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European Integration Theory and the Future of the European Union after Brexit 欧洲一体化理论与英国脱欧后欧盟的未来
Pub Date : 2019-05-15 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3533198
Diogo Magalhaes
In the last decade all four areas of European integration – economic, social, legal and political – have faced a series of unprecedented crises that have shattered the foundations of the integration process and have thrown into question the future of the European Union. Among the many paradoxes that have riddled the integration project since its inception, none is more puzzling than the one the EU faces currently. Arguably never in any other time has the EU been so integrated and so successful as it is today, and likewise, never in any other time has there been a greater cognitive dissonance and distance between the peoples of Europe and the EU. This project argues that the greatest crisis afflicting the European project is an epistemological crisis, resulting from our continued failure to understand the processes and forces that drive European integration. Attempts to address questions regarding the future of Europe are failing precisely because we are attempting to answer Europe’s ontological question, without first answering Europe’s epistemological question, in other words, we are attempting to agree on a future for Europe without first understanding the very nature of the integration process, and if we persist on this fallacy we are doomed to fail in both pursuits, as we have been failing for the last seventy years. This project argues that in order to solve this paradox, in order to determine the future of the EU and overcome Europe’s crisis, we must adopt a systems theory approach to understand the complex adaptive nature of the integration process. A systems theory approach to European integration theory allows us to uncover and to understand the different inputs that both constrain and compel European integration and allows us to create predictive models of future integration and disintegration.
在过去十年中,欧洲一体化的所有四个领域- -经济、社会、法律和政治- -都面临着一系列前所未有的危机,这些危机破坏了一体化进程的基础,并使欧洲联盟的未来受到质疑。自一体化计划启动以来,就有许多悖论困扰着它,其中最令人困惑的莫过于欧盟目前面临的问题。可以说,欧盟从来没有像今天这样一体化、如此成功,同样,欧洲和欧盟人民之间也从来没有像今天这样存在如此大的认知失调和距离。本项目认为,困扰欧洲计划的最大危机是认识论危机,这是由于我们持续未能理解推动欧洲一体化的过程和力量而造成的。试图解决有关欧洲未来的问题之所以失败,正是因为我们试图回答欧洲的本体论问题,而没有首先回答欧洲的认识论问题,换句话说,我们试图在没有首先理解一体化过程的本质的情况下就欧洲的未来达成一致,如果我们坚持这种谬论,我们注定要在这两方面都失败,就像我们在过去七十年中一直失败的那样。本项目认为,为了解决这一悖论,为了确定欧盟的未来并克服欧洲的危机,我们必须采用系统理论的方法来理解一体化过程的复杂适应性。欧洲一体化理论的系统理论方法使我们能够发现和理解约束和迫使欧洲一体化的不同输入,并使我们能够创建未来一体化和解体的预测模型。
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引用次数: 1
On the Competitive Effects of Screening in Procurement 论采购中筛选的竞争效应
Pub Date : 2019-05-14 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3938225
Gyula Seres, A. Pigoń
Procuring authorities frequently use screening in order to mitigate risky bids. This study estimates the effect of bid screening and litigation on entry and bidding using a unique data set on highway construction procurement auctions in Poland. The market exhibits a screening method that ex post selects eligible offers. We demonstrate with an empirical model that this method disproportionately affects small firms and creates a barrier to entry. Our results suggest that screening increases bids by two channels. First, it directly inflates bids as well as decreasing entry. Second, in a competitive market, lower entry also inflates bids and prices.
采购当局经常使用筛选,以减少风险投标。本研究估计投标筛选和诉讼对进入和投标的影响,使用波兰公路建设采购拍卖的独特数据集。市场展示了一种筛选方法,即事后选择合格的报价。我们用一个经验模型证明,这种方法不成比例地影响小企业,并造成进入壁垒。我们的研究结果表明,筛选通过两个渠道增加出价。首先,它直接推高了出价,同时降低了入市率。其次,在竞争激烈的市场中,较低的进入率也会推高出价和价格。
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引用次数: 0
Case Studies in Tax Revenue Mobilization in Low-Income Countries 低收入国家税收动员案例研究
Pub Date : 2019-05-01 DOI: 10.5089/9781498314565.001
B. Akitoby, Jiro Honda, Hiroaki Miyamoto, Keyra Primus, Mouhamadou Sy
How can Low-Income Countries (LICs) enhance tax revenue collection to finance their vast development needs? We address this question by analyzing seven tax reform experiences in LICs (Burkina Faso, The Gambia, Maldives, Mauritania, Rwanda, Senegal, and Uganda). Three lessons stand out, although reforms must be tailored to individual circumstances: (i) Tax reforms require first and foremost political commitment and buy-in from key stakeholders; (ii) Countries that pursue both revenue administration and tax policy reforms tend to see much larger and persistent gains; and (iii) A successful strategy often starts with fiscal reform measures with immediate effect to build momentum. These can include: simplifying the tax system; curbing exemptions; reforming indirect taxes on goods and services (e.g., excises); and better managing compliance risks through strengthening taxpayer segmentation (often beginning with strengthening the Large Taxpayers Office). A comprehensive reform strategy (e.g., a medium-term revenue strategy) can help to properly sequence reform measures and facilitate their implementation.
