The proposed article highlights the importance of studying the phenomenon of fake news spreading based on sentiment analysis solutions (use of natural language processing techniques) and data mining (obtaining relevant information from the study of data), given the diversification and travel speed of these types of news, as well as the need to implement mechanisms to assist us, in a first stage, in gaining a thorough understanding of them and, subsequently, in taking the necessary steps to limit the spread of the phenomenon. The method of qualitative analysis of specialised studies was used for this article.
{"title":"THE ROLE OF SENTIMENT ANALYSIS AND DATA MINING SOLUTIONS IN THE STUDY OF FAKE NEWS AND COUNTERING DISINFORMATION","authors":"C. Balan","doi":"10.55535/gmr.2021.3.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55535/gmr.2021.3.12","url":null,"abstract":"The proposed article highlights the importance of studying the phenomenon of fake news spreading based on sentiment analysis solutions (use of natural language processing techniques) and data mining (obtaining relevant information from the study of data), given the diversification and travel speed of these types of news, as well as the need to implement mechanisms to assist us, in a first stage, in gaining a thorough understanding of them and, subsequently, in taking the necessary steps to limit the spread of the phenomenon. The method of qualitative analysis of specialised studies was used for this article.","PeriodicalId":137367,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Military Thinking","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132081043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The recent evolution of social media networks has brought to the attention of researchers in the field of security studies new resources and methods for understanding international dynamics, as well as new media actors such as the military forces. Today, the Romanian Armed Forces have their own official Facebook pages through which they produce and promote media content, mainly visual, which reaches a significant number of individuals. Thus, the visual representations that are disseminated in the online environment and, especially on the military social networks, become important sources of knowledge and interpretation of reality, true spaces in which policies are born. The main purpose of this paper is to explore how the “responsibility to protect”* is visually constructed in the photos published by the Romanian Armed Forces on own Facebook pages. To accomplish this objective, photographs illustrating interactions between Romanian soldiers and Afghan children during the Resolute Support Mission were collected. The method used for the analysis of these photographs is visual social semiotics, a recent approach in the study of security issues, which brings to light the meanings hidden in the various modes of representation.
{"title":"THE VISUAL CONSTRUCTION OF THE RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT ON THE ROMANIAN ARMED FORCES SOCIAL MEDIA SITES","authors":"Elena Novăcescu","doi":"10.55535/rmt.2021.3.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2021.3.04","url":null,"abstract":"The recent evolution of social media networks has brought to the attention of researchers in the field of security studies new resources and methods for understanding international dynamics, as well as new media actors such as the military forces. Today, the Romanian Armed Forces have their own official Facebook pages through which they produce and promote media content, mainly visual, which reaches a significant number of individuals. Thus, the visual representations that are disseminated in the online environment and, especially on the military social networks, become important sources of knowledge and interpretation of reality, true spaces in which policies are born. The main purpose of this paper is to explore how the “responsibility to protect”* is visually constructed in the photos published by the Romanian Armed Forces on own Facebook pages. To accomplish this objective, photographs illustrating interactions between Romanian soldiers and Afghan children during the Resolute Support Mission were collected. The method used for the analysis of these photographs is visual social semiotics, a recent approach in the study of security issues, which brings to light the meanings hidden in the various modes of representation.","PeriodicalId":137367,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Military Thinking","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127122862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article addresses the emerging and disruptive technologies domain, highlighting that they will provide opportunities for the development of society and security challenges, as well. In this context, national and international security systems need to adapt and go through an extensive process of transformation, allowing them to mitigate the effects generated by the implementation of new technologies both in the civilian field, but especially in the military. Subsequently, the development of new technologies will lead to a new revolution in the military, which will change the physiognomy of the armed conflict. Starting from these premises, the article identifies elements related to the impact that new technologies will have on planning and conducting an armed conflict, but also some opportunities and challenges to the military as a whole. The article concludes that emerging and disruptive technologies will have a decisive contribution in the human society’s transition to a higher level of development, but their malicious use will be one of the major challenges facing national authorities and international security organisations. In the development of the article, I used as study methods the documentation and qualitative analysis of some bibliographic materials that address the field of emerging and disruptive technologies.
