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The 1994 and 1999 Electoral Process/Systems: Promoting Democracy in South Africa 1994年和1999年选举进程/制度:促进南非的民主
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V6I1.27306
C. Bauer
South Africa's general elections of 1994 was a unique occurrence in the country's history, having for the first time enfranchised the majority of the country's citizens. The 1999 elections advanced this process of democratizing the South African policy. This article examines the electoral systems that were applied to two elections, as well as the role of the Independent Electoral Commission in connection with those two elections. It argues that the legal and institutional frameworks established by the relevant laws ensured free and fair elections; but above all they advanced the democratization process. (A. J. of Political Science: 2001 6(1): 105-122)
南非1994年的大选是该国历史上的一次独特事件,它第一次使该国大多数公民获得了选举权。1999年的选举推动了南非政策民主化的进程。本文审查了适用于两次选举的选举制度,以及独立选举委员会在这两次选举中的作用。它认为,有关法律所建立的法律和体制框架确保了自由和公正的选举;但最重要的是,他们推动了民主化进程。(政治科学学报,2001 6(1):105-122)
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引用次数: 2
African Renaissance in the New Millennium? From Anarchy to Emerging Markets? 新千年的非洲文艺复兴?从无政府状态到新兴市场?
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V5I1.27312
T. Shaw, J. Nyang'oro
The political economy of Africa is at the crossroads. The centrally controlled economies are giving way to global liberalism. Yet many of the continent's economies are still suffering from the residual effects of centralism, while poorly adjusting to the new dispensation. In the meantime, regionalism as a development strategy seems to be getting a new lease of life in the general development discourse in Africa while assuming varying forms. Furthermore, under globalization, Africa maybe on the verge of becoming an important player as an emerging market. Such forms of development are creating a dynamism in the new political economy of the continent, which may drive the African renaissance. (A. J. of Political Science: 2001 5(1): 14-28)
非洲的政治经济正处于十字路口。中央控制的经济正在让位于全球自由主义。然而,欧洲大陆的许多经济体仍在遭受中央集权的残余影响,同时难以适应新的分配。与此同时,区域主义作为一种发展战略似乎在非洲的一般发展话语中获得了新的生机,同时采取了不同的形式。此外,在全球化的背景下,非洲可能即将成为一个新兴市场的重要参与者。这种形式的发展正在为非洲大陆的新政治经济创造一种活力,这可能推动非洲的复兴。(政治科学学报,2001,5(1):14-28)
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引用次数: 37
Africanization of the World in the Third Milleniun: A Prognosis of Population Dynamics 第三个千年的世界非洲化:人口动态的预测
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V6I2.27300
C. Kamuzora
Dreaded doomsday ageing consequences, particularly in European countries and Japan, a result of past protracted fertility decline, provides a pivotal lesson. High- fertility Africa is perceived as having a unique historical opportunity, not only to avoid ageing but as some solution to the ageing world also. This article reviews the consequences of ageing in Europe: a predicament, particularly with the impossibility of low-fertility reversal. In contrast, Africa is argued as continuing with a young age structure, even with fertility conservatively put at replacement as early as 2035 to reflect relevant young generations' lower desires. With Europe allowed replacement fertility in the long-run, population projections are made. Resulting world regions' population shares show Africa's increasing, with AIDS argued as insignificant; similarly, pointing to population growth as never being deleterious. Attention, however, is directed to trends in Africa's young age structure, hence her historical unique opportunity: avoiding ageing and possibly lending its labour force to ageing Europe. Challenges of maintaining Africa's fertility above replacement, and labour export acceptance to Europe, are realized, but argued as positively surmountable. >br>(Af. J. of Political Science: 2001 6(2): 59-76
可怕的世界末日老龄化后果,特别是在欧洲国家和日本,提供了一个关键的教训,这是过去长期生育率下降的结果。高生育率的非洲被认为拥有独特的历史机遇,不仅可以避免人口老龄化,还可以解决世界老龄化问题。这篇文章回顾了欧洲老龄化的后果:一种困境,特别是低生育率逆转的不可能。相比之下,非洲被认为继续保持年轻的年龄结构,即使保守地认为生育率最早将在2035年达到更替水平,以反映相关年轻一代的较低欲望。随着欧洲允许长期的替代生育率,人口预测得以实现。由此得出的世界各地区的人口比例显示,非洲的人口在增加,艾滋病被认为是微不足道的;同样,他指出人口增长从来都不是有害的。然而,人们的注意力集中在非洲年轻人口结构的趋势上,因此,她的历史机遇独特:避免老龄化,并可能将其劳动力借给老龄化的欧洲。保持非洲的生育率高于更替水平以及接受欧洲的劳动力出口的挑战已经实现,但被认为是完全可以克服的。> br >(房颤。政治学报,2001,6(2):59-76
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引用次数: 3
Transitions from Democracy in Nigeria: Toward a Pre-emptive Analysis 尼日利亚的民主转型:走向先发制人的分析
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V7I1.27326
Ehimika A. Ifidon
Two 'fully fledged' democratic administrations in Nigeria have been terminated by military coups d'etat since independence in 1960. Having, in addition ruled for about 30 out of over 40 years of sovereign existence, the military has been described as the obstacle to the consolidation of democracy. But what a critical reading of Nigeria's political history would reveal is that the elected governments were in the throes of death almost from their inauguration, while the state had virtually collapsed by general election time. The military coup, thus, became a kind of euthanasia. In both cases of breakdown, there was a repeated pattern of transition from democracy marked by depluralization, state appropriation, delegitimation of regimes, inter-hegemonic conflict and, finally, military coup. These are argued as consequences of the peculiar political and intergroup environment of Nigeria and character of the state. Therefore, every future democratic administration is susceptible to the same trajectory. Yet, the progressively degrading tenor of life under military rule has highlighted the intrinsic value of democracy. This article, therefore, attempts to create, from a genetic analysis of the collapse of democracy in Nigeria, the groundwork for a pre-emptive analysis.