低收入国家如何加强税收以满足其巨大的发展需求?我们通过分析七个低收入国家(布基纳法索、冈比亚、马尔代夫、毛里塔尼亚、卢旺达、塞内加尔和乌干达)的税收改革经验来解决这一问题。尽管改革必须根据具体情况进行调整,但仍有三个教训值得注意:(i)税收改革首先需要政治承诺和主要利益攸关方的支持;同时进行收入管理和税收政策改革的国家往往会获得更大和更持久的收益;(三)成功的战略往往始于立竿见影的财政改革措施,以建立动力。这些措施包括:简化税收制度;限制豁免;改革商品和服务间接税(如消费税);通过加强纳税人细分(通常从加强大型纳税人办公室开始)来更好地管理合规风险。一项全面的改革战略(例如中期收入战略)有助于对改革措施进行适当排序并促进其实施。
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引用次数: 17
Transatlantic Shakedown: Does Presidential ‘Naming and Shaming’ Affect NATO Burden-Sharing? 跨大西洋勒索:总统的“点名羞辱”会影响北约的责任分担吗?
Pub Date : 2019-05-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3493570
Jordan Becker, S. Kreps, Paul Poast, Rochelle Terman
Does “naming and shaming” of allies by US Presidents work? More precisely, does publicly criticizing members’ financial commitments to NATO increase allies’ defense spending and improve burden-sharing, or is it counterproductive, leading to lower contributions? We argue that the answer is likely neither. At best, excessive public shaming of allies is mere “cheap talk.” At worst, it is counterproductive. To evaluate this claim, we conducted textual analysis on all executive declarations, remarks, written statements, and media related to NATO members’ defense spending, all drawn from the American Presidency Project. We find provisionally that the more negatively US presidents speak about transatlantic burden-sharing, the less allies spend on defense. This finding addresses a gap in the current literature by analyzing the effectiveness of public “shaming” of allies in an attempt to redress burden-sharing problems endemic to alliances. Such actions do not appear to be effective, and may even be counterproductive.
美国总统“点名羞辱”盟友管用吗?更准确地说,公开批评成员国对北约的财政承诺会增加盟国的国防开支并改善负担分担,还是会适得其反,导致会费减少?我们认为答案可能两者都不是。在最好的情况下,对盟友的过度公开羞辱仅仅是“廉价言论”。在最坏的情况下,它会适得其反。为了评估这一说法,我们对所有与北约成员国国防开支有关的行政声明、评论、书面声明和媒体进行了文本分析,所有这些都来自美国总统项目。我们暂时发现,美国总统对跨大西洋分担责任的看法越消极,盟国的防务支出就越少。这一发现通过分析公开“羞辱”盟友的有效性来解决联盟特有的负担分担问题,从而解决了当前文献中的一个空白。这样的行动似乎没有效果,甚至可能适得其反。
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引用次数: 5
El resurgimiento de la economía política en la ciencia política actual [The Resurgence of Political Economy in Today’s Political Science] 政治经济学在当代政治科学中的复兴[今日政治科学中的政治经济学复兴]
Pub Date : 2019-05-01 DOI: 10.18601/01245996.V21N41.02
A. Madariaga
Este artículo describe el desarrollo histórico de las interpretaciones de la economía política, critica la pretensión hegemónica de la economía neoclásica y rescata la “nueva economía política”: el estudio de la constitución social, política y moral de la economía. Muestra como se la concibe en la ciencia política actual y ofrece dos claves de análisis para orientar futuras investigaciones. Por último hace un recorrido por trabajos recientes en América Latina que recogen esta interpretación, en especial las revisiones de la literatura sobre ‘economía política de la política económica’, y algunos estudios sobre las variedades del capitalismo.
