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Threat of Dissent: A History of Ideological Exclusion and Deportation in the United States 异议的威胁:美国意识形态排斥和驱逐的历史
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.3.06
Erika Weidemann Bravo
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引用次数: 1
Beyond Slavery's Shadow: Free People of Color in the South 《超越奴隶制的阴影:南方有色人种的自由
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.3.07
Dann J. Broyld
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引用次数: 0
Informality, Recurseo, and Entrepreneurship among Peruvians in Paterson, New Jersey, 1960–2001 1960年至2001年,新泽西州帕特森市秘鲁人的非正规性、复发性和创业精神
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.3.03
Gianncarlo Muschi
This article demonstrates how Peruvians in Paterson, New Jersey, have utilized entrepreneurship and informality to establish the first and most visible enclave of Peruvians in the United States since the 1960s. Central to this story is the concept of recurseo, a slang word used to describe the informal and creative means in which Peruvians utilize their labor experiences and kinship ties for self-employment. By using informality and recurseo, they were able to leave their factory jobs and establish their own businesses. These entrepreneurs opened restaurants, insurance offices, and small corporations that created an emergent market for products and services that contributed to the development of a thriving ethnic enclave. The informal economic practices introduced by Peruvians altered the social and economic landscape of Paterson and helped to revitalize the local economy. Through the use of oral histories from Peruvian entrepreneurs, archival material from local newspapers, and memoirs declassified by the Peruvian consulate of Paterson, this article challenges the oversimplified portrayal of Peruvians and other Latino immigrants as factory or farm workers with few opportunities for socio-economic advancement. It demonstrates that Latinos use informality and other alternative avenues to achieve wealth and ethnic empowerment in the process of adjustment and community building.
这篇文章展示了自20世纪60年代以来,新泽西州帕特森的秘鲁人如何利用创业精神和非正式生活建立了美国第一块也是最显眼的秘鲁飞地。这个故事的核心是recurseo的概念,这是一个俚语,用来描述秘鲁人利用他们的劳动经验和亲属关系进行自营职业的非正式和创造性手段。通过使用非正式和递归,他们能够离开工厂工作,建立自己的企业。这些企业家开设了餐馆、保险公司和小公司,为产品和服务创造了一个新兴市场,为繁荣的民族飞地的发展做出了贡献。秘鲁人引入的非正规经济做法改变了帕特森的社会和经济格局,有助于振兴当地经济。通过使用秘鲁企业家的口述历史、当地报纸的档案材料和秘鲁帕特森领事馆解密的回忆录,这篇文章挑战了将秘鲁人和其他拉丁裔移民过于简单地描述为几乎没有社会经济进步机会的工厂或农场工人的做法。它表明,拉丁裔人在调整和社区建设过程中使用非正式和其他替代途径来实现财富和种族赋权。
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引用次数: 0
“Virtual Ethnic Town Hall”: WeChat and Suburban Chinese Migrants’ Multidirectional Activism “虚拟民族市政厅”:微信与中国郊区移民的多向活动
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.3.01
Lisong Liu
The so-called rise of the Chinese American right, particularly suburban migrants from mainland China who have become vocal in local and national politics, has gained both public and scholarly attention in recent years. This article focuses on a suburban Chinese community in Greater Boston and examines its 2017 and 2018 debates on WeChat (the most popular social media platform among ethnic Chinese) concerning the controversial Asian American data disaggregation bill H.3361. Along with in-depth interviews with community members and activists, these WeChat discussions show four different and subtle positions on the bill, revealing that suburban Chinese migrants are not a monolithic group and those opposing the bill are not always conservatives. Although some observers describe WeChat as the “virtual Chinatown,” this article argues that it has been a “virtual ethnic town hall” where migrants can debate community issues, understand American society, and practice democracy. This article also provides a much-needed analysis of the sending country's impacts on migrants’ views of race, class, mobility, and sovereignty. It ends with migrants’ responses to more recent events such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the increasing China-bashing and anti-Asian hate (including the proposed WeChat ban), highlighting the community's vociferousness and resilience in defending its rights and redefining its identity at a historical crossroads.
