Pub Date : 2020-05-07DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28010004
J. Hughes, Brian A. Swanson, M. Swanson
Little is known about the perceptions of Chinese citizens regarding U.S. domestic politics, particularly among university students in the People’s Republic of China. During their time at institutions of higher learning, U.S. students often experience heightened political awareness and increased engagement with political issues. Scholars have conducted minimal research, however, among their Chinese counterparts. Given the current political climate, as the United States and the prc have an exceptionally contentious relationship, the opinions of Chinese students regarding the most recent U.S. presidential candidates have particular interest. This case study examines 506 Chinese university students’ perspectives on U.S. 2020 presidential election candidates Donald J. Trump and Joseph R. Biden Jr. Findings indicate that there is a negative perception of Trump, a great deal of uncertainty regarding Biden, and considerable diversity among opinions overall.
{"title":"“Chinese Perception of U.S. Presidential Candidates”","authors":"J. Hughes, Brian A. Swanson, M. Swanson","doi":"10.1163/18765610-28010004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28010004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Little is known about the perceptions of Chinese citizens regarding U.S. domestic politics, particularly among university students in the People’s Republic of China. During their time at institutions of higher learning, U.S. students often experience heightened political awareness and increased engagement with political issues. Scholars have conducted minimal research, however, among their Chinese counterparts. Given the current political climate, as the United States and the prc have an exceptionally contentious relationship, the opinions of Chinese students regarding the most recent U.S. presidential candidates have particular interest. This case study examines 506 Chinese university students’ perspectives on U.S. 2020 presidential election candidates Donald J. Trump and Joseph R. Biden Jr. Findings indicate that there is a negative perception of Trump, a great deal of uncertainty regarding Biden, and considerable diversity among opinions overall.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"142 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123440921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-05-07DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28010008
Brandon K. Gauthier
{"title":"Jung H. Pak, Becoming Kim Jong Un: A Former CIA Officer’s Insights Into North Korea’s Enigmatic Young Dictator","authors":"Brandon K. Gauthier","doi":"10.1163/18765610-28010008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28010008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132790940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-19DOI: 10.1163/18765610-02701002
K. J. Blume
This article explores the diplomatic negotiations that U.S. Navy Commander Richard W. Meade conducted in Samoa in 1872. The resulting agreement that came to be known as “the Meade Treaty” was the first the United States negotiated with Samoa, but scholars usually have not explored the details of it and the process that produced it because the U.S. Senate rejected the treaty. Meade’s motivations and actions in Samoa provide a case study in how the interactions of naval officers, business leaders, islanders, and diplomats converged to produce early U.S. diplomacy in the Pacific. The article sketches the situation in Samoa in 1872 when Commander Meade and his ship, the uss Narragansett, arrived. The role of the United States in the Pacific was changing in the last third of the 19th Century, and Commander Meade’s motivations, influences, and actions illustrate the new wave of U.S. Pacific expansion during the years after the American Civil War.
{"title":"Preparing the South Pacific for U.S. Influence: The uss Narragansett in Samoa, 1872","authors":"K. J. Blume","doi":"10.1163/18765610-02701002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02701002","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the diplomatic negotiations that U.S. Navy Commander Richard W. Meade conducted in Samoa in 1872. The resulting agreement that came to be known as “the Meade Treaty” was the first the United States negotiated with Samoa, but scholars usually have not explored the details of it and the process that produced it because the U.S. Senate rejected the treaty. Meade’s motivations and actions in Samoa provide a case study in how the interactions of naval officers, business leaders, islanders, and diplomats converged to produce early U.S. diplomacy in the Pacific. The article sketches the situation in Samoa in 1872 when Commander Meade and his ship, the uss\u0000Narragansett, arrived. The role of the United States in the Pacific was changing in the last third of the 19th Century, and Commander Meade’s motivations, influences, and actions illustrate the new wave of U.S. Pacific expansion during the years after the American Civil War.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128347272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-19DOI: 10.1163/18765610-02701007
T. Tsuda
{"title":"Satō, America, and the Cold War: US-Japanese Relations, 1964–72, written by Fintan Hoey","authors":"T. Tsuda","doi":"10.1163/18765610-02701007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02701007","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"337 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122536965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-19DOI: 10.1163/18765610-02701006
J. Morgan
{"title":"Faking Liberties: Religious Freedom in American-Occupied Japan, written by Jolyon Baraka Thomas","authors":"J. Morgan","doi":"10.1163/18765610-02701006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02701006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126179653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-19DOI: 10.1163/18765610-02701003
S. Fessler
This article examines the handling of a contract between the Shogunate of Japan and private agents in the United States for the construction of three ships of war in 1862. Robert H. Pruyn, the U.S. minister, received the original order and down payment from the Japanese government and assigned the contract to two private citizens in Albany, New York. Over the course of the next three years, complications from the U.S. Civil War and fluctuations in the currency markets made it impossible for the U.S. builders to fulfill the order in full; the Japanese received only one ship. Historians consistently have accused Pruyn of mishandling the contract and of using the funds as investment capital for his own personal gain, but evidence shows that Pruyn was scrupulously careful with the contract and the payment, and that he averted a disastrous result which could have soured U.S.-Japan relations.
