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Disability, Reasonable Accommodation and the Employer's Obligations: Nano Nagle School V Daly 残疾,合理住宿和雇主的义务:纳诺纳格尔学校V日
Pub Date : 2020-06-03 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12553
D. Ryan, M. Bell
The duty on employers to provide reasonable accommodation is a well‐established component of disability discrimination legislation, yet it continues to generate litigation in many jurisdictions. This article examines a recent decision of the Irish Supreme Court concerning the extent of the employer's obligations where, after having acquired an impairment, a worker is no longer able to perform all of the functions of her original job. The case also addressed the question of what procedures should be followed by an employer when considering the provision of reasonable accommodation, as well as the need for courts to justify awards of compensation. The issues in Irish law were intertwined with obligations arising from EU and international law instruments. Therefore, the decision is pertinent for other jurisdictions confronting similar challenges.
雇主有义务提供合理的便利是残疾歧视立法的一个既定组成部分,但在许多司法管辖区,这一义务仍在不断产生诉讼。本文审查了爱尔兰最高法院最近的一项决定,该决定涉及在工人受到损害后不再能够履行其原来工作的所有职能的情况下雇主的义务范围。该案件还涉及雇主在考虑提供合理便利时应遵循哪些程序的问题,以及法院是否需要证明给予赔偿的理由。爱尔兰法律中的问题与欧盟和国际法文书所产生的义务交织在一起。因此,这一决定对面临类似挑战的其他司法管辖区具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
The Problematic Development of the Stalking Protection Order 跟踪保护令的问题发展
Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12508
Rory Kelly
In 2019, Parliament enacted the Stalking Protection Act. The Act introduces the stalking protection order; a civil measure the breach of which is an offence. The role of courts in assessing whether similar behaviour orders are penalties has attracted significant scholarly attention. In this article, I instead examine the roles of Government and Parliament in developing the stalking protection order. My central contention is that the Home Office undertook a problematic consultation and the issues to which it gave rise were not addressed in later parliamentary debates. The result was the enactment of a coercive measure of unclear purpose and questionable efficacy. Assessing the roles of the executive and legislature in developing the SPO also allows for fresh insight into wider discussions of behaviour orders. Specifically, I question the language of ‘prevention’ that is ever-present in such discussions and describe an important development for debates on whether behaviour orders are penalties.
2019年,议会颁布了《跟踪保护法》。该法引入了跟踪保护令;一种民事措施,违反该措施即构成犯罪。法院在评估类似行为命令是否为惩罚方面的作用引起了学术界的极大关注。在本文中,我转而研究政府和议会在制定跟踪保护令中的作用。我的主要论点是,内政部进行了一次有问题的磋商,而它引发的问题在后来的议会辩论中没有得到解决。其结果是制定了一项目的不明确、效力可疑的强制性措施。评估行政机关和立法机关在制定《行为守则》方面的角色,也有助于对有关行为守则的更广泛讨论有新的见解。具体而言,我质疑在此类讨论中始终存在的“预防”语言,并描述了关于行为命令是否为惩罚的辩论的重要发展。
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引用次数: 2
‘Reasonable Offers’ as a Defence to Unfair Prejudice Petitions: Prescott v Potamianos “合理报价”作为不公平偏见申诉的辩护:Prescott诉Potamianos案
Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12505
Anthony Pavlovich
It is long established that a ‘reasonable offer’ for a petitioner's shares can defeat an unfair‐prejudice petition. Lord Hoffmann gave guidance about such offers in O'Neill v Phillips. Now, in Prescott v Potamianos, the Court of Appeal has set out three factors that help to determine in general whether an offer is ‘reasonable’. Those factors are: the value offered; the likelihood of implementation; and the proximity to the unfairly prejudicial conduct. The Court's guidance is useful for lawyers and their clients, as well as being broadly favourable for petitioners. But the Court emphasised that the unfair‐prejudice jurisdiction is based on fairness and so requires a considerable degree of flexibility. Such flexibility impairs the certainty that Lord Hoffmann was seeking to promote, and may create difficulties for parties making or receiving offers.