近年来,所谓的华裔右翼崛起,尤其是来自中国大陆的郊区移民,在地方和国家政治中发声,引起了公众和学术界的关注。本文聚焦于大波士顿的一个郊区华人社区,并考察了其2017年和2018年在微信(华人中最受欢迎的社交媒体平台)上关于有争议的亚裔美国人数据分类法案H.3361的辩论。除了对社区成员和活动人士的深入采访外,这些微信讨论还显示了对该法案的四种不同而微妙的立场,揭示了中国郊区移民并不是一个单一的群体,反对该法案的人也并不总是保守派。尽管一些观察人士将微信描述为“虚拟唐人街”,但本文认为,它一直是一个“虚拟的种族市政厅”,移民可以在这里辩论社区问题,了解美国社会,并实践民主。本文还对派遣国对移民种族、阶级、流动性和主权观的影响进行了急需的分析。最后,移民对新冠肺炎疫情和日益严重的中国化和反亚裔仇恨(包括拟议的微信禁令)等最近事件的反应,突显了该社区在历史十字路口捍卫自己的权利和重新定义自己身份方面的呼声和韧性。
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引用次数: 0
Suffer the Little Children: Child Migration and the Geopolitics of Compassion in the United States 让孩子受苦:美国的儿童移民与同情地缘政治
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.3.10
Sarah R. Meiners
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引用次数: 3
Greece, Poland, and the Construction of American Irish Catholic Identity in the New York Truth Teller, 1820–1845 希腊、波兰与《纽约真相讲述者》中美国-爱尔兰天主教身份的建构,1820–1845
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.2.03
Robert O'Sullivan
The Greek War of Independence (1821–1832) and the abortive November Uprising in Poland (1830–1831) were two major developments in nineteenth-century European history, and both became central to foundational narratives of European modernity. These events have, however, received scant attention by American immigration historians. Despite this neglect, both were integral to how the New York Truth Teller, the leading Irish Catholic newspaper in New York in the years before the Famine, attempted to consolidate an Irish Catholic ethnic identity in the United States. The Truth Teller's contributors interpreted the Greek and Polish conflicts through reference to a specific narrative of Irish history as one of unparalleled suffering. In doing so, the paper kept American Irish Catholics informed about contemporary events in Europe. In comparing Irish Catholic history to the contemporary struggles of Greece and Poland, the Truth Teller insisted that neither Greece nor Poland had experienced suffering comparable to the persecution of Protestant Ascendency Ireland. This article is a corrective to scholarship that has underemphasized the importance of the Truth Teller to Irish Catholic identity in the United States before the Famine and undervalued the relevance of European events for the construction of American Irish Catholic identity.
希腊独立战争(1821-1832)和波兰流产的十一月起义(1830-1831)是19世纪欧洲历史上的两个主要发展,都成为欧洲现代性基础叙事的核心。然而,这些事件很少受到美国移民历史学家的关注。尽管被忽视了,但在饥荒前的几年里,《纽约实话实说人》(the New York Truth Teller)是纽约主要的爱尔兰天主教报纸,它试图在美国巩固爱尔兰天主教的种族认同,二者都是不可或缺的。《实话实说》的撰稿人通过对爱尔兰历史的具体叙述来解释希腊和波兰的冲突,认为这是一场无与伦比的苦难。通过这样做,该报让美国爱尔兰天主教徒了解到欧洲的当代事件。在将爱尔兰天主教的历史与当代希腊和波兰的斗争进行比较时,“诚实人”坚持认为,希腊和波兰都没有经历过与新教统治爱尔兰的迫害相比的苦难。这篇文章是对学术研究的纠正,这些研究低估了饥荒前《实话实说者》对美国爱尔兰天主教徒身份认同的重要性,低估了欧洲事件对美国爱尔兰天主教徒身份认同建构的相关性。
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引用次数: 0
The Color of Loyalty: Rumors and Race-Making in First World War America 忠诚的颜色:第一次世界大战美国的谣言和种族制造
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.2.02
C. Givens
During World War I, white Americans heard and retold numerous stories that the nation's racial minorities—above all African and Mexican Americans—would make easy, or even eager, targets of German subversion. Although these rumors have not been studied as vehicles for the reproduction of race, nor as specific tools for the defense of white supremacy, they both reflected and reinforced notions of racially contingent citizenship through their emphasis on differential capacities for loyalty. Minorities’ allegedly inferior attachment to the nation demonstrated their ineligibility for its full blessings, while whites’ privileges rested on claims of their unquestioned allegiance to the war effort. As such, disloyalty rumors provided a national security justification for new and ongoing attempts to secure racial hierarchy that included violence, organizing and arming white power groups, immobilizing racialized labor, and denouncing nascent civil rights movements as foreign-inspired. The wartime discourse of loyalty was not just exclusionary, however, as African and Mexican Americans both refuted and exploited the rumors as a means to demonstrate and demand an equal place within the national community.
