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Organized crime: a very short introduction 有组织犯罪:一个非常简短的介绍
IF 2.2 Q2 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2019.1601835
A. Chung
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引用次数: 6
Following the price: identifying cocaine trafficking networks in Colombia 追踪价格:查明哥伦比亚的可卡因贩运网络
IF 2.2 Q2 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-03-27 DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2019.1588116
Galia J. Benítez, Siddharth Chandra, Teniente Coronel Liz Wendy Cuadros Veloza, Intendente José Darío Díaz Cárdenas
ABSTRACT International cocaine trafficking has been well-studied, but little is known about cocaine flows within Colombia, the largest producer and exporter of cocaine in the world. Using a unique dataset on the monthly wholesale prices of cocaine across 32 municipios in 2016, this paper estimates patterns of flows of cocaine within Colombia. For the 496 possible resulting pairs of municipios, price differentials are used to infer direction of flow, and price correlations are used to infer connectedness. Among the new findings, 38 suspected municipio-to-municipio flows that are new to the literature are identified. Interestingly, cocaine is inferred to flow through two distinct networks: one that originates in Buenaventura and the other in three points in southern and eastern Colombia. These networks may correspond to distinct criminal trafficking systems, a finding that has potential implications for drug control policies and measures.
摘要对国际可卡因贩运进行了深入研究,但对世界上最大的可卡因生产国和出口国哥伦比亚境内的可卡因流动知之甚少。本文使用一个关于2016年32个市镇可卡因月度批发价格的独特数据集,估计了哥伦比亚境内可卡因的流动模式。对于496对可能产生的市政对,价格差异用于推断流动方向,价格相关性用于推断连通性。在这些新发现中,发现了38个文献中新发现的疑似市际流。有趣的是,可卡因被推断通过两个不同的网络流动:一个来源于布埃纳文图拉,另一个来自哥伦比亚南部和东部的三个点。这些网络可能与不同的犯罪贩运系统相对应,这一发现可能对药物管制政策和措施产生影响。
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引用次数: 4
An analysis of outlaw motorcycle gang crime: are bikers organised criminals? 非法摩托车团伙犯罪分析:摩托车手是有组织犯罪吗?
IF 2.2 Q2 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-03-11 DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2019.1583107
Mark Lauchs, Zoe Staines
ABSTRACT Outlaw motorcycle gangs (OMCGs) are identified in Australia and internationally as being heavily involved in organised crime and/or as being criminal organisations. However, academic studies have shown that OMCG members are involved in organised crime to varying extents; this differs between clubs and across jurisdictions. To date, Australian studies of OMCGs are rare. Despite this, Australian governments target OMCGs as key players in organised crime. This study contributes to the existing literature by analysing OMCGs’ criminality in one Australian jurisdiction – Queensland. It draws on rich qualitative data to determine whether and to what extent Queensland’s OMCGs are involved in serious crime, organised crime and/or are operating as criminal organisations. The study finds that Queensland’s OMCG members participate in serious crime at a higher rate than the general public, but that there are few examples of organised crime. There is little to no evidence of OMCGs acting as criminal organisations.
摘要在澳大利亚和国际上,非法摩托车团伙被认定为严重参与有组织犯罪和/或犯罪组织。然而,学术研究表明,OMCG成员在不同程度上参与了有组织犯罪;不同俱乐部和不同司法管辖区的情况不同。迄今为止,澳大利亚对OMCG的研究很少。尽管如此,澳大利亚政府还是将OMCG作为有组织犯罪的关键参与者。本研究通过分析澳大利亚一个司法管辖区——昆士兰的OMCG犯罪行为,为现有文献做出了贡献。它利用丰富的定性数据来确定昆士兰的OMCG是否以及在多大程度上参与了严重犯罪、有组织犯罪和/或作为犯罪组织运作。研究发现,昆士兰OMCG成员参与严重犯罪的比率高于普通公众,但有组织犯罪的例子很少。几乎没有证据表明OMCG充当犯罪组织。
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引用次数: 15
Fear of terrorism: media exposure and subjective fear of attack 恐怖主义恐惧:媒体曝光和对袭击的主观恐惧
IF 2.2 Q2 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2019.1569519
Harley Williamson, Suzanna Fay, Toby Miles-Johnson
ABSTRACT In many Western countries, citizen knowledge of terrorist events is intrinsically shaped by the style of broadcasted messages published by the media. Media discourses regarding terrorist acts raise questions about how such rhetoric elicits fear in people who typically experience such events through news reports. However, we do not fully understand the impact of the media on perceptions of terrorism as clearly as we understand the relationship between the media and fear of crime. This study examines how media sources accessed actively (e.g. through newspapers; Internet) or passively (e.g. through television; radio) influence knowledge and fear of terrorism. We find receiving information about terrorism from multiple media sources increases fear of terrorism, but media sources accessed passively are not as influential as media sources accessed more actively. These results highlight how media consumption from various sources may affect one’s fear of terrorism, and further illustrates how the role of perceived knowledge may exacerbate or mitigate fear. Implications for policy and practice are discussed.
