Abstract Our goal is to explore the intersection of two bodies of literature, namely, the one on impersonal constructions with an emphasis on uno ‘one’, and the one on the effect of transitivity and the focus of attention on the distribution of overt vs. null pronouns, where it has been shown that overt pronominal subjects are disfavored in transitive contexts as opposed to intransitive contexts. Through a variationist analysis of the expression of uno in Barranquilla, Colombia, in the PRESSEA-BARRANQUILLA corpus, we extend this line of inquiry to this impersonal pronoun and study in detail for the first time the effect of the various components of transitivity on the distribution of overt pronouns. Specifically, various transitivity parameters put forward by Hopper and Thompson are shown to correctly predict the distribution of uno, namely, number of participants and kinesis whereas sentence polarity, aspect and individuation of the object yield mixed results meriting future research.
{"title":"On the use of uno in Colombian Spanish: the role of transitivity","authors":"Luz Marcela Hurtado, Iván Ortega-Santos","doi":"10.1515/shll-2019-2001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2019-2001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Our goal is to explore the intersection of two bodies of literature, namely, the one on impersonal constructions with an emphasis on uno ‘one’, and the one on the effect of transitivity and the focus of attention on the distribution of overt vs. null pronouns, where it has been shown that overt pronominal subjects are disfavored in transitive contexts as opposed to intransitive contexts. Through a variationist analysis of the expression of uno in Barranquilla, Colombia, in the PRESSEA-BARRANQUILLA corpus, we extend this line of inquiry to this impersonal pronoun and study in detail for the first time the effect of the various components of transitivity on the distribution of overt pronouns. Specifically, various transitivity parameters put forward by Hopper and Thompson are shown to correctly predict the distribution of uno, namely, number of participants and kinesis whereas sentence polarity, aspect and individuation of the object yield mixed results meriting future research.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116337842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The aim of this paper is two-fold: first, it seeks to highlight the potential of return emigrants — or home-comers — to introduce lexical change in their first language (L1). Second, it represents a contribution to Lusophone linguistics and Romance linguistics more broadly in examining speech performance data from home-comers of an under-researched Portuguese variety, a dialect of Azorean Portuguese. Drawing on Backus’s notion of entrenchment, I first present home-comers as a possible source of language change due to their contact with and potential use of L2 lexical items encountered abroad, and I highlight the Azores as an important yet overlooked site for language contact and change. In analyzing spontaneous oral narratives of emigration collected in the Azores, I demonstrate how home-comers’ ideological attitudes and linguistic resources serve as the ground on which linguistic changes occur. After examining the import of performance data on the individual level, I consider the status of a particular lexical category of code-switches — English discourse markers (i.e. ‘so’ and ‘you know’) — in Romance and their potential to become lexicalized and regarded as Portuguese in this particular contact situation.
{"title":"Home-comers as a source of language contact: Return Azorean emigrants’ English code-switching practices","authors":"Emily Linares","doi":"10.1515/shll-2019-2003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2019-2003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The aim of this paper is two-fold: first, it seeks to highlight the potential of return emigrants — or home-comers — to introduce lexical change in their first language (L1). Second, it represents a contribution to Lusophone linguistics and Romance linguistics more broadly in examining speech performance data from home-comers of an under-researched Portuguese variety, a dialect of Azorean Portuguese. Drawing on Backus’s notion of entrenchment, I first present home-comers as a possible source of language change due to their contact with and potential use of L2 lexical items encountered abroad, and I highlight the Azores as an important yet overlooked site for language contact and change. In analyzing spontaneous oral narratives of emigration collected in the Azores, I demonstrate how home-comers’ ideological attitudes and linguistic resources serve as the ground on which linguistic changes occur. After examining the import of performance data on the individual level, I consider the status of a particular lexical category of code-switches — English discourse markers (i.e. ‘so’ and ‘you know’) — in Romance and their potential to become lexicalized and regarded as Portuguese in this particular contact situation.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127472124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Due to their addressing nature, vocatives and imperatives have been said in multiple occasions to have the same function and similar phonological characteristics. The aim of this paper is to examine the intonational link between these two kinds of sentences in Peninsular Spanish considering sociopragmatic and situational factors like the level of formality and the degree of insistence. In order to do so, twenty-eight native speakers of Peninsular Spanish produced isolated names and verbs in formal and informal settings followed by insistent productions. The phonetic and phonological analyses of 1232 one-word productions indicate that both speech acts share multiple contours; namely L* H%, L + H* HL%, L + H* !H%, L + H* L%, L + H* H%, L + H* LH%. Nevertheless, L + H* L% was the most used contour for both speech acts regardless of the sociopragmatic and situational factors. Interestingly, speakers modified the phonetic properties of intensity and F0 depending on the situation since informal and insistent productions had a higher F0, wider pitch excursions and more intensity than their formal and non-insistent counterparts. As alternatives, L* L% contours were attested in formal imperatives while L + H* LH% and L + H* HL% were more common in informal ones. After L + H* L% contours, L + H* HL% and L* H% were the preferred options in formal vocatives but the latter was hardly attested in informal ones.