本文描述了政治经济学解释的历史发展,批判了新古典经济学的霸权主张,拯救了“新政治经济学”:对经济的社会、政治和道德构成的研究。它展示了当前政治科学是如何构想的,并提供了两个关键的分析,以指导未来的研究。最后,它回顾了最近在拉丁美洲收集这种解释的工作,特别是对“经济政策的政治经济学”的文献综述,以及对资本主义多样性的一些研究。
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引用次数: 2
ECHR Litigation as a Tool for Tax Justice in Europe 欧洲人权法院诉讼作为欧洲税收司法的工具
Pub Date : 2019-05-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3685819
C. Braumann
This chapter examines the prospects for challenging a tax exemption granted to a private company by invoking the prohibition on discrimination in the European Charter on Human Rights (ECHR). Should the Court hold that certain selective tax rulings are a violation of the prohibition of discrimination under the ECHR, this finding would set a powerful precedent to rebut the claim that tax avoidance is “perfectly legal.” Accordingly, the hands-off treatment the international community has afforded tax-avoidance strategies might give rise to legal liability. Ultimately, to reform international tax policies, it is crucial to understand past practices and whether and why these practices should be considered broken and unjust. The chapter then looks at a specific case of tax exemption, allegedly granted to a subsidiary of McDonald’s by Luxembourg.
本章探讨了通过援引《欧洲人权宪章》(ECHR)中禁止歧视的规定,对给予私营公司的免税提出质疑的前景。如果法院裁定某些选择性税收裁决违反了《欧洲人权公约》禁止歧视的规定,这一裁决将为反驳避税“完全合法”的主张树立一个强有力的先例。因此,国际社会给予避税战略的不干涉待遇可能会引起法律责任。最后,要改革国际税收政策,至关重要的是要了解过去的做法,以及这些做法是否以及为什么应被视为不公正和不公正。这一章接着研究了一个具体的免税案例,据称是卢森堡授予麦当劳(McDonald’s)一家子公司的。
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引用次数: 0
Tax Reforms and Fiscal Shock Smoothing 税收改革和财政冲击平滑
Pub Date : 2019-05-01 DOI: 10.5089/9781498315623.001
David Amaglobeli, Laura Jaramillo, Pooja Karnane, A. Zdzienicka
This paper examines the role of tax policy reforms in enhancing fiscal shock smoothing in a panel of 13 OECD economies during the period 1980-2017. The results suggest that tax reforms, in particular those that broaden the tax base, significantly enhance the ability of fiscal policy to mitigate the impact of growth shocks on disposable income. We find that the magnitude of shock smoothing increases from an average of 2 percent to 3-3½ percent following the reform. The effects are considerably higher for tax base than tax rate changes, and also higher for indirect tax than direct tax changes. The effects are symmetric—that is, the increase in shock smoothing following a reform expanding the tax base (rate) is similar to the decline in shock smoothing after a reform narrowing the tax base (rate). Tax elasticity, collection efficiency, and the progressivity of the tax system are important channels through which tax reforms affect fiscal stabilization.
本文以1980-2017年期间13个经合组织经济体为样本,研究了税收政策改革在增强财政冲击平滑方面的作用。结果表明,税收改革,特别是那些扩大税基的改革,显著提高了财政政策减轻增长冲击对可支配收入影响的能力。我们发现,在改革之后,冲击平滑的幅度从平均2%增加到3.3.5%。税基的影响比税率的变化要大得多,间接税的影响也比直接税的变化要大得多。这种影响是对称的——也就是说,扩大税基(税率)的改革后冲击平滑度的增加与缩小税基(税率)的改革后冲击平滑度的下降相似。税收弹性、税收征收效率和累进税制是税制改革影响财政稳定的重要渠道。
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引用次数: 1
The Optimal Turnover Threshold and Tax Rate for SMEs 中小企业最优营业额起征点与税率
Pub Date : 2019-05-01 DOI: 10.5089/9781498312295.001
Feng Wei, Jean-François Wen
Presumptive income taxes in the form of a tax on turnover for SMEs are pervasive as a way to reduce the costs of compliance and administration. We analyze a model where entrepreneurs allocate labor to the formal and informal sectors. Formal sector income is subjected either to a corporate income tax or a tax on turnover, depending on whether their turnover exceeds a threshold. We characterize the private sector equilibrium for any given configuration of tax policy parameters (corporate income tax rate, turnover tax rate, and threshold). Given private behavior, social welfare is optimized. We interpret the first-order conditions for welfare maximization to identify the key margins and then simulate a calibrated version of the model.
