Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2031908
Sonja Levsen, K. Patel
ABSTRACT For many political activists in the long 1970s, identifying with a ‘transnational’ or ‘global’ protest movement provided both legitimacy for their claims and stood for the promise of sweeping change. This special issue argues that research focusing on processes of ‘transnationalization’ has often tended to reproduce such perceptions. Building upon a recently emerging trend to diversify the methodological repertoire of transnational history, the authors propose that it is time to take clear analytical distance from the perspectives of contemporary activists and go beyond examining the sheer act and fact of border crossing. Instead, we need to analyse competing transnational spaces of the long 1970s, of which they propose to distinguish three: imagined spaces of belonging and solidarity; spaces of knowledge circulation; and spaces of social experience and political action. Seeing them in their physical, geographical dimension and relating them to each other allows us to ask new questions and to develop a more precise picture of the spatial transformations of the period.
{"title":"Imagined transnationalism? Mapping transnational spaces of political activism in Europe’s long 1970s","authors":"Sonja Levsen, K. Patel","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2031908","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2031908","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT For many political activists in the long 1970s, identifying with a ‘transnational’ or ‘global’ protest movement provided both legitimacy for their claims and stood for the promise of sweeping change. This special issue argues that research focusing on processes of ‘transnationalization’ has often tended to reproduce such perceptions. Building upon a recently emerging trend to diversify the methodological repertoire of transnational history, the authors propose that it is time to take clear analytical distance from the perspectives of contemporary activists and go beyond examining the sheer act and fact of border crossing. Instead, we need to analyse competing transnational spaces of the long 1970s, of which they propose to distinguish three: imagined spaces of belonging and solidarity; spaces of knowledge circulation; and spaces of social experience and political action. Seeing them in their physical, geographical dimension and relating them to each other allows us to ask new questions and to develop a more precise picture of the spatial transformations of the period.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126775251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2021.1962254
Kevin O’Sullivan
ABSTRACT This article uses the experiences of expatriate aid workers in South Asia to examine the contours of the global aid industry in the long 1970s. It begins by outlining the impact of the crisis on the aid sector, before using case studies of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) from three Anglophone states – Britain, Canada (Québec excepted) and Ireland – to examine the spaces of social experience, spaces of knowledge circulation and imagined spaces of belonging and solidarity in which ideas of aid-giving were made. The article is framed through a concept that ethnographers call ‘Aidland’: the mix of volunteers, experts and aid professionals that make up the aid community. Taking this model as its starting point, the article makes three claims about the aid community that emerged in South Asia and what its story tells us about transnational activism in the long 1970s. The first is to see this as a moment of acceleration for the sector, in which its activities radically diversified while simultaneously carrying with them the baggage of what had come before. Second, and related, it argues that gwhile there were certain characteristics that were common to aid workers in every environment, we should be careful not to lose sight of the specific contextual factors and points of reference on which responses to humanitarian crises were based. Understanding that complexity, and its consequences, provides us with the basis for the final claim put forward here. By laying bare the processes through which ‘Aidland’ was constructed in South Asia, we can test how that community imagined and reinforced a particular (paternalistic) role for itself in the Third World.
{"title":"Aidland in South Asia: humanitarian crisis and the contours of the global aid industry in the long 1970s","authors":"Kevin O’Sullivan","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2021.1962254","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2021.1962254","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article uses the experiences of expatriate aid workers in South Asia to examine the contours of the global aid industry in the long 1970s. It begins by outlining the impact of the crisis on the aid sector, before using case studies of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) from three Anglophone states – Britain, Canada (Québec excepted) and Ireland – to examine the spaces of social experience, spaces of knowledge circulation and imagined spaces of belonging and solidarity in which ideas of aid-giving were made. The article is framed through a concept that ethnographers call ‘Aidland’: the mix of volunteers, experts and aid professionals that make up the aid community. Taking this model as its starting point, the article makes three claims about the aid community that emerged in South Asia and what its story tells us about transnational activism in the long 1970s. The first is to see this as a moment of acceleration for the sector, in which its activities radically diversified while simultaneously carrying with them the baggage of what had come before. Second, and related, it argues that gwhile there were certain characteristics that were common to aid workers in every environment, we should be careful not to lose sight of the specific contextual factors and points of reference on which responses to humanitarian crises were based. Understanding that complexity, and its consequences, provides us with the basis for the final claim put forward here. By laying bare the processes through which ‘Aidland’ was constructed in South Asia, we can test how that community imagined and reinforced a particular (paternalistic) role for itself in the Third World.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126331644","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2042489
Eva Oberloskamp
ABSTRACT This article analyses the cross-border connections of activism against the civil use of nuclear power in Great Britain and West Germany during the 1970s. Through a novel synthesis of the existing literature and broad new source material, it aims at a more differentiated insight into the nature of transnationalism and its importance for anti-nuclear power activism. The article advances the first comprehensive historiographic investigation to date on British activism against the civil use of nuclear power which emerged during the second half of the 1970s, albeit as a relatively weak movement. A central argument of the article is that anti-nuclear power activism was significantly marked by transnational reference spaces, but that this transnationalism was ambiguous because its scope and intensity were often rooted in the specific national contexts and simultaneously had nationally specific repercussions on the activists. The comparative perspective reveals interesting peculiarities. In the UK – except for Scotland – restricted transnational openness, mostly to English-speaking and transatlantic ties, went along with an especially limited dynamic and impact of the movement. The anti-nuclear movement in West Germany, conversely, was exceptionally strong, and developed a regionally rooted, nationally shaped and cosmopolitan-oriented self-image that included high inclinations towards transnational openness. It was exactly this openness which, in return, contributed to further enhancing a specific West German identity of the movement, entailing practices of direct action and sometimes even violent behaviour.