{"title":"Emerging and Disruptive Technologies’ Impact on the Military","authors":"S. Popescu","doi":"10.55535/rmt.2021.4.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2021.4.12","url":null,"abstract":"The article addresses the emerging and disruptive technologies domain, highlighting that they will provide opportunities for the development of society and security challenges, as well. In this context, national and international security systems need to adapt and go through an extensive process of transformation, allowing them to mitigate the effects generated by the implementation of new technologies both in the civilian field, but especially in the military. Subsequently, the development of new technologies will lead to a new revolution in the military, which will change the physiognomy of the armed conflict. Starting from these premises, the article identifies elements related to the impact that new technologies will have on planning and conducting an armed conflict, but also some opportunities and challenges to the military as a whole. The article concludes that emerging and disruptive technologies will have a decisive contribution in the human society’s transition to a higher level of development, but their malicious use will be one of the major challenges facing national authorities and international security organisations. In the development of the article, I used as study methods the documentation and qualitative analysis of some bibliographic materials that address the field of emerging and disruptive technologies.","PeriodicalId":137367,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Military Thinking","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123069248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The slowness with which the European Union asserts its role as a mediator in the international sphere must not be Romania’s own policy. Many EU member states or organisations have developed their own systems to provide stability as a facilitator for peace processes or have developed early warning and conflict prevention mechanisms. Romania’s membership in various external structures enables it to use international expertise in creating and implementing internal structures capable of involving the state in the prevention and resolution of conflicts in the Black Sea region or in other areas of the world. The article analyses Romania’s potential to act regionally as a mediator and to generate stability and security if such a conflict approach is embraced.
{"title":"Romania – A Stability Factor by Assuming the Mediator Role in the Conflicts at the Black Sea","authors":"Dorin-Valeriu Bădulescu","doi":"10.55535/rmt.2021.4.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2021.4.03","url":null,"abstract":"The slowness with which the European Union asserts its role as a mediator in the international sphere must not be Romania’s own policy. Many EU member states or organisations have developed their own systems to provide stability as a facilitator for peace processes or have developed early warning and conflict prevention mechanisms. Romania’s membership in various external structures enables it to use international expertise in creating and implementing internal structures capable of involving the state in the prevention and resolution of conflicts in the Black Sea region or in other areas of the world. The article analyses Romania’s potential to act regionally as a mediator and to generate stability and security if such a conflict approach is embraced.","PeriodicalId":137367,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Military Thinking","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133771327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The three Baltic countries carry with them the heavy burden of the Soviet past, alongside their positioning in an area of interest to both the North Atlantic Alliance and Russia. The main research directions and the hypothesis of the present paper are grounded on the premise of the realistic approach in the study of international relations, according to which states are rational actors and lead a permanent competition to increase their power towards hegemony, as well as on the theoretical grounds of the balance of power. This article analyses the situation of the three Baltic states in the context of the tense relationship between NATO and Russia, but also in terms of the ability of each actor to project its power in the Baltic Sea. The main research hypothesis is that although the Baltic states are part of NATO and the EU, they are the most exposed members to the threat of Russian aggression, and hence, the more Russia strengthens its presence in the region, the more NATO will try to rebalance the balance of power to ensure the security of its members. The first direction of research consists in analysing the increasing level of risk to the security of the Baltic countries following the annexation of Crimea and, at the same time, the strengthening of military presence and scale of exercises carried out in the region, by both Russia and NATO. Moreover, the Baltic states need to identify potential vulnerabilities while facing the alternative fighting methods Russia may draw upon, such as hybrid actions, and therefore strengthen their defence capacity. Another direction hereby analysed is NATO’s vulnerability to Russia in the context of the Suwalki Corridor, which must be addressed during the forthcoming period. Following these directions, the article mostly relies on the qualitative research method, whilst also including the analysis of quantitative data.
{"title":"THE BALTIC STATES – BETWEEN NATO’S PROTECTION AND RUSSIA’S THREAT –","authors":"Ana Mereacre","doi":"10.55535/rmt.2021.3.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2021.3.09","url":null,"abstract":"The three Baltic countries carry with them the heavy burden of the Soviet past, alongside their positioning in an area of interest to both the North Atlantic Alliance and Russia. The main research directions and the hypothesis of the present paper are grounded on the premise of the realistic approach in the study of international relations, according to which states are rational actors and lead a permanent competition to increase their power towards hegemony, as well as on the theoretical grounds of the balance of power. This article analyses the situation of the three Baltic states in the context of the tense relationship between NATO and Russia, but also in terms of the ability of each actor to project its power in the Baltic Sea. The main research hypothesis is that although the Baltic states are part of NATO and the EU, they are the most exposed members to the threat of Russian aggression, and hence, the more Russia strengthens its presence in the region, the more NATO will try to rebalance the balance of power to ensure the security of its members. The first direction of research consists in analysing the increasing level of risk to the security of the Baltic countries following the annexation of Crimea and, at the same time, the strengthening of military presence and scale of exercises carried out in the region, by both Russia and NATO. Moreover, the Baltic states need to identify potential vulnerabilities while facing the alternative fighting methods Russia may draw upon, such as hybrid actions, and therefore strengthen their defence capacity. Another direction hereby analysed is NATO’s vulnerability to Russia in the context of the Suwalki Corridor, which must be addressed during the forthcoming period. Following these directions, the article mostly relies on the qualitative research method, whilst also including the analysis of quantitative data.","PeriodicalId":137367,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Military Thinking","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123765342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The renewal of superpower status competition has led, among other things, to enhancing the emphasis on nuclear weapons and nuclear deterrence, all of which relate to China and/or Russia. The challenge of deterrence – discouraging states from taking unwanted actions, especially military aggression – has again become a main issue in defence policy. The Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START), which was signed by the United States and Russia, could be seen as “just one step in a longer journey”. Russia’s reassertion of its status as a major world power has mostly included recurring references by Russian officials to Russia’s nuclear weapons capabilities and its status as a major nuclear power. China’s nuclear-weapon capabilities are much more modest than Russia’s, but China is modernising its nuclear forces as part of its overall military modernisation effort. Across the globe and in many different domains, the United States is now dealing with a more immediate requirement for effective deterrence than in any other time since the end of the Cold War. Because many potential adversaries are significantly more capable than they were a decade or more ago and the risks of actually fighting a major war are more significant than ever, deterring such a conflict becomes even more imperative.