本文考察了1862年日本幕府与美国私人代理人之间关于建造三艘战船的合同的处理。美国公使罗伯特·h·普鲁恩(Robert H. Pruyn)从日本政府那里收到了最初的订单和首付款，并将合同分配给了纽约州奥尔巴尼的两名私人公民。在接下来的三年里，美国内战和货币市场的波动使美国建造者无法完全完成订单。日本只收到了一艘船。历史学家一直指责普鲁因处理合同不当，利用这笔资金作为投资资本谋取私利，但有证据表明，普鲁因对合同和付款非常谨慎，他避免了可能导致美日关系恶化的灾难性后果。
{"title":"Gunboat Diplomacy of a Different Kind: Robert H. Pruyn and Japan’s Purchase of U.S. Warships, 1862–1865","authors":"S. Fessler","doi":"10.1163/18765610-02701003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02701003","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the handling of a contract between the Shogunate of Japan and private agents in the United States for the construction of three ships of war in 1862. Robert H. Pruyn, the U.S. minister, received the original order and down payment from the Japanese government and assigned the contract to two private citizens in Albany, New York. Over the course of the next three years, complications from the U.S. Civil War and fluctuations in the currency markets made it impossible for the U.S. builders to fulfill the order in full; the Japanese received only one ship. Historians consistently have accused Pruyn of mishandling the contract and of using the funds as investment capital for his own personal gain, but evidence shows that Pruyn was scrupulously careful with the contract and the payment, and that he averted a disastrous result which could have soured U.S.-Japan relations.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129880456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-19DOI: 10.1163/18765610-02701008
J. Morgan
{"title":"Japan Rearmed: The Politics of Military Power, written by Sheila A. Smith","authors":"J. Morgan","doi":"10.1163/18765610-02701008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02701008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131428105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-19DOI: 10.1163/18765610-02701004
P. Roberts
During the 1980s, an interlocking complex of U.S. non-governmental organizations (the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, the Council on Foreign Relations, the Asia Society, and the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations) gradually built up contacts with Chinese elites. By mid-decade, the National Committee and the Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs began a series of “U.S.-China Dialogues” in which influential figures from both sides met alternately in Beijing and the United States, supposedly informally, to discuss the state of Sino-American relations. Though the outcome of the protests at Tiananmen in June 1989 shocked them, American China-watchers consciously decided that contacts and efforts at communication and understanding must continue. At the Fourth U.S.-China Dialogue meeting in Beijing in early 1990, the American and Chinese participants assumed radically different positions, with the Chinese complaining bitterly about U.S. interference in China’s internal affairs. However, as the meeting ended, both sides agreed that, while there had been little agreement, such contacts and dialogues were valuable and must continue.
{"title":"‘Our Friends Don’t Understand Our Policies and Our Situation’: Informal U.S.-China Dialogues Following Tiananmen","authors":"P. Roberts","doi":"10.1163/18765610-02701004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02701004","url":null,"abstract":"During the 1980s, an interlocking complex of U.S. non-governmental organizations (the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, the Council on Foreign Relations, the Asia Society, and the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations) gradually built up contacts with Chinese elites. By mid-decade, the National Committee and the Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs began a series of “U.S.-China Dialogues” in which influential figures from both sides met alternately in Beijing and the United States, supposedly informally, to discuss the state of Sino-American relations. Though the outcome of the protests at Tiananmen in June 1989 shocked them, American China-watchers consciously decided that contacts and efforts at communication and understanding must continue. At the Fourth U.S.-China Dialogue meeting in Beijing in early 1990, the American and Chinese participants assumed radically different positions, with the Chinese complaining bitterly about U.S. interference in China’s internal affairs. However, as the meeting ended, both sides agreed that, while there had been little agreement, such contacts and dialogues were valuable and must continue.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130571289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-09DOI: 10.1163/18765610-02604002
Christopher Aldous
This article scrutinizes the controversy surrounding the resumption of Japanese Antarctic whaling from 1946, focusing on the negotiations and concessions that underline the nature of the Allied Occupation as an international undertaking. Britain, Norway, Australia, and New Zealand objected to Japanese pelagic whaling, chiefly on the grounds of its past record of wasteful and inefficient operations. Their opposition forced the Natural Resources Section of General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, to increase the number of Allied inspectors on board the two Japanese whaling factories from one to two, and to respond carefully to the criticisms they made of the conduct of Japanese whaling. U.S. sensitivity to international censure caused the Occupation to encourage the factory vessels to prioritize oil yields over meat and blubber for domestic consumption. Moreover, General Douglas MacArthur, the U.S. Occupation commander, summarily rejected a proposal to increase the number of Japanese fleets from two to three in 1947. With its preponderance of power, the United States successfully promoted Japanese Antarctic whaling, but a tendency to focus only on outcomes obscures the lengthy and difficult processes that enabled Japanese whaling expeditions to take place on an annual basis from late 1946.