自1960年独立以来,尼日利亚两届“完全成熟”的民主政府都被军事政变终止。此外,在40多年的主权存在中,军方统治了大约30年,被描述为巩固民主的障碍。但是,对尼日利亚政治史的批判性解读会发现,民选政府几乎从就职之日起就处于死亡的阵痛中,而国家在大选时实际上已经崩溃。因此,军事政变成了一种安乐死。在这两种崩溃的情况下,都有一种从民主过渡的反复模式,其特点是非多元化、国家拨款、政权的非法化、霸权间冲突以及最后的军事政变。有人认为,这是尼日利亚特殊的政治和群体间环境以及国家性质造成的后果。因此,每一个未来的民主政府都容易受到同样轨迹的影响。然而,在军事统治下日益堕落的生活却突出了民主的内在价值。因此,本文试图从对尼日利亚民主崩溃的基因分析出发,为先发制人的分析奠定基础。
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引用次数: 9
From "eco-pessimism" to "eco-optimism" — ECOMOG and The West African Integration Process 从“生态悲观主义”到“生态乐观主义”——西非监测组和西非一体化进程
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V4I1.27344
Emmanuel Kwesl Aning
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引用次数: 7
Human Rights and the African Renaissance 人权与非洲文艺复兴
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V5I1.27316
K. A. Acheampong
This article examines the idea of African renaissance in relation to the teaching of human rights in African schools. It explores the connection between the African Renaissance and human rights, and whether there is a specific African concept of human rights. In the light of these discussions, the article sketches a perspective that should underpin the teaching of human rights a task that the African Charter on Human & Peoples' Rights, 1981 obligates its States Parties to undertake. (A. J. of Political Science: 2001 5(1): 105-123)
本文探讨了非洲复兴与非洲学校人权教学的关系。它探讨了非洲文艺复兴与人权之间的联系,以及是否存在一个特定的非洲人权概念。根据这些讨论,这篇文章概述了一种应该支持人权教学的观点,这是1981年《非洲人权和人民权利宪章》责成其缔约国承担的一项任务。[j] .政治科学,2001,5(1):105-123。]
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引用次数: 3
Corruption in sub-Saharan Africa: Towards a More Holistic Approach 撒哈拉以南非洲的腐败:走向更全面的方法
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V7I1.27324
M. Mulinge, G. Lesetedi
The essay attempts to discuss the genesis and entrenchment of corruption in sub-Saharan Africa taking a holistic approach. By integrating the historical and international contexts of the problem, it links the origins and spread of corruption to the colonization of Africa, the lasting legacy of that colonization, and the actions and practices of international actors. A holistic approach, it is argued, is necessary if the vice is to be understood in its historical totality. This will not only offer a more encompassing explanation of corruption but also allow for the development of well rounded strategies for the alleviation of the problem. The paper concludes that corruption is a multifaceted, complex problem that requires a comprehensive approach that cuts across disciplines. Through such an approach the economic, social, legal, administrative and moral aspects of the problem can be targeted. The approach should also recognize the close linkages among these aspects of the problem and draw in the international dimension of the causes of the problem. While acknowledging that efforts have been expended at the national and international levels to combat corruption, the paper argues that there is still a lot of room for improvement. Much more can be, and needs to be, done. Of particular importance is the need for political goodwill and commitment from governments, bureaucracies and international agencies. This is a necessary condition if the fight against corruption is to be both effective and sustainable.
