities to principles of spatial equity and sense of place.

城市的当地市场是日常购物的必备场所,孕育着传统、空间习俗和遗产。本研究调查了在位于拉马拉/Al-Bireh 中心的 Al-Hisba 集市上经营的巴勒斯坦女性街头小贩的日常生活经历。在男性占主导地位和以色列占领所造成的障碍的背景下,本研究调查了她们在不断发展的 Al-Hisba 所遇到的挑战。在此背景下,她们为生存和应对营销趋势的转变而挣扎。这些挑战让我们看到了适应新出现的非正规性、空间制造的基本做法和不断增长的 "关怀景观 "网络的韧性和机遇。本研究采用定性方法和行动者网络理论,通过街头女商贩的叙述来揭示她们的恢复策略、她们的 "关爱景观 "网络的动态以及她们为维持在希斯巴的存在而采取的适应性做法。研究结果揭示了面对阿尔希斯巴市场的不确定性,通过协商获得的空间适应机会。这项研究还有助于文化研究和人类行为学领域,为城市认识论提供启示。它强调了当地市场在使城市恪守空间公平和地方感原则方面的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Peri-urban communities and precarious temporality in Cochabamba, Bolivia: Class, indigeneity, and social exclusion 玻利维亚科恰班巴的城郊社区和不稳定的时间性:阶级、土著性和社会排斥
IF 3.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-30 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2024.104039
Philip Wade , Tommaso Rossi , Malayna Raftopoulos , Michela Coletta

One of the key challenges facing urban areas in the twenty-first century is how to promote inclusive developmental policies and address increasing social inequality. Using the community of Mercado Campesino de Arocagua in north-western Bolivia as a case study, this article shows how peri-urban spaces destabilise traditional ethnic and class divisions, exemplifying the growing complexities of the politics of social and racial exclusion in Latin America. The article argues that the endurance of relations of coloniality enables the exclusion of rural Indigenous groups from the political, social, and economic boundaries of the city. These boundaries, however, are increasingly permeable and unstable. In this context, the multi-scalar governance structures that have helped many Indigenous people in Bolivia to move to and prosper within urban spaces prevent the community of Mercado Campesino from legal recognition.

二十一世纪城市地区面临的主要挑战之一是如何促进包容性发展政策,解决日益加剧的社会不平等问题。本文以玻利维亚西北部的 Mercado Campesino de Arocagua 社区为案例,展示了城市周边空间如何破坏传统的种族和阶级分化的稳定,体现了拉丁美洲社会和种族排斥政治日益复杂的一面。文章认为,殖民关系的持久性使得农村土著群体被排斥在城市的政治、社会和经济边界之外。然而,这些界限越来越具有渗透性和不稳定性。在这种情况下,帮助玻利维亚许多土著居民迁入城市并在城市空间中繁荣发展的多层次治理结构,阻碍了 Mercado Campesino 社区获得法律承认。
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引用次数: 0
‘Water for all’: The unlikely confluence of divergent interests (in resisting neoliberalism and promoting human rights) in Mumbai’s slums 人人有水":孟买贫民窟不同利益(抵制新自由主义和促进人权)的不可能融合
IF 3.5 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.geoforum.2024.104024
Kate Bayliss , Pranjal Deekshit

Despite pressure from international donors and the national government, neoliberal policies have not had a transformational impact on the way water is provided in Mumbai. Some modest reforms were introduced but these have not led to major change. Moreover, in 2022 the city introduced a policy of ‘Water for All’ to extend water access to slum areas. At first sight this system might seem to be a socially progressive approach to water management, which might be surprising given the right-wing orientation of Shiv Sena, the political party which has been in power since the 1990s. But this paper shows that policy has been shaped by an unlikely alignment of diverse interests. Campaigners have been resisting neoliberal policies and demanding fair water rights for slum dwellers for years. But these demands gained policy traction when they overlapped with the interests of the engineers who manage the complex water system, as well as the political regime. For decades, slum households have been scapegoated and water access was deemed illegal for millions of the city’s poorest residents. But the political climate has recently shifted such that it now suits the ruling party to expand water access, although restrictions remain. This paper shows how global paradigms intersect with embedded structures, politics and institutions to create contextually specific outcomes. Drawing on Brenner and Theodore (2002), we argue that the same context that generated Mumbai’s form of ‘actually existing’ neoliberalism has also created a distinctive, ‘actually existing’, interpretation of the human right to water.

尽管国际捐助者和国家政府施加了压力,但新自由主义政策并未对孟买的供水方式产生变革性影响。虽然进行了一些适度的改革,但并没有带来重大变化。此外,孟买在 2022 年推出了 "全民供水 "政策,将供水范围扩大到贫民窟地区。乍一看,这一制度似乎是一种具有社会进步意义的水管理方法,鉴于自 20 世纪 90 年代以来一直执政的希夫塞纳(Shiv Sena)政党的右翼倾向,这可能会令人惊讶。但本文表明,政策是由各种不同利益不可能达成一致而形成的。多年来,运动人士一直在抵制新自由主义政策,并要求为贫民窟居民提供公平的水权。但是,当这些要求与管理复杂供水系统的工程师以及政治体制的利益相重叠时,它们就获得了政策的牵引力。几十年来,贫民窟家庭一直是替罪羊,数百万城市最贫困居民的用水权被视为非法。但最近政治气候发生了变化,尽管限制依然存在,但执政党现在更愿意扩大供水范围。本文展示了全球范式是如何与内在结构、政治和制度相互交织,从而产生特定背景下的结果的。借鉴 Brenner 和 Theodore(2002 年)的观点,我们认为,孟买 "实际存在 "的新自由主义形式的产生背景也对水权产生了独特的、"实际存在 "的解释。
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