This paper extends the author's prior use of Joseph Tainter's theorizing on complexity and diminishing returns to the upsurge in political and economic nationalism and international conflict seen since 2008.
{"title":"An International System Under Stress? A Complexity Theory-Based View","authors":"N. Elhefnawy","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3215764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3215764","url":null,"abstract":"This paper extends the author's prior use of Joseph Tainter's theorizing on complexity and diminishing returns to the upsurge in political and economic nationalism and international conflict seen since 2008.","PeriodicalId":165404,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: Politics of International Institutions & Global Governance eJournal","volume":"108 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134521768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper uses an keyword-in-context analysis of words and phrases used in the sections of World Bank and UNDP annual reports that discuss general approaches to development to show how the range of considerations deemed relevant to development have expanded over time to include a heavy emphasis on social dimensions and lesser emphases on political and environmental dimensions. It also reveals some differences in emphasis between the two organizations and over time.
{"title":"The World Bank's and UNDP's Changing Conceptions of Development 1950-2016","authors":"M. J. Peterson","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3215480","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3215480","url":null,"abstract":"This paper uses an keyword-in-context analysis of words and phrases used in the sections of World Bank and UNDP annual reports that discuss general approaches to development to show how the range of considerations deemed relevant to development have expanded over time to include a heavy emphasis on social dimensions and lesser emphases on political and environmental dimensions. It also reveals some differences in emphasis between the two organizations and over time.","PeriodicalId":165404,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: Politics of International Institutions & Global Governance eJournal","volume":"236 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130453399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article argues that, similar to the World Bank and other global economic affairs institutions, the time has come for the World Trade Organization (WTO) to devise governance indicators to advance economic development across the full WTO spectrum. This would change the topography of global trade governance in such a way that it would shift the responsibility on Members to design trade policies that can enable them reap more benefits from trade, as well as to adopt truly inclusive trade policies. Not only could this help silence the serious criticism, particularly from the developed world, that has called into question the role of trade as a tool for advancing development, but it would also be consistent with the treaty-based development goals that are enshrined in the WTO treaty. In parallel, through the use of indicators, the WTO would be able to address the negative effects of automation and disruptive technologies, by providing a measurement of the extent to which such externalities are offsetting the benefits that should otherwise be attributed to trade liberalization. The WTO has already given signals of its openness to create indicators and that its Secretariat counts with the technical capacity to build complex soft law mechanisms even if the necessary data to build the same implies stepping out of the WTO system.
{"title":"Advancing Economic Development Through Soft Law: Governance by Indicators at the WTO","authors":"M. Sánchez Miranda","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3157511","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3157511","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that, similar to the World Bank and other global economic affairs institutions, the time has come for the World Trade Organization (WTO) to devise governance indicators to advance economic development across the full WTO spectrum. This would change the topography of global trade governance in such a way that it would shift the responsibility on Members to design trade policies that can enable them reap more benefits from trade, as well as to adopt truly inclusive trade policies. Not only could this help silence the serious criticism, particularly from the developed world, that has called into question the role of trade as a tool for advancing development, but it would also be consistent with the treaty-based development goals that are enshrined in the WTO treaty. In parallel, through the use of indicators, the WTO would be able to address the negative effects of automation and disruptive technologies, by providing a measurement of the extent to which such externalities are offsetting the benefits that should otherwise be attributed to trade liberalization. The WTO has already given signals of its openness to create indicators and that its Secretariat counts with the technical capacity to build complex soft law mechanisms even if the necessary data to build the same implies stepping out of the WTO system.","PeriodicalId":165404,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: Politics of International Institutions & Global Governance eJournal","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123666782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholars and policy-makers continue to debate transatlantic burden-sharing. While economists have shed much light on cross-country variation in burden-sharing behavior, only qualitative work in the security studies field has addressed the nature of contributions to shared priorities, and neither field has adequately addressed sources of within-country variation, which is of primary interest to policy-makers aiming to mitigate burden-shifting tendencies in alliances. Using a mixed-methods approach, I find that among the Nordic states, NATO membership appears to mitigate such tendencies, and that supranational fiscal rules, as well as national strategies and political economies, shape burden-sharing choices.
