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“Our Dark Hands and Sore Backs”: The Comité Cívico Popular Mixteco and the New Grassroots Activism by Indigenous Mexican Migrants "我们黝黑的手和酸痛的背":Comité Cívico Popular Mixteco 和墨西哥土著移民的新基层行动主义
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.43.2.01
Jorge Ramirez-Lopez
In the 1980s, Indigenous people from southern Mexico migrated in considerable numbers to the United States. Among the most prominent groups were the Mixteco people from Oaxaca, who worked mainly as farmworkers on labor-intensive crops in San Diego and throughout California. Because they were incorporated at the bottom of a racialized labor hierarchy distinct from previous Mexican cohorts and in a period of increased border violence and anti-immigrant sentiments, these new migrants formed the Comité Cívico Popular Mixteco (CCPM). Building from their experiences in Mexico and the migrant circuit, the CCPM's goals were to address their needs as workers and claim their dignity as Indigenous people. Mixtecos organized demonstrations, press conferences, and solidarity, resembling the tactics of Chicano/a, Latino/a, and farmworker struggles. Although their activities appeared similar to historical efforts in California, this article argues that the CCPM drew from their experiences participating in their pueblos’ (community of origin) local form of communal governance. The pueblo provided the basis for their activism as they also produced new forms of social membership. The work of the CCPM at this moment demonstrates how a growing Indigenous political culture from southern Mexico in California was reconsidering ways to enact leadership, community, and activism across borders.
20 世纪 80 年代,大量墨西哥南部土著人移居美国。其中最突出的群体是来自瓦哈卡州的米斯特克人,他们主要在圣地亚哥和整个加利福尼亚州从事劳动密集型农作物的种植工作。由于他们处于种族化劳工等级制度的底层,有别于之前的墨西哥移民群体,而且当时边境暴力和反移民情绪日益高涨,因此这些新移民成立了米斯特克人民委员会(CCPM)。根据他们在墨西哥和移民圈的经验,CCPM 的目标是满足他们作为工人的需求,并维护他们作为土著人的尊严。米斯特克人组织了示威游行、新闻发布会和声援活动,这与奇卡诺人、拉美人和农民工的斗争策略相似。虽然他们的活动似乎与加利福尼亚的历史努力相似,但本文认为,CCPM 从他们参与其原籍社区(pueblos)当地社区治理形式的经验中汲取了营养。普韦布洛(pueblo)为他们的活动提供了基础,因为他们也创造了新的社会成员形式。此时此刻,CCPM 的工作表明,加利福尼亚州墨西哥南部日益壮大的土著政治文化正在重新考虑如何发挥领导作用、建立社区和开展跨国界的活动。
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引用次数: 0
Settler Garrison: Debt Imperialism, Militarism, and Transpacific Imaginaries 定居者驻军:债务帝国主义、军国主义和跨太平洋意象
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.43.2.09
Sarah R. Meiners
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引用次数: 2
Making Mexican Chicago: From Postwar Settlement to the Age of Gentrification 制作墨西哥芝加哥:从战后定居到中产阶级化时代
4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.43.1.05
Jojo Galvan Mora
In 1990, Mexican-born architect Adrián Lozano was tapped to build el Arco de la Villita (the Little Village Arc). The two-story-tall Mexican colonial archway, complete with a clock gifted by former Mexican president Carlos Salinas, stands on 26th Street. It welcomes locals and visitors alike to one of Chicago's most vibrant commercial main streets and one of the metropole's largest Mexican neighborhoods. In 2022, the arc was granted official landmark status by the Commission on Chicago Landmarks, making it the first structure to be designated as such by an architect of Mexican descent in the city. This recognition marked a milestone for the area's Mexican community, as it granted a marker of permanence in Chicago's diverse, and often contested, built environment. Little Village is one of several neighborhoods present in Mike Amezcua's provocative Making Mexican Chicago. A work which takes readers on an expansive