由于它们的称呼性质，祈使句和祈使句在很多场合都具有相同的功能和相似的语音特征。本文的目的是考察半岛西班牙语中这两种句子之间的语调联系，并考虑到社会语用和情境因素，如正式程度和坚持程度。为了做到这一点，28个以半岛西班牙语为母语的人在正式和非正式场合产生了孤立的名字和动词，然后持续产生。对1232个单字产物的语音和音系分析表明，这两种言语行为具有多重轮廓;即L * H % L + H * HL % L + H * ! H % L + H * L % L + H * H % L + H * LH %。然而，无论社会语用和情境因素如何，L + H* L%都是言语行为中使用最多的轮廓。有趣的是，说话者根据不同的情况修改了强度和F0的语音属性，因为非正式和坚持的产物比正式和非坚持的产物具有更高的F0，更宽的音高偏移和更大的强度。作为替代，L* L%等高线在正式命令中得到证明，而L + H* LH%和L + H* HL%在非正式命令中更为常见。在L + H* L%等高线之后，L + H* HL%和L* H%是正式感化词的首选，而后者在非正式感化词中很少得到证实。
{"title":"Sociopragmatic factors and melodic patterns: Spanish vocatives and imperatives compared","authors":"Sergio Robles-Puente","doi":"10.1515/shll-2019-2005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2019-2005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Due to their addressing nature, vocatives and imperatives have been said in multiple occasions to have the same function and similar phonological characteristics. The aim of this paper is to examine the intonational link between these two kinds of sentences in Peninsular Spanish considering sociopragmatic and situational factors like the level of formality and the degree of insistence. In order to do so, twenty-eight native speakers of Peninsular Spanish produced isolated names and verbs in formal and informal settings followed by insistent productions. The phonetic and phonological analyses of 1232 one-word productions indicate that both speech acts share multiple contours; namely L* H%, L + H* HL%, L + H* !H%, L + H* L%, L + H* H%, L + H* LH%. Nevertheless, L + H* L% was the most used contour for both speech acts regardless of the sociopragmatic and situational factors. Interestingly, speakers modified the phonetic properties of intensity and F0 depending on the situation since informal and insistent productions had a higher F0, wider pitch excursions and more intensity than their formal and non-insistent counterparts. As alternatives, L* L% contours were attested in formal imperatives while L + H* LH% and L + H* HL% were more common in informal ones. After L + H* L% contours, L + H* HL% and L* H% were the preferred options in formal vocatives but the latter was hardly attested in informal ones.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116329805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study revisits variable subject pronoun expression in Spanish, bringing to bear insights from cross-linguistic patterns of person-number systems. Based on 2259 tokens from two corpora of Mexican Spanish representing distinct social classes, the study focuses solely on first person plural (1pl) subject pronouns, revealing unique aspects of variable nosotros expression. Evidence is offered in favor of a more nuanced measure of switch reference for non-singular grammatical persons through an analysis of the local effects of partial co-referentiality. This measure reconciles the large body of work on switch reference with Cameron’s (1995) measures of reference chains. Additionally, topic persistence — heretofore neglected in prior studies — conditions the variation, with subsequent mentions in the thematic paragraph favoring expressed pronouns. An investigation of clusivity demonstrates that Spanish 1pl subject pronoun expression is sensitive to a distinction grammaticalized in other languages, though subject pronoun rates across clusivities differ from previous results from Peninsular Spanish (Posio 2012). Finally, while subject pronoun expression is generally not sensitive to social factors, distributions of 1pl subjects according to clusivity differ between corpora. Results reveal the style and topic-conditioned differences in contextual distributions that underlie apparent social class differences in subject expression constraints.