摘要在许多西方国家,公民对恐怖事件的了解本质上是由媒体发布的广播信息的风格决定的。媒体对恐怖行为的讨论引发了人们的疑问,即这种言论是如何在通常通过新闻报道经历此类事件的人中引发恐惧的。然而,我们并不完全理解媒体对恐怖主义认知的影响,就像我们理解媒体与对犯罪的恐惧之间的关系一样清楚。这项研究考察了主动(如通过报纸、互联网)或被动(如通过电视、广播)访问的媒体来源如何影响对恐怖主义的认识和恐惧。我们发现,从多个媒体来源接收有关恐怖主义的信息会增加对恐怖主义的恐惧,但被动访问的媒体来源不如主动访问的媒体源有影响力。这些结果突出了来自各种来源的媒体消费如何影响人们对恐怖主义的恐惧,并进一步说明了感知知识的作用如何加剧或减轻恐惧。讨论了对政策和实践的影响。
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引用次数: 24
Size and scope of the tobacco trade on the darkweb 暗网上烟草交易的规模和范围
IF 2.2 Q2 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2019.1569520
V. Barrera, Aili Malm, D. Décary‐Hétu, Rasmus Munksgaard
ABSTRACT Globally, tobacco is responsible for the death of approximately 6 million individuals per year. In reaction, governments have enacted tobacco control policies that cope with the harmful effects of the drug. However, these policies have also created geographic price disparities and increased the effort needed to purchase legal tobacco products. The result was the creation of a new illicit tobacco market. While tobacco smuggling continues through conventional avenues, a new generation of traffickers have turned to a different source for the illicit distribution of tobacco – the internet, specifically the darkweb. The purpose of this paper is to describe the size and scope of illicit trafficking of tobacco on cryptomarkets, and the diverse types of tobacco-related products available on the cryptomarkets. Our analysis will provide guidance for policymakers, researchers, and all interested in the illicit trade of tobacco.
在全球范围内,烟草每年导致约600万人死亡。作为回应,各国政府制定了烟草控制政策,以应对这种药物的有害影响。然而,这些政策也造成了地域价格差异,增加了购买合法烟草制品所需的努力。其结果是产生了一个新的非法烟草市场。虽然烟草走私继续通过传统渠道进行,但新一代的贩运者已转向另一种非法烟草分销渠道——互联网,特别是暗网。本文的目的是描述加密市场上非法贩运烟草的规模和范围,以及加密市场上可获得的各种烟草相关产品。我们的分析将为政策制定者、研究人员和所有对烟草非法贸易感兴趣的人提供指导。
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引用次数: 12
Jonathan D., Rosen and Roberto Zepeda, organised crime, drug trafficking, and violence (Felipe Calderón to Enrique Peña Nieto) 乔纳森·D、罗森和罗伯托·塞佩达,有组织犯罪、贩毒和暴力(费利佩Calderón致恩里克·Peña涅托)
IF 2.2 Q2 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2019.1569521
Erik Cheekes
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引用次数: 0
Civilising the police: reconceptualising the role of the state in theories of American policing 警察文明化:重新定义国家在美国警务理论中的作用
IF 2.2 Q2 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2019.1583106
C. O’Connor, Phillip C Shon
ABSTRACT The three eras in American policing – political, reform, and community – has become the default theoretical framework within the study of criminal justice, explicitly and implicitly shaping the discourse of police studies. Despite historically informed criticisms of this three-era model, no alternative theory has been proffered as a way of critically thinking about the police. This paper draws on Norbert Elias’ civilising thesis and the role of the state as an alternative theoretical framework to explain the evolution of American policing. We argue that changes in policing are more cogently explained by assuming a long-term view of change and that the intrusion and the retreat of the state from society better captures the evolution of the police through time.
摘要美国警务的三个时代——政治、改革和社区——已经成为刑事司法研究的默认理论框架,明确和隐含地塑造了警察研究的话语。尽管历史上对这种三时代模式提出了有根据的批评,但没有其他理论可以作为对警察进行批判性思考的方式。本文借鉴了诺伯特·埃利亚斯的文明理论,以及国家作为一个替代理论框架的作用,来解释美国警务的演变。我们认为,通过假设对变革的长期看法,可以更有力地解释警务的变革,国家对社会的入侵和退缩更好地反映了警察随时间的演变。
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引用次数: 2
Governing crime and violence in Latin America 治理拉丁美洲的犯罪和暴力
IF 2.2 Q2 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2018.1543916
Markus-Michael Müller
ABSTRACT The last two decades turned Latin America into one of the most violent regions in the world. While previously, violence in the region has predominantly been associated with state repression and military dictatorships, the “new violence” that emerged since the mid-1990s is predominantly criminal. Related research has been mostly problem-driven, implying that the focus has been on how to improve security governance in the region. The multiple ways in which governance itself is both shaped by as well as contributing to the pervasiveness of this “new violence,” has remained uncharted. This article offers an analytical framework, inspired by the literature on governance, for assessing this issue. To this end, it highlights different modes and instances of governance with, by, and through crime (and violence) in the region. In doing so, the article offers a contextualization for this special issue as well as an overarching analytical framework for the individual contributions.