第一次世界大战期间,美国白人听到并复述了许多故事,说美国的少数族裔——尤其是非洲裔和墨西哥裔美国人——很容易,甚至急切地成为德国颠覆的目标。虽然这些谣言并没有作为种族再生产的工具来研究,也没有作为捍卫白人至上主义的具体工具来研究,但它们都通过强调忠诚的不同能力,反映并强化了种族偶然公民身份的概念。少数民族对国家所谓的低人一等的依恋表明他们没有资格得到国家的全部祝福,而白人的特权则建立在他们对战争努力的毫无疑问的忠诚之上。因此,不忠的谣言为新的和正在进行的确保种族等级的尝试提供了国家安全的理由,包括暴力,组织和武装白人权力团体,固定种族化的劳工,以及谴责新生的民权运动是外国启发的。然而,战时关于忠诚的话语并不仅仅是排他性的,因为非洲裔和墨西哥裔美国人都驳斥并利用这些谣言作为一种手段来展示和要求在国家社区中享有平等的地位。
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引用次数: 0
Pocahontas and the English Boys: Caught between Cultures in Early Virginia 波卡洪塔斯与英国男孩:夹在弗吉尼亚早期文化之间
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.2.05
K. Shefveland
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引用次数: 0
Divided by the Wall: Progressive and Conservative Immigration Politics at the US–Mexico Border 被隔离墙分割:美墨边境的进步与保守移民政治
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.2.04
Gerson Rosales
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引用次数: 0
Toward a Transnational History of Wartime Japanese Americans: Nisei and Imperial Japan's Race Propaganda 迈向战时日裔美国人的跨国历史:日裔与日本帝国的种族宣传
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.5406/19364695.42.2.01
Eiichiro Azuma
This essay examines a wartime experience of Japanese Americans (Nisei) in Japan, proposing to view them as US–originated immigrants abroad. Several thousand Nisei resided in their ancestral land at the time of the attack on Pearl Harbor, and many struggled with negative public perceptions associated with their enemy birthland as well as pressures to be assimilated into their racial home. Based on the belief in blood ties, the official demands for these Nisei included not only the prioritizing of racial belonging over birthright citizenship but also their total commitment to Japan's anti-American war. Through an analysis of rarely consulted primary sources, this essay first explains these Nisei's efforts at double ethnicization: safeguarding an identity as a US–reared subgroup of Japan's imperial subjects while distinguishing them from their compatriots stateside. Their wartime history also entailed incorporation into Japan's psychological warfare, but resident Nisei managed to exploit their cultural attributes rooted in American upbringing—“special talents” that were deemed invaluable for anti–US propaganda. While working as radio announcers and scriptwriters, many Nisei authored numerous materials about racist America based on their pre-migration experience as a persecuted US minority. Only by serving as messengers and producers of race propaganda knowledge could they legitimately remain “Nisei,” or Japanese of US background, in the land that abhorred things American. This transnational story of wartime Nisei formed a grossly understudied aspect of American (im)migration and ethnic history—one that seldom views native-born US citizens as immigrants or an ethnic group in a foreign land.
本文考察了日裔美国人在日本的战时经历,提出将他们视为美国移民。珍珠港袭击事件发生时,数千名尼塞人居住在他们的祖先土地上,许多人与公众对他们敌人出生地的负面看法以及被同化为他们种族家园的压力作斗争。基于对血缘关系的信仰,对这些日裔的官方要求不仅包括将种族归属置于与生俱来的公民权之上,还包括他们对日本反美战争的全面承诺。通过对很少查阅的主要资料的分析,本文首先解释了日成在双重种族化方面所做的努力:在将日本帝国臣民与美国同胞区分开来的同时,维护美国培养的日本帝国臣民的身份。他们的战时历史也涉及到日本的心理战,但居民Nisei设法利用了他们植根于美国成长过程中的文化属性——被认为对反美宣传非常宝贵的“特殊人才”。在担任电台播音员和编剧期间,许多尼塞人根据移民前作为受迫害的美国少数民族的经历,撰写了许多关于种族主义美国的材料。只有充当种族宣传知识的信使和生产者,他们才能合法地在厌恶美国事物的土地上保持“日裔”或具有美国背景的日本人。这个关于战时尼塞人的跨国故事构成了美国移民和种族历史的一个研究严重不足的方面——一个很少将土生土长的美国公民视为移民或外国民族的方面。
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Journal of American Ethnic History
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