historical tour of a number of the Windy City's colonias, neighborhoods with embattled histories of Mexicans. These residents sought to make a permanent place for themselves, doing so through organizing, collective action, entrepreneurship, and their own brand of resistance to white supremacist policies. Structured across six chapters, Making Mexican Chicago highlights the methods of exclusion deployed against this community and the ways in which they answered back.Chapter 1 focuses on the experiences of Mexicans in twentieth-century Chicago's housing market, where they had to contend with the so-called “restrictionist populism” of white Chicagoans, anxious at the prospect of a Mexican invasion. Chapter 2 juxtaposes the scale and impact of xenophobic immigration efforts like Operation Wetback in the 1950s with the realities of displacement brought on by the making of the University of Illinois Circle Campus. Chapter 3 takes readers to Las Yardas (Back of the Yards), where Mexicans navigated liminality between Black and white communities while also establishing roots in the neighborhood. The fourth chapter tracks the development of real estate markets in the southwestern sector of the city. Here, readers are introduced to the story of La Villita, and how entrepreneurs and Mexican-serving institutions made the neighborhood their own and organized for political integration. Chapter 5 contextualizes the impact the Chicano movement had on the city's colonias, spotlighting stories of radical activism in response to ongoing disenfranchisement. The final chapter revisits the neighborhoods explored earlier in the text, presenting more contemporary narratives of resistance to gentrification and Mexican suburbanization, highlighting new frontiers in the embattled story of the Mexican community in Chicago and beyond.Beyond the built environment and local movements, Amezcua anchors his cross-neighborhood analysis in the stories of changemakers both behind and at the forefront of the many efforts in Mexican Chicago. Two such examples are the story of A
1990年,墨西哥出生的建筑师Adrián Lozano被委托建造el Arco de la Villita(小村庄弧)。这座两层楼高的墨西哥殖民时期的拱门矗立在第26街,上面还有墨西哥前总统卡洛斯·萨利纳斯(Carlos Salinas)赠送的时钟。它欢迎当地人和游客来到芝加哥最具活力的商业主要街道之一,也是大都市最大的墨西哥社区之一。2022年,芝加哥地标委员会授予该弧形建筑官方地标地位,使其成为该市第一个由墨西哥裔建筑师指定的建筑。这一认可标志着该地区墨西哥社区的一个里程碑,因为它在芝加哥多样化且经常有争议的建筑环境中授予了永久性的标志。小村庄是麦克·阿梅兹夸颇具煽动性的作品《墨西哥芝加哥》中出现的几个社区之一。这部作品带领读者展开了一场广阔的历史之旅,参观了许多风城的殖民地,这些殖民地有着墨西哥人的历史。这些居民试图通过组织、集体行动、企业家精神和他们自己对白人至上主义政策的抵制,为自己建立一个永久的地方。《打造墨西哥裔芝加哥》分为六个章节,强调了针对这个社区的排斥方法以及他们回应的方式。第一章关注的是墨西哥人在20世纪芝加哥住房市场的经历,他们不得不与芝加哥白人所谓的“限制主义民粹主义”作斗争,这些白人对墨西哥入侵的前景感到焦虑。第二章将20世纪50年代的仇外移民行动(Operation Wetback)的规模和影响与伊利诺伊大学环形校区(University of Illinois Circle Campus)建设带来的流离失所的现实并置。第三章将读者带到Las Yardas(后院),在那里,墨西哥人在黑人和白人社区之间穿行,同时也在社区中扎根。第四章对西南地区房地产市场的发展进行了跟踪分析。本书向读者介绍了La Villita的故事,以及企业家和为墨西哥人服务的机构如何使这个社区成为自己的社区,并组织起来进行政治整合。第五章阐述了奇卡诺运动对城市殖民地的影响,重点介绍了激进激进主义对持续剥夺公民权的反应。最后一章回顾了文本早期探索的社区,呈现了更多当代抵抗士绅化和墨西哥郊区化的叙述,突出了芝加哥及其他地区墨西哥社区陷入困境的故事中的新领域。除了建筑环境和当地运动之外,Amezcua将他的跨社区分析锚定在墨西哥芝加哥许多努力背后和前沿的变革者的故事中。两个这样的例子是安妮塔·比利亚雷亚尔和雷弗吉奥·罗曼·马丁内斯的故事。比利亚雷亚尔是该市第一个获得房地产经纪人执照的拉丁裔人,她利用自己的权力,通过房屋所有权和后来的政治选举权,为她的社区提供了进入和向上流动的渠道。马丁内斯是美国联合包装工人协会(United Packinghouse Workers of America)的劳工组织者和活动人士,他更明确地体现了当地工人经常面临的移民故事,因为他忍受了近20年的法律骚扰和当地官员和移民当局的监视。这两种叙述,以及本书中无数的其他叙述,都密切地强调了芝加哥墨西哥社区在追求更好的工作和生活条件时所做的努力和采取的方法,以及追求这些条件所带来的始终存在的风险。由于涵盖了大量的历史背景,一些较小的叙述有时会让人觉得不完整。其中一个例子是第六章提到的西塞罗,芝加哥西部的第一个郊区。在西塞罗,墨西哥人的故事被描绘成一个正在恢复的郊区的受欢迎的补充,但没有提到当地官员故意采取措施,将这一群体强行从城镇中驱逐出去,这种努力在20世纪90年代达到了顶峰。最终,Amezcua的书将吸引专家,但它也足够容易被分配给本科生读者。这是一个受欢迎的补充,越来越多的学者挑战城市中心的黑人和白人二元制度;为第二个城市的墨西哥政治认同的形成提供了急需的细微差别。与黛博拉·e·坎特(Deborah E. Kanter)的《芝加哥Católico》和费利佩·伊诺霍萨(Felipe Hinojosa)的《变革的使徒》(Apostles of Change)等书一起阅读,阿梅兹瓜(Amezcua)的《塑造墨西哥裔芝加哥》(Making Mexican Chicago)以广泛的人际关系视角,审视了塑造这座白人城市遗产的棕色人的生活。