这篇文章试图从整体的角度来讨论撒哈拉以南非洲地区腐败的起源和根深蒂固。通过综合这一问题的历史和国际背景,它将腐败的起源和蔓延与非洲殖民化、殖民化的持久遗产以及国际行动者的行动和做法联系起来。有人认为,如果要从历史总体上理解罪恶,就必须采用一种整体的方法。这不仅将对腐败提供一个更全面的解释,而且还将有助于制定全面的战略来缓解这一问题。这篇论文的结论是,腐败是一个多方面的、复杂的问题,需要跨学科的综合方法。通过这种方法,可以针对问题的经济、社会、法律、行政和道德方面。这种办法还应认识到问题的这些方面之间的密切联系,并考虑到问题根源的国际层面。虽然承认在国家和国际层面已经付出了努力来打击腐败,但该文件认为仍有很大的改进空间。还有很多事情可以做,也需要做。特别重要的是需要各国政府、官僚机构和国际机构的政治善意和承诺。这是反腐败斗争既有效又可持续的必要条件。
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引用次数: 31
From 'Imagined Community' to Multicultural Mosaic: "The Politics of Difference" in Tanzania 从“想象共同体”到多元文化的融合:坦桑尼亚的“差异政治”
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V6I1.27305
P. Kaiser
Economic and political liberation in Africa has affected fragile national identities constructed over the past thirty or so years. This has led to the reconstruction of different identities and contestations affecting the legitimacy of government institutions in mediating conflict over the distribution of scarce resources. Using Tanzania as a case study, this article examines the relevance of multi-culturalism as a solution to the contest between sub-national identities mobilized by the current economic and political reforms. (A. J. of Political Science: 2001 6(1): 89-104)
非洲的经济和政治解放影响了过去三十多年来建立起来的脆弱的国家认同。这导致了不同身份的重建和争论,影响了政府机构在调解稀缺资源分配冲突方面的合法性。本文以坦桑尼亚为例,探讨了多元文化主义作为解决当前经济和政治改革所引发的次国家认同之争的方法的相关性。(政治科学学报,2001 6(1):89-104)
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引用次数: 8
La Dimension Ethnique Dans la Dynamique Socio-Politique du Benin Du Renouveau Démocratique 贝宁民主复兴的社会政治动态中的种族层面
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJPS.V4I1.27349
Dénis Amoussou-Yeye
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引用次数: 2
Société Parallèle, “Mobutucratie” et Nationalisme Post-colonial en République Démocratique du Congo 刚果民主共和国的平行社会、蒙博托统治和后殖民民族主义
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/ajps.v4i1.27346
T. Biaya
L'objet et son Analyse Le concept de societe parallele pose en lui-meme probleme puisque le qualificatif qui n'a ete jusqu'ici reserve qu'a l'economie, affecte la societe dominee et cree ainsi une nouvelle problematique. Celle d'une societe marginalisee, politiquement et economiquement, qui fonctionne de maniere independante des structures etatiques alors qu'elle vit sur un territoire national. En plus ses membres se reconnaissent comme des citoyens du pays mais ils n'en respectent pas les lois (devoirs et obligations). Si en economie, pareille phenomene n'a pu etre observe jusqu'a ce point, l'experience de la societe congolaise forte d'un siecle d'une histoire de predation, d'exploitation et de violence etatique arbitraire coloniales et postcoloniales, a, quant a elle, permis la mise en place d'une pareille entite fonctionnant dans une complexite des relations faites d'insubordination, de complicites multiples et d'illegalite rehaussee d'une quete de plus de democratie. L'objet "societe parallele" n'est pas moins l'ensemble des populations ethniques organisees et constituant 1 '"etat local"; il est a la fois le fruit d'un mode de domination et du modele d'accumulation auxquels a recouru l'Etat central pour se maintenir et entretenir la classe dirigeante. Dans cette contribution, il ne s'agit point d'etudier les causes ni la maniere dont la crise actuelle s'est mise en place et articule les differentes composantes sociales et politiques de la societe congolaise. Au contraire, notre objet d'analyse demeure les composantes, le fonctionnement et le sens de la societe parallele: comment s'est-elle erigee et comment fonctionne t-elle pour pouvoir donner une identite multipolaire (ethnique, regionaliste, religieuse, de loisir, etc.) au Congolais, quelle est sa valeur dans le nationalisme
平行社会的概念本身就提出了问题,因为迄今为止只局限于经济的术语影响了被支配的社会,从而产生了一个新的问题。一个在政治和经济上被边缘化的社会,独立于国家结构运作,但生活在国家领土上。此外,它的成员承认自己是国家的公民,但他们不遵守国家的法律(义务和义务)。如果经济学而言,这样的规模无法被观察到了这一点,刚果公司强大的经验predation一个世纪历史的剥削和暴力,截至武断和殖民后,则a,使得运行在建立这种型式认可证书是一个复杂的多重complicites言不服从关系,并判决rehaussee找更多的民主。“平行社会”的目标同样包括组成“地方国家”的所有有组织的民族人口;它既是一种统治模式的结果,也是中央国家用来维持自己和维持统治阶级的积累模式的结果。本文的目的不是研究当前危机的原因或方式,而是阐明刚果社会的不同社会和政治组成部分。相反,我们分析的对象仍然是平行社会的组成部分、功能和意义:它是如何建立的,它是如何运作的,以便给刚果人一个多极身份(种族、地区、宗教、休闲等),它在民族主义中的价值是什么
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引用次数: 1
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African Journal of Political Science
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