{"title":"The persistence of expression: Clusivity, partial co-reference, and socioeconomic differentiation of first person plural subject pronoun expression in Spanish","authors":"Dora Lacasse","doi":"10.1515/shll-2019-2002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2019-2002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study revisits variable subject pronoun expression in Spanish, bringing to bear insights from cross-linguistic patterns of person-number systems. Based on 2259 tokens from two corpora of Mexican Spanish representing distinct social classes, the study focuses solely on first person plural (1pl) subject pronouns, revealing unique aspects of variable nosotros expression. Evidence is offered in favor of a more nuanced measure of switch reference for non-singular grammatical persons through an analysis of the local effects of partial co-referentiality. This measure reconciles the large body of work on switch reference with Cameron’s (1995) measures of reference chains. Additionally, topic persistence — heretofore neglected in prior studies — conditions the variation, with subsequent mentions in the thematic paragraph favoring expressed pronouns. An investigation of clusivity demonstrates that Spanish 1pl subject pronoun expression is sensitive to a distinction grammaticalized in other languages, though subject pronoun rates across clusivities differ from previous results from Peninsular Spanish (Posio 2012). Finally, while subject pronoun expression is generally not sensitive to social factors, distributions of 1pl subjects according to clusivity differ between corpora. Results reveal the style and topic-conditioned differences in contextual distributions that underlie apparent social class differences in subject expression constraints.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125416772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study examines subject expression from a pragmatic perspective in an emerging bilingual community of Roswell, Georgia, an exurb of Atlanta. Using sociolinguistic interviews conducted in Roswell, first-person singular subject pronoun (SP) usage is analyzed among 10 Mexican speakers within five distinct pragmatic contexts: salient referent, switch focus, contrastive focus, pragmatic weight, and epistemic parentheticals. A comparison is made between Georgia speakers and monolingual Mexican speakers in Querétaro in order to explore the possible weakening of pragmatic constraints due to English contact. Results indicate that a contact hypothesis is not supported in terms of overall overt pronoun usage as evidenced by similar frequencies when compared to monolingual Mexican varieties. However, an increased use of overt SPs in the context of salient referent as well as a diminished use of overt SPs in switch focus contexts is found, suggesting a potential weakened sensitivity to such pragmatic constraints.
{"title":"The discursive distribution of subject pronouns in Spanish spoken in Georgia: A weakening of pragmatic constraints?","authors":"Philip P. Limerick","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study examines subject expression from a pragmatic perspective in an emerging bilingual community of Roswell, Georgia, an exurb of Atlanta. Using sociolinguistic interviews conducted in Roswell, first-person singular subject pronoun (SP) usage is analyzed among 10 Mexican speakers within five distinct pragmatic contexts: salient referent, switch focus, contrastive focus, pragmatic weight, and epistemic parentheticals. A comparison is made between Georgia speakers and monolingual Mexican speakers in Querétaro in order to explore the possible weakening of pragmatic constraints due to English contact. Results indicate that a contact hypothesis is not supported in terms of overall overt pronoun usage as evidenced by similar frequencies when compared to monolingual Mexican varieties. However, an increased use of overt SPs in the context of salient referent as well as a diminished use of overt SPs in switch focus contexts is found, suggesting a potential weakened sensitivity to such pragmatic constraints.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"14 20","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120844735","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In Spanish reverse-psychological verbs, the experiencer argument can have accusative or dative case marking. Transitivity-based approaches identify different factors that influence this accusative-dative alternation(Miglio, Viola G., Stefan T Gries, Michael J Harris, Eva M Wheeler & Santana-Paixão Raquel. A strong predictor for accusative case marking in Spanish r-psych verbs is the animacy of the stimulus. However, there are also instances where the stimulus is inanimate and the experiencer is case marked accusative. In this paper, I provide an analysis of such instances, drawing on corpus data and native speaker judgments. I argue that agentivity, measured on a scale, is a factor that better accounts for the accusative-dative alternation exhibited by Spanish reverse-psychological verbs. I first propose a definition of agentivity and diagnostics for it; then I present evidence that there is a correlation between higher degrees of agentivity and accusative case marking and lower degrees of agentivity and dative case marking. The agentivity scale presented is not unconditional as there are several factors that contribute to case marking. Nevertheless, the agentivity scale accounts for accusative case marking with inanimates and also serves to highlight some parallels between causative verbs and reverse-psychological verbs.