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引用次数: 0
The Architects of Hate: Garrett Hardin and Cordelia S. May's Fight for Immigration Restriction and Eugenics in the Name of the Environment 仇恨的建筑师:加勒特·哈丁和科迪利亚·s·梅以环境的名义为移民限制和优生学而战
4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.43.1.04
Miroslava Chávez-García
Abstract Drawing on the personal correspondence exchanged between Garrett Hardin and Cordelia S. May, leading advocates of population control, environmentalism, and immigration restriction, from the beginning of their friendship in the 1970s to the end of their lives in the early 2000s, this essay explores the closely guarded inner workings and behind-the-scenes efforts they took to realize their hardline xenophobic, eugenicist, and racist vision for a sustained network fighting for a white supremacist, English-speaking country. Drawing on eighteenth-century Malthusian ideas and ideologies and influenced by leading proponents of eugenics like Henry Fairfield Osborn, William Vogt, and Frederick Osborn, the dozens of letters they wrote to each other across a thirty-year span indicate that they worked to achieve their goals by joining, infiltrating, and building exclusionary organizations such as Zero Population Growth, Sierra Club, and The Environmental Fund. Set in a richly textured historical context, Hardin's and May's missives indicate that they fretted not only about unsustainable expansion but also about the presence and growing number of low-quality, unintelligent, and diseased people from around the Global South.
本文以人口控制、环境保护和移民限制的主要倡导者加勒特·哈丁和科迪利亚·s·梅从20世纪70年代的友谊开始到21世纪初的生命结束期间的私人通信为基础,探讨了他们为实现其强硬的仇外主义、优生主义、种族主义和种族主义而进行的严密保密的内部工作和幕后努力。和种族主义的愿景,为一个白人至上主义的英语国家而战的持续网络。借鉴18世纪马尔萨斯思想和意识形态,并受到亨利·费尔菲尔德·奥斯本、威廉·沃格特和弗雷德里克·奥斯本等优生学主要支持者的影响,他们在30年的时间里互相写了几十封信,表明他们通过加入、渗透和建立排他组织,如零人口增长、塞拉俱乐部和环境基金,来实现自己的目标。在一个丰富的历史背景下,哈丁和梅的信件表明,他们不仅对不可持续的扩张感到担忧,而且对来自全球南方的低素质、不聪明和患病人群的存在和不断增加感到担忧。
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引用次数: 0
Contemporary Modes of Yemeni American Agency Between Urgency and Emergence 在紧急与紧急之间的当代也门美国代理模式
4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.43.1.02
Waleed F. Mahdi
Abstract This essay examines the formation of contemporary Yemeni American agency at the interplay of economics, politics, and arts. The context of my analysis draws from the unfolding events and policies following the tragic attacks of 9/11 (2001) in the United States and the revolutionary fervor of the Arab Spring in Yemen (2011). The various economic, political, and cultural forms of agency explored in this work constitute responses to US policing of Yemeni American individuals and communities in both the United States and Yemen as part of the so-called war on terror campaign. Moving away from the “sojourner-settler” paradigm, which has limited understanding of Yemeni American experiences in the United States since the 1970s, I theorize Yemeni American agency as multi-dimensional and multi-sited and emphasize its dynamic and collaborative, albeit often contradictory, character. In doing so, I demonstrate how Yemeni Americans have not been passive victims of the post–9/11 backlash against Arabs and Muslims and the post–Arab Spring collapse of Yemen, but instead been active participants in building coalitions, joining alliances, and resisting forms of discrimination, harassment, and violence.