{"title":"NUCLEAR WEAPONS REMAIN THE MAIN DETERRENCE AGAINST POSSIBLE AGGRESSION","authors":"Romică Cernat","doi":"10.55535/gmr.2021.3.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55535/gmr.2021.3.14","url":null,"abstract":"The renewal of superpower status competition has led, among other things, to enhancing the emphasis on nuclear weapons and nuclear deterrence, all of which relate to China and/or Russia. The challenge of deterrence – discouraging states from taking unwanted actions, especially military aggression – has again become a main issue in defence policy. The Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START), which was signed by the United States and Russia, could be seen as “just one step in a longer journey”. Russia’s reassertion of its status as a major world power has mostly included recurring references by Russian officials to Russia’s nuclear weapons capabilities and its status as a major nuclear power. China’s nuclear-weapon capabilities are much more modest than Russia’s, but China is modernising its nuclear forces as part of its overall military modernisation effort. Across the globe and in many different domains, the United States is now dealing with a more immediate requirement for effective deterrence than in any other time since the end of the Cold War. Because many potential adversaries are significantly more capable than they were a decade or more ago and the risks of actually fighting a major war are more significant than ever, deterring such a conflict becomes even more imperative.","PeriodicalId":137367,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Military Thinking","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115871353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The International World Order is the system of states we function in. It has been the dominant narrative, especially since 2014, that revisionist powers are trying to challenge and destabilise the order and replace it with one where they influence geopolitical outcomes exclusively in their favour and exert much more power than they would be able to in the current international system. This competition for strategic dominance is often called Great Power Competition having the US as the centre and the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China as challenger great powers. The overall purpose of the current study is to succinctly analyse Russia’s approach to grand strategy and understanding national interest, and to apply the mentioned aspects to the energy realm specifically, all the while being geographically focused on the Black Sea
{"title":"POLITICAL THREATS TO ENERGY SECURITY IN THE BLACK SEA","authors":"Olga R. Chiriac","doi":"10.55535/gmr.2021.3.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55535/gmr.2021.3.08","url":null,"abstract":"The International World Order is the system of states we function in. It has been the dominant narrative, especially since 2014, that revisionist powers are trying to challenge and destabilise the order and replace it with one where they influence geopolitical outcomes exclusively in their favour and exert much more power than they would be able to in the current international system. This competition for strategic dominance is often called Great Power Competition having the US as the centre and the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China as challenger great powers. The overall purpose of the current study is to succinctly analyse Russia’s approach to grand strategy and understanding national interest, and to apply the mentioned aspects to the energy realm specifically, all the while being geographically focused on the Black Sea","PeriodicalId":137367,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Military Thinking","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133257389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nowadays, because of growing uncertainty and instability in the context of a changing geopolitical system, we should reconsider the Wider Black Sea Region as a place in which frictions between cultural, political and economic divergent communities would be more predominant. In addition, there are the consequences of globalisation that create a factual interdependence of countries geographically far away, when the effects of local crisis are immediately perceived at the worldwide scale. Countries around this region, and not only, rely on the maritime domain for trade, economic development, food, job and other types of security. In this context, the latest actions of the Russian Federation in Ukraine and the militarisation of Crimea have substantially modified the framework of security strategies in the area. The numerous frozen conflicts, due to Russian policy, represent a real threat across the region. With the Crimean Peninsula, Russia is able to extend its military reach over much of the Black Sea maritime domain, the South Caucasus littoral, Ukraine, Moldova, and, possibly, far beyond over Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey
{"title":"Romanian Naval Forces Contribution to Strengthening Romania’s Profile as a Proactive Security Provider in the Black Sea Region","authors":"M. Panait","doi":"10.55535/rmt.2021.4.