{"title":"Ambiguities of transnationalism: social opposition to the civil use of nuclear power in the United Kingdom and in West Germany during the 1970s","authors":"Eva Oberloskamp","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2042489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2042489","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses the cross-border connections of activism against the civil use of nuclear power in Great Britain and West Germany during the 1970s. Through a novel synthesis of the existing literature and broad new source material, it aims at a more differentiated insight into the nature of transnationalism and its importance for anti-nuclear power activism. The article advances the first comprehensive historiographic investigation to date on British activism against the civil use of nuclear power which emerged during the second half of the 1970s, albeit as a relatively weak movement. A central argument of the article is that anti-nuclear power activism was significantly marked by transnational reference spaces, but that this transnationalism was ambiguous because its scope and intensity were often rooted in the specific national contexts and simultaneously had nationally specific repercussions on the activists. The comparative perspective reveals interesting peculiarities. In the UK – except for Scotland – restricted transnational openness, mostly to English-speaking and transatlantic ties, went along with an especially limited dynamic and impact of the movement. The anti-nuclear movement in West Germany, conversely, was exceptionally strong, and developed a regionally rooted, nationally shaped and cosmopolitan-oriented self-image that included high inclinations towards transnational openness. It was exactly this openness which, in return, contributed to further enhancing a specific West German identity of the movement, entailing practices of direct action and sometimes even violent behaviour.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132464835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2031909
K. Patel, Sonja Levsen
ABSTRACT The conclusion to this special issue concentrates on the conceptual and especially the methodological dimensions of the editors’ findings, presenting them in four steps. In doing so, it sketches the ways in which their approach can change the understanding of the spatial transformations associated with ‘transnationalism’, also beyond the history of political activism during Europe’s ‘long’ 1970s. More precisely, the text first assesses the role of space in transnational history by contending that there is great heuristic value in analysing the physical and geographical dimensions of transnational interactions. It then discusses the overlaps and mismatches between the three kinds of transnational spaces they have identified: imagined spaces of solidarity and belonging; spaces of social experience and political action; and spaces of knowledge circulation. Thirdly, it emphasizes the infrastructural underbelly and its impact on the various forms of exchange before, in a fourth and final step, the article discusses how their approach helps with the arrival of a more sophisticated understanding of the significance of transnational connections. All in all, the editors argue that a more elaborate understanding of space has the potential to open up a whole new field of enquiry. It can help to generate fresh insights into the history of activism and social movements, but also to arrive at a better understanding of the very nature of transnational processes.