长期以来,对于申请人的股份的“合理报价”可以击败不公平偏见的请愿。霍夫曼勋爵(Lord Hoffmann)在奥尼尔诉菲利普斯案(O'Neill v . Phillips)中就此类要约提供了指导。现在,在Prescott v Potamianos案中,上诉法院列出了三个因素,可以帮助确定要约是否“合理”。这些因素是:提供的价值;执行的可能性;以及对不公平的偏见行为的接近。法院的指导对律师和他们的委托人很有用,对上访者也很有利。但法院强调,不公平损害管辖权是建立在公平的基础上的,因此需要相当程度的灵活性。这种灵活性损害了霍夫曼勋爵试图促进的确定性,并可能给提出或接受提议的各方造成困难。
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引用次数: 0
Equal Civil Partnerships, Discrimination and the Indulgence of Time: R (on the Application of Steinfeld and Keidan) V Secretary of State for International Development 平等的民事伙伴关系,歧视和时间的放纵:R(论斯坦菲尔德和凯丹的申请)V国际发展国务大臣
Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12437
A. Hayward
In R (on the application of Steinfeld and Keidan) v Secretary of State for International Development the Supreme Court unanimously declared that the ban on different‐sex civil partnerships was incompatible with Articles 8 and 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights. In a strikingly robust and, at times, acerbic manner, the Court systematically dismantled the Secretary of State's request for tolerance of a discriminatory and unsustainable legal position. The decision represents a clear victory for those campaigning for reform and the issuing of a declaration of incompatibility by the Court is likely to have influenced the later announcement by Prime Minister Theresa May in October 2018 that different‐sex civil partnerships will ultimately be introduced in England and Wales.
在R(关于斯坦菲尔德和凯丹的申请)诉国际发展国务秘书一案中,最高法院一致宣布,禁止异性民事伴侣关系与《欧洲人权公约》第8条和第14条不相容。法院以一种非常有力,有时甚至是尖刻的方式,系统地驳斥了国务卿关于容忍歧视性和不可持续的法律立场的要求。这一决定代表了那些争取改革的人的明显胜利,法院发布的不兼容声明可能会影响到英国首相特蕾莎·梅(Theresa May)后来在2018年10月宣布的不同性别的民事伴侣关系最终将在英格兰和威尔士引入。
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引用次数: 3
Reason‐Giving in Administrative Law: Where are We and Why Have the Courts Not Embraced the ‘General Common Law Duty to Give Reasons’? 行政法中的给出理由:我们在哪里,为什么法院没有接受“一般普通法中给出理由的义务”?
Pub Date : 2019-07-18 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12457
J. Bell
This article has two aims. Firstly, it explores a body of modern challenges to administrative reason‐giving, decided in the five‐year period 2014–2018. Three main themes are drawn out: outright failures to give reasons now seem to be a rare occurrence; a number of considerations help to ensure that at least an outline of reasons is usually offered by decision‐makers; common law fairness plays a limited role in testing the adequacy of reasons. Secondly, it addresses the question of why the courts have not embraced a ‘general common law duty to give reasons.’ Four factors are discussed: doubts that introducing a general duty would add something of substance to the law; difficulties inherent in developing a general formulation of the reasons required; weaknesses in the ‘hortatory’ case for a general duty and weaker commitment on the part of judges than academics to generality as a central feature of administrative law doctrine.