摘要本文考察了当代也门美国机构在经济、政治和艺术相互作用下的形成。我的分析背景来自美国911悲剧袭击(2001年)和也门阿拉伯之春的革命热情(2011年)之后不断发展的事件和政策。在这项工作中探索的各种经济、政治和文化形式的机构构成了对美国在美国和也门的美国人个人和社区的警务的回应,作为所谓的反恐战争运动的一部分。“旅居者-定居者”范式限制了对也门裔美国人自20世纪70年代以来在美国的经历的理解,我将也门裔美国人的代理理论化为多维度和多地点,并强调其动态和合作的特征,尽管经常是矛盾的。在此过程中,我展示了也门裔美国人如何没有成为9/11后对阿拉伯人和穆斯林的强烈反对以及阿拉伯之春后也门崩溃的被动受害者,而是积极参与建立联盟,加入联盟,抵制各种形式的歧视,骚扰和暴力。
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引用次数: 0
“The one primitive people who contact with civilization has failed to exterminate”: New York and “Gypsy” Madness in the 1920s “一个与文明接触的原始人未能灭绝”:20世纪20年代的纽约与“吉普赛人”的疯狂
4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.43.1.03
Dalen C. B. Wakeley-Smith
The 1920s marked a decade of American economic growth, mobility, and the rise of popular culture. Increased immigration before the First World War also meant that cities across the country were filled with new people not previously seen by Americans. In New York City, decades of immigration and mobility had brought large groups of Roma (sometimes called Gypsies) to the city in increasing numbers. But it was not just the Roma who were making New York their home; instead, there was another figure who exploded onto the cultural scene: the “Gypsy.” This paper explores the “Gypsy madness” that swept New York City in the 1920s where non-Roma Americans played “Gypsy” at the same time that they actively racialized Roma as backward, untrustworthy, and “primitive.” Putting on the guise of the “Gypsy” allowed Americans to assert their “Americanness” while denigrating and vilifying actual Roma and targeting them with increased policing throughout the city. In the end, “Gypsy madness” followed the trend of other racial performances in the early years of the twentieth century, yet also revealed the anxieties of increased immigration and complicated the ideas about deviance and propriety in the multi-ethnic metropolis of New York City.
20世纪20年代是美国经济增长、人口流动和流行文化兴起的十年。第一次世界大战前移民的增加也意味着全国各地的城市都挤满了美国人以前从未见过的新人。在纽约市,几十年的移民和流动使大批罗姆人(有时被称为吉普赛人)越来越多地来到这座城市。但不只是罗姆人把纽约当成自己的家;相反,有另一个人物在文化舞台上爆发:“吉普赛人”。本文探讨了20世纪20年代席卷纽约市的“吉普赛人疯狂”,在那里,非罗姆人扮演“吉普赛人”,同时他们积极地将罗姆人种族化为落后、不可信和“原始”。打着“吉普赛人”的幌子,美国人可以在诋毁和诋毁真正的罗姆人的同时,维护他们的“美国特性”,并在整个城市加强对他们的监管。最后,《吉普赛人的疯狂》追随了20世纪早期其他种族表演的趋势,但也揭示了移民增加的焦虑,并使纽约这个多种族大都市的越界和得体的观念变得复杂。
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引用次数: 0
Sovereign Mercy: The Legalization of the White Russian Refugees and the Politics of Immigration Relief 君主的仁慈:俄罗斯白人难民的合法化与移民救济的政治
4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.43.1.01
S. Deborah Kang
Abstract At the height of the Great Depression, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) legalized nearly two thousand undocumented Russian immigrants under the Act of June 8, 1934. Based on a random sample of their two thousand case files, “Sovereign Mercy: The Legalization of the White Russian Refugees and the Politics of Immigration Relief” narrates a forgotten moment in the history of undocumented immigration, immigration legalization, and refugee law and policy in the United States. The article specifically argues that even though these Russians were defined as refugees under international law and perceived as such by the public, their American defenders deliberately recast them as undocumented immigrants to halt their deportations to the Soviet Union and give them a pathway to citizenship. This history of the Russian refugees illuminates the conditions under which various forms of immigration relief, such as legalization and the grant of refugee status, emerged in American immigration law. As such, it fills a major gap in the scholarly literature that, to date, has provided few accounts of the history of immigration relief.