{"title":"The spatial contours of transnational activism: conceptual implications and the road forward","authors":"K. Patel, Sonja Levsen","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2031909","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2031909","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The conclusion to this special issue concentrates on the conceptual and especially the methodological dimensions of the editors’ findings, presenting them in four steps. In doing so, it sketches the ways in which their approach can change the understanding of the spatial transformations associated with ‘transnationalism’, also beyond the history of political activism during Europe’s ‘long’ 1970s. More precisely, the text first assesses the role of space in transnational history by contending that there is great heuristic value in analysing the physical and geographical dimensions of transnational interactions. It then discusses the overlaps and mismatches between the three kinds of transnational spaces they have identified: imagined spaces of solidarity and belonging; spaces of social experience and political action; and spaces of knowledge circulation. Thirdly, it emphasizes the infrastructural underbelly and its impact on the various forms of exchange before, in a fourth and final step, the article discusses how their approach helps with the arrival of a more sophisticated understanding of the significance of transnational connections. All in all, the editors argue that a more elaborate understanding of space has the potential to open up a whole new field of enquiry. It can help to generate fresh insights into the history of activism and social movements, but also to arrive at a better understanding of the very nature of transnational processes.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"98 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115314825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2021.1971625
David Spreen
ABSTRACT That the European protest movements of the 1960s and 1970s were marked by transnational connections, mobilities and interactions is now widely accepted. This article takes two West German Maoist parties and their multi-layered transnational connections as a vantage point from which to explore the role that Albania and its Cold War broadcaster, Radio Tirana, played in establishing transnational Maoism as a global language of protest able to accommodate a wide variety of political causes in the aftermath of decolonization. Looking at transnationalism in different modes – understood here as different conceptual spaces – reveals that Maoist transnationalism was highly uneven. The article argues that the global Cold War both created the conditions under which China and Albania could become the centre of global Maoism and undermined the ideological coherence of Maoism. As the Sino-Albanian alliance began to unravel, Maoism as a global space of belonging also became increasingly fractured, although the effects of disintegration were again uneven: broadcasting and the circulation of Maoist knowledge continued – even expanded – while Maoism as a plausible politics in the Global North increasingly faded into the background.
{"title":"Signal strength excellent in West Germany: Radio Tirana, European Maoist internationalism and its disintegration in the global seventies","authors":"David Spreen","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2021.1971625","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2021.1971625","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT That the European protest movements of the 1960s and 1970s were marked by transnational connections, mobilities and interactions is now widely accepted. This article takes two West German Maoist parties and their multi-layered transnational connections as a vantage point from which to explore the role that Albania and its Cold War broadcaster, Radio Tirana, played in establishing transnational Maoism as a global language of protest able to accommodate a wide variety of political causes in the aftermath of decolonization. Looking at transnationalism in different modes – understood here as different conceptual spaces – reveals that Maoist transnationalism was highly uneven. The article argues that the global Cold War both created the conditions under which China and Albania could become the centre of global Maoism and undermined the ideological coherence of Maoism. As the Sino-Albanian alliance began to unravel, Maoism as a global space of belonging also became increasingly fractured, although the effects of disintegration were again uneven: broadcasting and the circulation of Maoist knowledge continued – even expanded – while Maoism as a plausible politics in the Global North increasingly faded into the background.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128445537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2021.1962253
Pablo del Hierro
ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the transnational neofascist network during the long 1970s. Specifically, it revolves around the period between the consolidation of the generational change (made explicit in 1968), and the beginning of the 1980s, when many of these political actors decided to migrate to South America, increasingly aware of the shortcomings of their European project. From a spatial perspective, this paper concentrates on the concept of a ‘Third Force Europe’, paying particular attention to Latin connections, especially France, Italy, Spain and Portugal – countries which remained at the forefront of the network. The main premise will be that the new generation of neofascist militants that was beginning to dominate the political stage during the 1960s was dissatisfied with the old ways in which neofascist groups were conducting politics, thus becoming determined to find a place to be politically active outside the traditional parties; in fact, they needed to find their own political space vis-à-vis the more nostalgic older generation. This physical space would eventually be found in Italy, Spain, Portugal and many Latin American countries which had offered a safe refuge for the older fascists who had wanted not only to escape, but also to settle down and consolidate a series of political and personal relationships which they had established over the past two decades. From a strategic perspective, the growing dissatisfaction would also create a new form of struggle: black terrorism. This terrorism became widespread in Europe in the late 1960s and 1970s and, as a result of this, many neofascists were forced to flee their countries to find refuge, once again, in Spain, Portugal and Latin America. This diaspora would further enhance transnational neofascist cooperation that would reach one of its high points between 1969 and 1981.