摘要在过去的二十年里,拉丁美洲成为世界上最暴力的地区之一。此前,该地区的暴力主要与国家镇压和军事独裁有关,但自20世纪90年代中期以来出现的“新暴力”主要是犯罪。相关研究大多是由问题驱动的,这意味着重点是如何改善该地区的安全治理。这种“新暴力”的普遍性决定了治理本身,也促成了治理本身的多种方式,但这一点仍然未知。本文提供了一个受治理文献启发的分析框架,用于评估这一问题。为此,它强调了该地区通过犯罪(和暴力)、间接犯罪和通过犯罪进行治理的不同模式和实例。在这样做的过程中,这篇文章为这一特殊问题提供了背景,并为个人贡献提供了一个总体分析框架。
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引用次数: 32
Criminal organizations and the policymaking process 犯罪组织和决策过程
IF 2.2 Q2 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2018.1471990
E. Arias
ABSTRACT What role do criminal organisations play in policymaking? Evidence presented in this paper from Latin America and the Caribbean points to the complex ways that various types of criminal groups influence the policy process. Based on the structure of the criminal organisation and the relationship between these groups and state officials this article illustrates the different types of dynamics criminal groups contribute to the policy process. In some cases, these dynamics increase the costs of policies while in others they alter the content of policies and strengthen the position of criminal groups in the neighbourhoods where they operate. The article identifies three dimensions along which criminal groups intervene in the policy process: friction; division; and mediation. The article shows these dynamics by looking at how criminal groups intervene in the policy process in various gang-controlled neighbourhoods in Rio de Janeiro, Medellín, and Kingston.
摘要犯罪组织在决策中扮演什么角色?本文提供的来自拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的证据表明,各种类型的犯罪集团以复杂的方式影响政策进程。基于犯罪组织的结构以及这些团体与国家官员之间的关系,本文阐述了犯罪团体对政策过程的不同类型的动力。在某些情况下,这些动态增加了政策的成本,而在另一些情况下,它们改变了政策的内容,并加强了犯罪集团在其活动社区的地位。文章确定了犯罪集团干预政策过程的三个方面:摩擦;分开以及调解。这篇文章通过观察犯罪集团如何干预里约热内卢、麦德林和金斯敦各个帮派控制的街区的政策进程,展示了这些动态。
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引用次数: 8
Criminalising encounters: MINUSTAH as a laboratory for armed humanitarian pacification 将遭遇定为犯罪:联海稳定团作为武装人道主义安抚的实验室
IF 2.2 Q2 CRIMINOLOGY & PENOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-07-19 DOI: 10.1080/17440572.2018.1498336
F. Müller, Andrea Steinke
ABSTRACT This article assesses the nexus of militarised humanitarian work, governance and violence in the context of the ‘Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti’ (MINUSTAH). It draws on empirical fieldwork in Port-au-Prince and Rio de Janeiro. Brazil’s leading role in this UN mission reinforces the country’s ambitions as an emergent economic and political power on a global stage. Brazilian military and civilian actors base their claim of being uniquely qualified for urban ‘pacification’ efforts on a supposedly deeper cultural sensitivity which they assert to have developed in everyday civil–military encounters in the criminalised peripheries of Brazilian cities. By analysing the conflicting narratives in which the military, police and citizens negotiate these encounters, we argue that they allow for a revealing of the contested and often violent forms in which peace enforcement occurs.
摘要本文在“海地稳定联合国特派团”(联海稳定团)的背景下评估了军事化人道主义工作、治理和暴力之间的关系。它借鉴了在太子港和里约热内卢进行的实地考察。巴西在此次联合国任务中的领导作用强化了该国作为全球舞台上新兴经济和政治大国的雄心。巴西的军事和民事行为者声称,他们有独特的资格从事城市“安抚”工作,这是基于他们所声称的更深层次的文化敏感性,这种敏感性是在巴西城市犯罪边缘的日常军民冲突中发展起来的。通过分析军队、警察和公民就这些遭遇进行谈判的相互矛盾的叙述,我们认为,这些叙述可以揭示执行和平的有争议且往往是暴力的形式。
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引用次数: 13
期刊
Global Crime
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