在西班牙语反心理动词中，体验者论证可以有宾格或格格标记。基于及物性的方法确定了影响这种宾格交替的不同因素(Miglio, Viola G.， Stefan T Gries, Michael J Harris, Eva M Wheeler和santana - paix o Raquel)。西班牙语r-心理动词宾格标记的一个重要预测因子是刺激的活力。然而，也有一些情况下，刺激是无生命的，而体验者是格标记为宾格的。在本文中，我根据语料库数据和母语人士的判断，对这些例子进行了分析。我认为，能动性是一个衡量尺度的因素，它能更好地解释西班牙语反心理动词所表现出的宾格交替。我首先提出了代理的定义和它的诊断;然后我提出证据表明，较高程度的能动性和宾格标记以及较低程度的能动性和格格标记之间存在相关性。所提出的能动性量表不是无条件的，因为有几个因素有助于案例标记。然而，能动性量表解释了无生命动词的宾格标记，也强调了使役动词和反心理动词之间的一些相似之处。
{"title":"Examining agentivity in Spanish reverse-psych verbs","authors":"Ashwini Ganeshan","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Spanish reverse-psychological verbs, the experiencer argument can have accusative or dative case marking. Transitivity-based approaches identify different factors that influence this accusative-dative alternation(Miglio, Viola G., Stefan T Gries, Michael J Harris, Eva M Wheeler & Santana-Paixão Raquel. A strong predictor for accusative case marking in Spanish r-psych verbs is the animacy of the stimulus. However, there are also instances where the stimulus is inanimate and the experiencer is case marked accusative. In this paper, I provide an analysis of such instances, drawing on corpus data and native speaker judgments. I argue that agentivity, measured on a scale, is a factor that better accounts for the accusative-dative alternation exhibited by Spanish reverse-psychological verbs. I first propose a definition of agentivity and diagnostics for it; then I present evidence that there is a correlation between higher degrees of agentivity and accusative case marking and lower degrees of agentivity and dative case marking. The agentivity scale presented is not unconditional as there are several factors that contribute to case marking. Nevertheless, the agentivity scale accounts for accusative case marking with inanimates and also serves to highlight some parallels between causative verbs and reverse-psychological verbs.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130057174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Resumen Este trabajo analiza y describe, a partir de datos procedentes de corpora orales del español de España, la construcción interrogativa hipotética (¿Qué vienes, mañana?), un tipo de construcción interrogativa no descrita hasta el momento. Esta construcción sirve al hablante para realizar una pregunta parcial y presentar, al mismo tiempo, una posible respuesta que se infiere del contexto discursivo. Se trata de una pregunta parcial formalmente marcada: es encabezada por un pronombre interrogativo invariable qué, independientemente de la función sintáctica del constituyente interrogado; presenta un mínimo contenido presupuesto en la interrogación – típicamente, solo el contenido verbal –; e incluye una hipótesis respecto a la respuesta posible a la pregunta, típicamente inferida del discurso previo o del contexto discursivo inmediato.
{"title":"Las interrogativas hipotéticas con qué invariable en español: Un tipo de interrogativas parciales marcadas","authors":"Asela Reig Alamillo","doi":"10.1515/shll-2019-2004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2019-2004","url":null,"abstract":"Resumen Este trabajo analiza y describe, a partir de datos procedentes de corpora orales del español de España, la construcción interrogativa hipotética (¿Qué vienes, mañana?), un tipo de construcción interrogativa no descrita hasta el momento. Esta construcción sirve al hablante para realizar una pregunta parcial y presentar, al mismo tiempo, una posible respuesta que se infiere del contexto discursivo. Se trata de una pregunta parcial formalmente marcada: es encabezada por un pronombre interrogativo invariable qué, independientemente de la función sintáctica del constituyente interrogado; presenta un mínimo contenido presupuesto en la interrogación – típicamente, solo el contenido verbal –; e incluye una hipótesis respecto a la respuesta posible a la pregunta, típicamente inferida del discurso previo o del contexto discursivo inmediato.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128196213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-05-11DOI: 10.1515/shll-2019-frontmatter1
{"title":"Frontmatter","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/shll-2019-frontmatter1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2019-frontmatter1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122884458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In research on Spanish subject pronoun expression, Spanish-English bilinguals have been shown to present higher rates of expressed subjects in code-switching than in monolingual Spanish mode, an outcome attributed to perseveration from English or to convergence with English. In this study we seek to arbitrate between these competing accounts. For that purpose, productions were elicited from bilinguals in an oral elicitation task, manipulating perseveration source and target structures in three modes: monolingual Spanish, language switching, and code-switching. Participants demonstrated the anticipated sensitivity to perseveration across conditions and effects of bilingual mode in the code-switching condition, with greater expressed pronoun use with omitted subject primes. These results allow us to isolate structural perseveration from bilingual effects and to ascribe the source of increased use of expressed pronominal subjects in bilingual Spanish to dual language activation or convergence.