在大萧条最严重的时候,美国移民归化局(INS)根据1934年6月8日的法案使近2000名无证俄罗斯移民合法化。《至高无上的仁慈:白俄罗斯难民的合法化和移民救济的政治》一书基于他们2000个案例档案的随机样本,讲述了美国无证移民、移民合法化和难民法律和政策历史上一个被遗忘的时刻。这篇文章特别指出,尽管根据国际法,这些俄罗斯人被定义为难民,并且被公众视为难民,但他们的美国辩护者故意将他们重新定义为无证移民,以停止将他们驱逐到苏联,并为他们提供获得公民身份的途径。这段俄罗斯难民的历史说明了美国移民法中出现各种形式的移民救济的条件,如合法化和难民身份的授予。因此,它填补了学术文献中的一个重大空白,迄今为止,这一空白对移民救济历史的描述很少。
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引用次数: 0
Notes on Contributors 投稿人说明
4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.43.1.06
Other| October 01 2023 Notes on Contributors Journal of American Ethnic History (2023) 43 (1): 120. https://doi.org/10.5406/19364695.43.1.06 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Notes on Contributors. Journal of American Ethnic History 1 October 2023; 43 (1): 120. doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/19364695.43.1.06 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressJournal of American Ethnic History Search Advanced Search Miroslava Chávez-García is Professor of History at UCSB and holds affiliations in Chicana/o studies, feminist studies, and Latin American and Iberian studies. Author of Negotiating Conquest (University of Arizona Press, 2004), States of Delinquency (University of California Press, 2012), and Migrant Longing (University of North Carolina Press, 2018), she is currently writing a guidebook for first-gen, low-income, and nontraditional students of color applying to graduate school.S. Deborah Kang is Associate Professor of History in the Corcoran Department of History at the University of Virginia.Waleed F. Mahdi is an associate professor at the University of Oklahoma. He is the author of Arab Americans in Film: From Hollywood and Egyptian Stereotypes to Self-Representation (Syracuse University Press, 2020). His peer-reviewed work appears in American Quarterly, Journal of Cinema and Media Studies, International Journal of Cultural Studies, and Mashriq and Mahjar.Jojo Galvan Mora is a doctoral student... You do not currently have access to this content.
其他| 2023年10月1日《贡献者札记》美国民族历史杂志(2023)43(1):120。https://doi.org/10.5406/19364695.43.1.06查看图标查看文章内容图表和表格视频音频补充数据同行评审共享图标共享Facebook Twitter LinkedIn电子邮件工具图标工具权限引用图标引用搜索网站贡献者引文说明。《美国民族历史杂志》2023年10月1日;43(1): 120。doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/19364695.43.1.06下载引文文件:Zotero参考资料管理器EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex工具栏搜索搜索下拉菜单工具栏搜索搜索输入搜索输入自动建议过滤您的搜索所有学术出版集体伊利诺伊大学出版社美国民族历史杂志搜索高级搜索米罗斯拉瓦Chávez-García是UCSB的历史教授,并在墨西哥/美国研究,女权主义研究,拉丁美洲和伊比利亚研究方面拥有隶属关系。她著有《谈判征服》(亚利桑那大学出版社,2004年)、《犯罪国家》(加州大学出版社,2012年)和《移民的渴望》(北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2018年),目前正在为第一代、低收入和非传统有色人种学生申请研究生院撰写指南。黛博拉·康是弗吉尼亚大学科科伦历史系的历史学副教授。Waleed F. Mahdi是俄克拉荷马大学的副教授。他是《电影中的阿拉伯裔美国人:从好莱坞和埃及的刻板印象到自我表现》(雪城大学出版社,2020年)的作者。他的同行评议作品发表在《美国季刊》、《电影与媒体研究杂志》、《国际文化研究杂志》和《Mashriq and Mahjar》上。Jojo Galvan Mora是一名博士生……您目前没有访问此内容的权限。
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引用次数: 0
Notes on Contributors 投稿人说明
4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.4.15
Research Article| July 01 2023 Notes on Contributors Journal of American Ethnic History (2023) 42 (4): 135–136. https://doi.org/10.5406/19364695.42.4.15 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Permissions Search Site Citation Notes on Contributors. Journal of American Ethnic History 1 July 2023; 42 (4): 135–136. doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/19364695.42.4.15 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressJournal of American Ethnic History Search Advanced Search Elizabeth Barahona is a fifth-year PhD candidate in History at Northwestern University. Her dissertation chronicles how Black and Latinx communities in Durham, North Carolina created grassroots coalitions to address racial injustice in the form of governmental negligence, increased policing, and racial injustice.Llana Barber is Associate Professor of American Studies at the State University of New York College at Old Westbury. She is the author of Latino City: Immigration and Urban Crisis in Lawrence, Massachusetts, 1945–2000 (University of North Carolina Press, 2017).Jesse David Chariton is a PhD student in the history program at Iowa State University. His dissertation research focuses on nineteenth-century German immigration to the American Midwest. Much of his work examines the intersections of immigration and race/ethnicity through the lens of religion and voluntary associations.J. Marlena Edwards is a scholar of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Black transnational migration. She completed her dual doctorate in African... You do not currently have access to this content.