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2021.4.11","url":null,"abstract":"Nowadays, because of growing uncertainty and instability in the context of a changing geopolitical system, we should reconsider the Wider Black Sea Region as a place in which frictions between cultural, political and economic divergent communities would be more predominant. In addition, there are the consequences of globalisation that create a factual interdependence of countries geographically far away, when the effects of local crisis are immediately perceived at the worldwide scale. Countries around this region, and not only, rely on the maritime domain for trade, economic development, food, job and other types of security. In this context, the latest actions of the Russian Federation in Ukraine and the militarisation of Crimea have substantially modified the framework of security strategies in the area. The numerous frozen conflicts, due to Russian policy, represent a real threat across the region. With the Crimean Peninsula, Russia is able to extend its military reach over much of the Black Sea maritime domain, the South Caucasus littoral, Ukraine, Moldova, and, possibly, far beyond over Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey","PeriodicalId":137367,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Military Thinking","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133952159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A nation’s power to impose its will and to achieve its national objectives emanates from its instruments of national power. Today, the instruments of national power include diplomacy, information, military, and economy, collectively identified by the acronym DIME. A nation does not necessarily have to be superior in each element of the DIME to achieve its national goals and interests. However, it has to be adept in managing each element of national power synergistically in order to achieve its desired results. The military element of national power represents the military might of a nation. Referred to as a “hard power” due to its kinetic nature, the military component of DIME might appear to be a measure of last resort. This is not always the case, however, as the credible threat of hard power alone in combination with other elements of DIME (sometimes known as “smart power”) can often allow a nation to achieve its interests. The armed conflict in Ukraine and the illegal annexation of Crimea, the changes in the relations between major global and regional actors, the persistence of frozen conflicts in the Republic of Moldova and Georgia and the difficult path of state consolidation and economic development in some of the Black Sea states – all require a much greater attention of the international community to the region, which changes almost everything about using the instruments of power and of course the strategy regarding the Black Sea region.
{"title":"THE MILITARY INSTRUMENT OF POWER IN THE 21ST CENTURY – THE FUNDAMENTALS OF THE MILITARY STRATEGY OF THE STATES IN THE WIDER BLACK SEA REGION –","authors":"Marian Niculae","doi":"10.55535/rmt.2021.2.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2021.2.08","url":null,"abstract":"A nation’s power to impose its will and to achieve its national objectives emanates from its instruments of national power. Today, the instruments of national power include diplomacy, information, military, and economy, collectively identified by the acronym DIME. A nation does not necessarily have to be superior in each element of the DIME to achieve its national goals and interests. However, it has to be adept in managing each element of national power synergistically in order to achieve its desired results. The military element of national power represents the military might of a nation. Referred to as a “hard power” due to its kinetic nature, the military component of DIME might appear to be a measure of last resort. This is not always the case, however, as the credible threat of hard power alone in combination with other elements of DIME (sometimes known as “smart power”) can often allow a nation to achieve its interests. The armed conflict in Ukraine and the illegal annexation of Crimea, the changes in the relations between major global and regional actors, the persistence of frozen conflicts in the Republic of Moldova and Georgia and the difficult path of state consolidation and economic development in some of the Black Sea states – all require a much greater attention of the international community to the region, which changes almost everything about using the instruments of power and of course the strategy regarding the Black Sea region.","PeriodicalId":137367,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Military Thinking","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115027226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is reported by various media sources that, since the beginning of the Syrian war in 2011, more than 11.5% of Syria’s population has been wounded or killed. The scarcity of war resources forced the belligerents of the Syrian civil war to use many improvised weapons among which the chemical barrel bombs hold the headlines. Although the exact number of casualties produced by chemical weapons in Syria is unknown, reportedly a few thousand were killed or intoxicated. This article seeks to determine the efficiency of improvised chemical weapons used in Syria and compare them with the specially designed ones. For comparison, the military standards are to be used and the conclusion will show if the media is exaggerating or the humanity faces a new type of chemical warfare.
{"title":"ARE THE IMPROVISED CHEMICAL WEAPONS AS EFFICIENT AS MEDIA CLAIMS THEY ARE? CASE STUDY: THE SYRIAN WAR","authors":"Carol-Teodor Peterfi","doi":"10.55535/rmt.2021.2.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2021.2.05","url":null,"abstract":"It is reported by various media sources that, since the beginning of the Syrian war in 2011, more than 11.5% of Syria’s population has been wounded or killed. The scarcity of war resources forced the belligerents of the Syrian civil war to use many improvised weapons among which the chemical barrel bombs hold the headlines. Although the exact number of casualties produced by chemical weapons in Syria is unknown, reportedly a few thousand were killed or intoxicated. This article seeks to determine the efficiency of improvised chemical weapons used in Syria and compare them with the specially designed ones. For comparison, the military standards are to be used and the conclusion will show if the media is exaggerating or the humanity faces a new type of chemical warfare.","PeriodicalId":137367,"journal":{"name":"Romanian Military Thinking","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126877209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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