{"title":"Subject pronoun expression and language mode in bilingual Spanish","authors":"Ana de Prada Pérez","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In research on Spanish subject pronoun expression, Spanish-English bilinguals have been shown to present higher rates of expressed subjects in code-switching than in monolingual Spanish mode, an outcome attributed to perseveration from English or to convergence with English. In this study we seek to arbitrate between these competing accounts. For that purpose, productions were elicited from bilinguals in an oral elicitation task, manipulating perseveration source and target structures in three modes: monolingual Spanish, language switching, and code-switching. Participants demonstrated the anticipated sensitivity to perseveration across conditions and effects of bilingual mode in the code-switching condition, with greater expressed pronoun use with omitted subject primes. These results allow us to isolate structural perseveration from bilingual effects and to ascribe the source of increased use of expressed pronominal subjects in bilingual Spanish to dual language activation or convergence.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"112 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123752284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract We provide a usage-based approach to the construction [locative deictic + accusative clitic + intransitive verb] found in Galician/Galego. In this construction, the intransitive verb and the accusative clitic agree in person and number and, in the case of the clitic, also in gender with the referent of the clitic, as in, for example, aí a está (lit.: ‘there her is/there she is’)/aí as están (lit.: ‘there them are/there they are’). A corpus-based analysis of this construction shows that it presents skewed grammatical patterns in terms of frequency of occurrence. This grammatical skewing reveals that the construction emerges from an interactional usage pattern in which speakers shift from a displaced to an immediate mode of speaking to present a counter-expected situation. The construction is also exploited in narratives in order to create a quality of immediacy for displaced events. Our usage-based analysis also reveals a family of constructions — some more schematic, others more specific; some more entrenched, others more novel — that emerge from the repetition of local usage patterns through which speakers/narrators express immediacy and counter-expectation.
摘要本文对加利西亚语/伽勒戈语中的“位置指示语+宾格状语+不及物动词”结构进行了基于用法的分析。在这个结构中，不及物动词和宾格clitic在人称和数上是一致的，在clitic的情况下，也与clitic的指称物在性别上是一致的，例如aí a est(译为:“there she is/there she is”)/aí as están(译为:“there they are/there they are”)。基于语料库的分析表明，这种结构在出现频率上呈现出扭曲的语法模式。这种语法扭曲表明，这种结构来自于一种相互作用的使用模式，在这种使用模式中，说话者从一种移位的说话模式转变为一种直接的说话模式，以呈现一种与预期相反的情况。这种结构也被用于叙事，以便为流离失所的事件创造一种即时性。我们基于用法的分析也揭示了一系列的结构——一些更简单，另一些更具体;一些是根深蒂固的，另一些是新颖的——它们来自于对当地使用模式的重复，说话者/叙述者通过这些模式来表达即时性和反期望。
{"title":"Immediacy, counter-expectation, and grammatical marking: Intransitive constructions with an accusative clitic in Galician/Galego","authors":"Javier Rivas","doi":"10.1515/shll-2018-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/shll-2018-0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We provide a usage-based approach to the construction [locative deictic + accusative clitic + intransitive verb] found in Galician/Galego. In this construction, the intransitive verb and the accusative clitic agree in person and number and, in the case of the clitic, also in gender with the referent of the clitic, as in, for example, aí a está (lit.: ‘there her is/there she is’)/aí as están (lit.: ‘there them are/there they are’). A corpus-based analysis of this construction shows that it presents skewed grammatical patterns in terms of frequency of occurrence. This grammatical skewing reveals that the construction emerges from an interactional usage pattern in which speakers shift from a displaced to an immediate mode of speaking to present a counter-expected situation. The construction is also exploited in narratives in order to create a quality of immediacy for displaced events. Our usage-based analysis also reveals a family of constructions — some more schematic, others more specific; some more entrenched, others more novel — that emerge from the repetition of local usage patterns through which speakers/narrators express immediacy and counter-expectation.","PeriodicalId":126470,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131066302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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