本文详细分析了自1946年以来围绕日本恢复南极捕鲸的争议，重点关注了盟军占领作为一项国际事业的性质的谈判和让步。英国、挪威、澳大利亚和新西兰反对日本的远洋捕鲸，主要是基于其过去浪费和低效的操作记录。他们的反对迫使盟军最高指挥官——总司令部自然资源科，将两艘日本捕鲸工厂上的盟军检查员人数从一名增加到两名，并对他们对日本捕鲸行为的批评作出谨慎的回应。由于美国对国际谴责的敏感，占领区鼓励工厂船只优先考虑石油产量，而不是肉类和鲸脂，以供国内消费。此外，美国占领军道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟将军(General Douglas MacArthur)在1947年断然拒绝了将日本舰队数量从两支增加到三支的提议。凭借其强大的实力，美国成功地推动了日本的南极捕鲸活动，但这种只关注结果的倾向掩盖了日本从1946年底开始每年都进行捕鲸的漫长而艰难的过程。
{"title":"“The Anatomy of Allied Occupation: Contesting the Resumption of Japanese Antarctic Whaling, 1945–1952”","authors":"Christopher Aldous","doi":"10.1163/18765610-02604002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02604002","url":null,"abstract":"This article scrutinizes the controversy surrounding the resumption of Japanese Antarctic whaling from 1946, focusing on the negotiations and concessions that underline the nature of the Allied Occupation as an international undertaking. Britain, Norway, Australia, and New Zealand objected to Japanese pelagic whaling, chiefly on the grounds of its past record of wasteful and inefficient operations. Their opposition forced the Natural Resources Section of General Headquarters, Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, to increase the number of Allied inspectors on board the two Japanese whaling factories from one to two, and to respond carefully to the criticisms they made of the conduct of Japanese whaling. U.S. sensitivity to international censure caused the Occupation to encourage the factory vessels to prioritize oil yields over meat and blubber for domestic consumption. Moreover, General Douglas MacArthur, the U.S. Occupation commander, summarily rejected a proposal to increase the number of Japanese fleets from two to three in 1947. With its preponderance of power, the United States successfully promoted Japanese Antarctic whaling, but a tendency to focus only on outcomes obscures the lengthy and difficult processes that enabled Japanese whaling expeditions to take place on an annual basis from late 1946.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115387897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-09DOI: 10.1163/18765610-02604004
Carl A. Gabrielson
After seventy years, U.S. bases in Japan continue to inspire ambivalence, resentment, resistance, and even fear for many Japanese people. To improve the public image of the U.S. armed forces, base administrators create training materials designed to promote cultural awareness, prevent troops’ crimes, and discourage bad behavior. But how does the organization whose purpose is to violently oppose foreign threats to U.S. interests conceive of cultural understanding and sensitivity? Taking as a case study the materials that U.S. Marine Corps bases in Japan produce to instruct newcomers, this article argues that such materials tend to equip base personnel preemptively with strategies for erasing, coopting, and dismissing local anti-base perspectives. Specifically, these materials depict Japanese people as friendly supporters of the military, as irrational and brainwashed puppets of anti-military political forces, or simply as decorative pieces of the cultural backdrop. It concludes that the cultural education materials the U.S. Marine Corps produces at its bases in Japan not only help marines to feel that they have or deserve the support of the Japanese people in carrying out the U.S. military agenda abroad, but that they also promote a sense of cultural superiority that fosters the very behaviors that cultural training materials are meant to prevent.
{"title":"“Welcome to Japan!: How U.S. Marine Corps Orientation Materials Erase, Coopt, and Dismiss Local Resistance”","authors":"Carl A. Gabrielson","doi":"10.1163/18765610-02604004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02604004","url":null,"abstract":"After seventy years, U.S. bases in Japan continue to inspire ambivalence, resentment, resistance, and even fear for many Japanese people. To improve the public image of the U.S. armed forces, base administrators create training materials designed to promote cultural awareness, prevent troops’ crimes, and discourage bad behavior. But how does the organization whose purpose is to violently oppose foreign threats to U.S. interests conceive of cultural understanding and sensitivity? Taking as a case study the materials that U.S. Marine Corps bases in Japan produce to instruct newcomers, this article argues that such materials tend to equip base personnel preemptively with strategies for erasing, coopting, and dismissing local anti-base perspectives. Specifically, these materials depict Japanese people as friendly supporters of the military, as irrational and brainwashed puppets of anti-military political forces, or simply as decorative pieces of the cultural backdrop. It concludes that the cultural education materials the U.S. Marine Corps produces at its bases in Japan not only help marines to feel that they have or deserve the support of the Japanese people in carrying out the U.S. military agenda abroad, but that they also promote a sense of cultural superiority that fosters the very behaviors that cultural training materials are meant to prevent.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130701988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：