本文有两个目的。首先,它探讨了行政理性给予的一系列现代挑战,这些挑战是在2014年至2018年的五年期间决定的。书中提出了三个主要主题:完全没有给出理由现在似乎很少发生;一些考虑因素有助于确保决策者通常至少提供一个理由大纲。普通法公正性在检验理由是否充分方面的作用有限。其次,它解决了法院为何没有接受“一般普通法义务”给出理由的问题。讨论了四个因素:对引入一般义务会增加法律实质内容的怀疑;制定所需理由的一般表述所固有的困难;’避难所’一般义务的案例和较弱的承诺,法官的一部分,而不是学者的普遍性,作为行政法理论的中心特征。
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引用次数: 2
Dryden V Johnson Matthey: The Boundaries of Actionable Damage Dryden V Johnson Matthey:诉讼损害的界限
Pub Date : 2019-07-01 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12428
Jarret J. Huang
In Dryden v Johnson Matthey, the claimants sought to recover in tort for becoming sensitised to platinum salts by the defendant's negligence. The Supreme Court found, unanimously, that merely becoming sensitised, as opposed to developing an allergic reaction, sufficed as actionable damage. However, the court only provided two ‘indicative factors’ for when damage was ‘actionable’: whether there had been some impairment, and whether the effect of that impairment was ‘more than negligible’. This approach is unclear, in tension with other parts of the judgment, and produces undesirable broader consequences. It misses an opportunity for the Court to provide guidance on developments in tort like preventive damages, claimant‐specific loss, and the broader raison d'être of tort. A narrow and constrained adjustment to the law to permit recovery in negligence of pure economic loss for preventive damage could have achieved the same result without relying on somewhat convoluted mental gymnastics.
在德莱顿诉庄信万丰案中,原告因被告的疏忽导致对铂盐敏感而寻求侵权赔偿。最高法院一致认为,仅仅变得敏感,而不是产生过敏反应,就足以作为可起诉的损害。然而,法院只提供了两个指示性因素。当损害是可诉的时,是否存在某种损害,以及该损害的影响是否大于可忽略不计。这种方法是不明确的,与判决的其他部分紧张,并产生不受欢迎的更广泛的后果。它错过了法院就侵权行为的发展提供指导的机会,如预防性损害赔偿、索赔人特定损失以及侵权行为的更广泛理由。对法律进行狭隘和有限的调整,允许在忽视纯经济损失的情况下为预防性损害进行赔偿,本可以达到同样的结果,而无需依靠有些令人费解的精神体操。
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引用次数: 0
Reconsidering Transferred Loss 重新考虑转移损失
Pub Date : 2019-07-01 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12425
Andrew Trotter
The Supreme Court's recent reconsideration of the ‘transferred loss’ exception stopped short of clarifying why it is justified at all. The usual candidates are that it applies to loss transferred with property, or operates more broadly to vindicate the claimant's interest in performance. This note suggests that neither is a sound basis for the rule, and that the promisee ought generally to be entitled to sue for loss suffered by third parties, but is obliged to pass on the damages he recovers.
最高法院最近对“转移损失”的重新考虑。《例外》并没有说明为什么它是合理的。通常的候选人是,它适用于财产转移的损失,或者更广泛地用于证明索赔人在履行中的利益。这一说明表明,这两种情况都不是该规则的可靠基础,允诺人通常有权就第三方遭受的损失提起诉讼,但有义务将他所获得的损害赔偿转移出去。
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引用次数: 0
Constitutional Directives: Morally‐Committed Political Constitutionalism 宪法指令:道德上承诺的政治宪政
Pub Date : 2019-03-27 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12423
Tarunabh Khaitan
About 37 state constitutions around the world feature non‐justiciable thick moral commitments (‘constitutional directives’). These directives typically oblige the state to redistribute income and wealth, guarantee social minimums, or forge a religious or secular identity for the state. They have largely been ignored in a constitutional scholarship defined by its obsession with the legitimacy of judicial review and hostility to constitutionalising thick moral commitments other than basic rights. This article presents constitutional directives as obligatory telic norms, addressed primarily to the political state, which constitutionalise thick moral objectives. Their full realisation—through increasingly sophisticated mechanisms designed to ensure their political enforcement—is deferred to a future date. They are weakly contrajudicative in that these duties are not directly enforced by courts. Functionally, they help shape the discourse over a state's constitutional identity, and regulate its political and judicial organs. Properly understood, they are a key tool to realise a morally‐committed conception of political constitutionalism.