假定所得税以对中小企业的营业额征税的形式普遍存在,作为降低合规和管理成本的一种方式。我们分析了一个企业家将劳动力分配到正规和非正规部门的模型。正式部门的收入要么要缴纳公司所得税,要么要缴纳营业额税,这取决于它们的营业额是否超过一个门槛。我们描述了任何给定税收政策参数(企业所得税税率、流转税税率和起征点)配置下的私营部门均衡。给定私人行为,社会福利是最优的。我们解释了福利最大化的一阶条件,以确定关键边际,然后模拟了模型的校准版本。
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引用次数: 4
Government Companies as Regulators 政府公司作为监管机构
Pub Date : 2019-05-01 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12414
T. Daintith
In 2016 the government established a new sectoral regulator, with power to grant and withdraw licences, set performance standards, and impose sanctions, not as a statutory authority but in the form of a company wholly owned by the Secretary of State: the Oil and Gas Authority.  This article critically examines this and other uses in the UK of government‐owned or ‐ controlled companies to discharge public regulatory functions, against the background of current government practice regarding arm's length public bodies in general and government companies in particular. It assesses the acceptability of the company form by reference to criteria of democratic control, independence and accountability of regulatory institutions.
2016年,政府成立了一个新的行业监管机构,有权授予和撤销许可证,制定绩效标准,并实施制裁,但不是法定机构,而是由国务卿全资拥有的公司:石油和天然气管理局。本文以当前政府对一般公共机构,特别是政府公司的做法为背景,批判性地考察了政府拥有或控制的公司在英国履行公共监管职能的这种和其他用途。它通过参考监管机构的民主控制、独立性和问责制的标准来评估公司形式的可接受性。
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引用次数: 2
The Efficiency of Fiscal System From the Albanian Taxpayers’ Viewpoint 阿尔巴尼亚纳税人视角下的财政制度效率
Pub Date : 2019-04-13 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3386023
Elvin S. Meka, Hysen Muceku
In order to build an efficient fiscal system, it is important to analyze not only the government’s activity in the design and implementation of fiscal policy and fiscal system administration, but also how such activity is perceived by taxpayers, as one of key stakeholders of this system. Fiscal policies implemented by governments over the years are largely focused on the objective of realizing budget revenues, rather than building an efficient fiscal system that produces consistent results. This paper addresses the efficiency of the fiscal system, in the perspective of Albanian taxpayers’ viewpoint, by focusing on three main directions: Fiscal burden. What is the fiscal burden and a general information on the fiscal burden in Albania compared to the region countries and the EU, and how the current fiscal burden is perceived by Albanian taxpayers. Fairness (Justice) of the fiscal system. Deals with horizontal justice and vertical justice, the principles of well-functioning of a fiscal system and their implementation in Albania, as well as the perception of Albanian taxpayers on the justice system of the fiscal system. The goods and public services received by the taxpayer in comparison with their contributions. Good public governance offers good and low-cost services and with the right standards. It also looks at how efficient the Albanian governments were in providing public goods and services, and how the taxpayers perceived the benefits they received compared to their contributions. The paper concludes with the main conclusions of the functioning of the current fiscal system and recommendations for improving the system based on the perception of taxpayers.
为了建立一个高效的财政制度,不仅要分析政府在财政政策的设计和实施以及财政制度管理中的活动,而且要分析纳税人作为该制度的主要利益相关者之一如何看待这些活动。多年来,政府实施的财政政策主要集中在实现预算收入的目标上,而不是建立一个产生一致结果的高效财政体系。本文从阿尔巴尼亚纳税人的角度出发,通过关注三个主要方向来解决财政制度的效率问题:什么是财政负担?与区域国家和欧盟相比,阿尔巴尼亚财政负担的一般信息是什么?阿尔巴尼亚纳税人如何看待当前的财政负担?财政制度的公平(正义)。讨论横向正义和纵向正义,财政制度运作良好的原则及其在阿尔巴尼亚的执行情况,以及阿尔巴尼亚纳税人对财政制度司法制度的看法。纳税人获得的货物和公共服务与其缴纳的费用的比较。良好的公共治理提供优质和低成本的服务,并具有正确的标准。它还考察了阿尔巴尼亚政府在提供公共产品和服务方面的效率,以及纳税人如何看待与他们的贡献相比他们所获得的利益。最后,本文总结了当前财政体制运行的主要结论,并基于纳税人的感知提出了完善财政体制的建议。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Economics: Political Economy & Public Economics eJournal
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