研究论文| 2023年07月01日《美国民族史》(2023)42(4):135-136。https://doi.org/10.5406/19364695.42.4.15引用图标引用共享图标分享Facebook Twitter LinkedIn电子邮件权限搜索网站贡献者引文说明。《美国民族历史杂志》2023年7月1日;42(4): 135-136。doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/19364695.42.4.15下载引文文件:Zotero参考资料管理器EasyBib Bookends Mendeley论文EndNote RefWorks BibTex工具栏搜索搜索下拉菜单工具栏搜索搜索输入搜索输入自动建议过滤您的搜索所有学术出版集体伊利诺伊大学出版社美国民族历史杂志搜索高级搜索伊丽莎白·巴拉霍纳是西北大学历史专业五年级的博士候选人。她的论文记录了北卡罗来纳州达勒姆的黑人和拉丁裔社区如何建立基层联盟,以解决政府疏忽、加强警务和种族不公正等形式的种族不公正问题。Llana Barber是纽约州立大学老韦斯特伯里分校美国研究副教授。她是《拉丁城市:马萨诸塞州劳伦斯的移民和城市危机,1945-2000》(北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2017)的作者。杰西·大卫·查里顿(Jesse David Chariton)是爱荷华州立大学历史学专业的博士生。他的论文研究重点是19世纪德国移民到美国中西部。他的大部分作品都是通过宗教和志愿协会的视角来审视移民和种族/民族的交集。Marlena Edwards是一位研究19世纪末和20世纪初黑人跨国移民的学者。她在非洲获得了双博士学位。您目前没有访问此内容的权限。
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引用次数: 0
“Travel on the Highways of the Broad Atlantic”: Toward a Brief History of the Cape Verdean Packet Trade “大大西洋高速公路上的旅行”:佛得角包裹贸易简史
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.4.02
J. Edwards
Beginning with the purchase of the schooner Nellie May and concluding with the docking of the schooner Ernestina in the Port of New Bedford, Cape Verdeans in southeastern New England and on the Cape Verde islands off the West African coast purchased and refurbished old, decommissioned ships from New Bedford's bygone whaling and fishing era. Between 1892 and 1965, this fleet of ships, named the Cape Verdean Packet Trade, specialized in the transportation of goods, people, and news between the United States and the Cape Verde islands. The packet trade was a large-scale effort that transformed the Atlantic into a highway for Cape Verdean trade, communication, emigration, and family reunification. Cape Verdeans’ radical repurposing of the packet vessels converted the Atlantic Ocean from a site of dispossession, enslavement, and immobility to a reimagined zone of possibility and freedom through mobility for African-descended peoples. These Cape Verdean–owned and operated packets assisted Cape Verdean Americans in maintaining long-term connections to loved ones separated by the Atlantic. In this way, the Cape Verdean Packet Trade's more than 1,200 voyages connected the United States to Cape Verde as part of a transnational social field and single economic universe for more than seventy years.
从购买Nellie May号纵帆船开始,到Ernestina号纵帆船停靠在新贝德福德港结束,新英格兰东南部的佛得角人和西非海岸外的佛得角群岛购买并翻新了新贝德福德过去捕鲸和捕鱼时代的退役旧船。1892年至1965年间,这支名为佛得角包裹贸易的船队专门从事美国和佛得角群岛之间的货物、人员和新闻运输。包裹贸易是一项大规模的努力,它将大西洋变成了佛得角贸易、通信、移民和家庭团聚的高速公路。佛得角彻底改变了包装船的用途,使大西洋从一个被剥夺、奴役和不动的地方变成了一个通过非洲后裔的流动而重新想象的可能性和自由区。这些佛得角拥有和经营的包裹帮助佛得角的美国人与被大西洋隔开的亲人保持长期联系。通过这种方式,70多年来,作为跨国社会领域和单一经济领域的一部分,佛得角包裹贸易的1200多次航行将美国与佛得角连接起来。
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Journal of American Ethnic History
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