世界上大约有37个州的宪法以非可诉性的道德承诺(宪法指令)为特征。这些指令通常要求国家重新分配收入和财富,保障社会最低标准,或为国家建立宗教或世俗身份。它们在很大程度上被宪法学术所忽视,其定义是执迷于司法审查的合法性,敌视将厚重的道德承诺(而非基本权利)宪法化。本文将宪法指令视为强制性的telic规范,主要针对政治国家,将厚重的道德目标宪法化。通过旨在确保其政治执行的日益复杂的机制,将其充分实现推迟到未来的日期。由于这些义务不是由法院直接执行的,因此它们的矛盾性很弱。在功能上,它们有助于塑造关于国家宪法认同的话语,并规范其政治和司法机构。正确理解,它们是实现政治宪政的道德承诺概念的关键工具。
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引用次数: 10
Thinking Outside the Box – Eliminating the Perniciousness of Box‐Ticking in the New Corporate Governance Code 跳出框框思考——消除新公司治理准则中“打勾”的危害
Pub Date : 2018-07-23 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12415
Bobby V. Reddy
On 16 July 2018, a new corporate governance code was published. Like previous iterations, it applies on a ‘comply‐or‐explain’ basis, whereby companies are required to either comply with provisions or explain reasons for non‐compliance. However, the new code substantially simplified the previous version of the code in an attempt to attenuate the process of ‘box‐ticking’. Box‐ticking manifests itself firstly, by companies complying with the letter rather than the spirit of the provisions, and, second, by companies not utilising the inherent flexibility of the code to implement their optimum firm‐specific governance structures by explaining rather than complying. This article elucidates the history of box‐ticking, and the reasons why companies succumb to it, since Adrian Cadbury pioneered the concept of ‘comply‐or‐explain’ in 1992, before proposing an exclusively principles‐driven approach to the corporate governance code which would alleviate box‐ticking and fulfill the original aspirations of Cadbury over a quarter of a century ago.
2018年7月16日,新的公司治理准则发布。像以前的迭代一样,它适用于‘comply‐或‐explain’基础,据此要求公司要么遵守规定,要么解释不遵守规定的原因。但是,新代码大大简化了前一版本的代码,试图减弱‘box‐ticking’的过程。首先,公司遵守条文而不是条文的精神,其次,公司没有利用守则固有的灵活性,通过解释而不是遵守来实施其最佳的公司具体治理结构。本文阐述了box‐tick的历史,以及公司屈服于它的原因,因为Adrian Cadbury率先提出了‘compliance ‐或‐explain’1992年,他提出了一种完全以原则为导向的公司治理准则,这种准则将减轻公司的滴答声,并实现吉百利25年前的最初愿望。
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引用次数: 10
The Citizen of Many Worlds: Societal Constitutionalism and the Antinomies of Democracy 多重世界的公民:社会立宪主义与民主的二律背反
Pub Date : 2018-07-01 DOI: 10.1111/jols.12104
C. Thornhill
This article argues that Gunther Teubner's theory of societal constitutionalism can be used to examine the realities of citizenship in contemporary society. Teubner's thought illuminates how the rise of global law has directed classical practices of citizenship – claims to rights and participation in law making – away from centralized political institutions, and located them in distinct functional spheres. On this basis, we see that the integration of the democratic citizen only evolved as society assumed an acentric sectoral design, and we observe that the core processes of national integration only approached completion in a post‐national constellation. However, it is also argued here that the contemporary figure of the citizen appears, not as a figure that contradicts, but as a figure that arises directly from the classical form of national citizenship. This fact may be obscured by Teubner's emphasis on societal constitutionalism as a normative construct that emerges beyond the state.
本文认为,冈瑟·图布纳的社会宪政理论可以用来考察当代社会的公民权现实。Teubner的思想阐明了全球法律的兴起如何指导公民的经典实践–权利要求与立法参与–远离中央集权的政治机构,并将它们置于不同的功能领域。在此基础上,我们看到,民主公民的整合只有在社会假设了一个非中心的部门设计时才会发展,我们观察到,国家整合的核心过程只有在后国家星座中才接近完成。然而,这里也有人认为,当代公民的形象,不是作为一个矛盾的形象出现的,而是作为一个直接从国家公民的古典形式中产生的形象。这一事实可能被图布纳强调的社会宪政作为一种超越国家的规范性结构所掩盖。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Law & Society: Private Law eJournal
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