{"title":"‘From Brest to Bucharest’: Neofascist transnational networks during the long 1970s","authors":"Pablo del Hierro","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2021.1962253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2021.1962253","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the transnational neofascist network during the long 1970s. Specifically, it revolves around the period between the consolidation of the generational change (made explicit in 1968), and the beginning of the 1980s, when many of these political actors decided to migrate to South America, increasingly aware of the shortcomings of their European project. From a spatial perspective, this paper concentrates on the concept of a ‘Third Force Europe’, paying particular attention to Latin connections, especially France, Italy, Spain and Portugal – countries which remained at the forefront of the network. The main premise will be that the new generation of neofascist militants that was beginning to dominate the political stage during the 1960s was dissatisfied with the old ways in which neofascist groups were conducting politics, thus becoming determined to find a place to be politically active outside the traditional parties; in fact, they needed to find their own political space vis-à-vis the more nostalgic older generation. This physical space would eventually be found in Italy, Spain, Portugal and many Latin American countries which had offered a safe refuge for the older fascists who had wanted not only to escape, but also to settle down and consolidate a series of political and personal relationships which they had established over the past two decades. From a strategic perspective, the growing dissatisfaction would also create a new form of struggle: black terrorism. This terrorism became widespread in Europe in the late 1960s and 1970s and, as a result of this, many neofascists were forced to flee their countries to find refuge, once again, in Spain, Portugal and Latin America. This diaspora would further enhance transnational neofascist cooperation that would reach one of its high points between 1969 and 1981.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131355472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2021.2019685
M. Baár
ABSTRACT This article focuses on European transnational activism in the long 1970s. Using the independent living movement as a case study, it illuminates how new spaces of knowledge production, social experience and political activism often emerged from informal contacts. Such initiatives challenged the medical understanding of disability and questioned the expertise of medical and rehabilitation personnel: activists fighting for the elimination of spatial segregation redefined disability into a social condition and asserted that the source of expertise was above all the lived experience. More conventional professional spaces of exchange also intensified and diversified in this period, as the example of two networks representing people with intellectual and developmental disabilities reveals: one fashioned itself as a space of neutral professional exchange, whereas the other also engaged in activism. Yet another instance of diversification is the coming into being of the world’s first cross-disability organization in 1981. The article reveals the ideological tensions and practical obstacles that restricted international exchange and the manifestations of solidarity. In particular, it points to the mismatched expectations between activists from Europe and North America who defined solidarity in terms of identity politics, and those from the Global South who tended to equate it with financial aid.
{"title":"Seeking inclusion through redefining expertise: the changing spatial contours of disability activism in the long 1970s","authors":"M. Baár","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2021.2019685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2021.2019685","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article focuses on European transnational activism in the long 1970s. Using the independent living movement as a case study, it illuminates how new spaces of knowledge production, social experience and political activism often emerged from informal contacts. Such initiatives challenged the medical understanding of disability and questioned the expertise of medical and rehabilitation personnel: activists fighting for the elimination of spatial segregation redefined disability into a social condition and asserted that the source of expertise was above all the lived experience. More conventional professional spaces of exchange also intensified and diversified in this period, as the example of two networks representing people with intellectual and developmental disabilities reveals: one fashioned itself as a space of neutral professional exchange, whereas the other also engaged in activism. Yet another instance of diversification is the coming into being of the world’s first cross-disability organization in 1981. The article reveals the ideological tensions and practical obstacles that restricted international exchange and the manifestations of solidarity. In particular, it points to the mismatched expectations between activists from Europe and North America who defined solidarity in terms of identity politics, and those from the Global South who tended to equate it with financial aid.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"163 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127409161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-13DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2037348
Thomas J. Sojka
{"title":"Foundations: how the built environment made twentieth-century Britain","authors":"Thomas J. Sojka","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2037348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2037348","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123614510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-06DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2051897
C. Faucher
This
这
{"title":"Americanisation: une histoire mondiale XVIIIe–XXIe siècles","authors":"C. Faucher","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2051897","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2051897","url":null,"abstract":"This","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121269884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-06DOI: 10.1080/13507486.2022.2051442
Marc Dorpema
ABSTRACT This article is concerned with the still understudied and frequently misunderstood 1970s. It homes in on Dutch foreign policy regarding Great Britain and European integration to question the long-standing assumption that Dutch policymaking in this period became ‘realistic’ and consumed by a yearning for ‘instrumental supranationalism’. Through a study of Dutch and British government archives, this paper thus lays bare the contradictions that inhered in Dutch visions of European integration and asks how Dutch aims could be squared with support for British accession, ultimately demonstrating why ‘realistic’ and ‘irrational’ are perilous analytical categories when used to interrogate large bureaucratic machineries composed of many individuals with different goals and desires struggling over limited resources.
{"title":"Funny friends? Dutch foreign policy, Great Britain and European integration in the ‘long’ 1970s","authors":"Marc Dorpema","doi":"10.1080/13507486.2022.2051442","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2051442","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article is concerned with the still understudied and frequently misunderstood 1970s. It homes in on Dutch foreign policy regarding Great Britain and European integration to question the long-standing assumption that Dutch policymaking in this period became ‘realistic’ and consumed by a yearning for ‘instrumental supranationalism’. Through a study of Dutch and British government archives, this paper thus lays bare the contradictions that inhered in Dutch visions of European integration and asks how Dutch aims could be squared with support for British accession, ultimately demonstrating why ‘realistic’ and ‘irrational’ are perilous analytical categories when used to interrogate large bureaucratic machineries composed of many individuals with different goals and desires struggling over limited resources.","PeriodicalId":151994,"journal":{"name":"European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134100414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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