{"title":"Burden Sharing, Burden Shifting, and Strategy in the Nordic States","authors":"Jordan Becker","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3165979","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3165979","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars and policy-makers continue to debate transatlantic burden-sharing. While economists have shed much light on cross-country variation in burden-sharing behavior, only qualitative work in the security studies field has addressed the nature of contributions to shared priorities, and neither field has adequately addressed sources of within-country variation, which is of primary interest to policy-makers aiming to mitigate burden-shifting tendencies in alliances. Using a mixed-methods approach, I find that among the Nordic states, NATO membership appears to mitigate such tendencies, and that supranational fiscal rules, as well as national strategies and political economies, shape burden-sharing choices.","PeriodicalId":165404,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: Politics of International Institutions & Global Governance eJournal","volume":"07 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134328523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Before one ventures into discussing whether BRICS can emerge as a powerful coalition to influence global governance, it is pertinent to understand and appreciate a comprehensive sense of global governance. Further, the various debates and discussions surrounding the question of global governance has led to new contestations. The growing influence of non-state actors and emergence of new powers like India and China have added new dimensions in influencing new outcomes in global governance. Against this backdrop, emergence of BRICS as a potent political coalition advocating for redesigning institutional outcomes reflecting new set of political values is noteworthy. However, current scholarship is divided on the role of BRICS in global governance. This article examines how the BRICS leadership at various for a like the G 20 in general and through its nine annual summits in particular has articulated its aspirations to engineer institutional mechanisms reflective of the current realities of the international system. A closer examination of the annual BRICS summits in the last nine years are ample proof of their urge to fashion a more just and equitable global governance in which they will be able to give ‘voice to their values’.
{"title":"Global Governance, Institutions and the BRICS","authors":"V. Gundumella","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3151245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3151245","url":null,"abstract":"Before one ventures into discussing whether BRICS can emerge as a powerful coalition to influence global governance, it is pertinent to understand and appreciate a comprehensive sense of global governance. Further, the various debates and discussions surrounding the question of global governance has led to new contestations. The growing influence of non-state actors and emergence of new powers like India and China have added new dimensions in influencing new outcomes in global governance. Against this backdrop, emergence of BRICS as a potent political coalition advocating for redesigning institutional outcomes reflecting new set of political values is noteworthy. However, current scholarship is divided on the role of BRICS in global governance. This article examines how the BRICS leadership at various for a like the G 20 in general and through its nine annual summits in particular has articulated its aspirations to engineer institutional mechanisms reflective of the current realities of the international system. A closer examination of the annual BRICS summits in the last nine years are ample proof of their urge to fashion a more just and equitable global governance in which they will be able to give ‘voice to their values’.","PeriodicalId":165404,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: Politics of International Institutions & Global Governance eJournal","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130591691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The macroeconomic policy "trilemma" is widely used as a framework to discuss the rationale for capital controls and monetary policy autonomy under the Bretton Woods system (1944-1971). Without denying its usefulness, I highlight two facts at odds with assumptions underlying the "trilemma" argument. First, conflicts between internal and external objectives were uncommon. Second, using quantitative credit controls allowed central banks to disconnect their interest rate from the domestic monetary policy stance. They assigned the interest rate to the external side while managing domestic credit expansion with direct quantitative controls. This paper documents that such mechanism was explicitly considered by contemporary economists and central bankers as a way to escape international financial constraints. In such an environment, capital controls were used to complement credit controls. Interest rate spreads were neither a good measure of capital controls nor of central bank autonomy.
{"title":"Credit Controls as an Escape from the Trilemma. The Bretton Woods Experience","authors":"E. Monnet","doi":"10.1093/EREH/HEX029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/EREH/HEX029","url":null,"abstract":"The macroeconomic policy \"trilemma\" is widely used as a framework to discuss the rationale for capital controls and monetary policy autonomy under the Bretton Woods system (1944-1971). Without denying its usefulness, I highlight two facts at odds with assumptions underlying the \"trilemma\" argument. First, conflicts between internal and external objectives were uncommon. Second, using quantitative credit controls allowed central banks to disconnect their interest rate from the domestic monetary policy stance. They assigned the interest rate to the external side while managing domestic credit expansion with direct quantitative controls. This paper documents that such mechanism was explicitly considered by contemporary economists and central bankers as a way to escape international financial constraints. In such an environment, capital controls were used to complement credit controls. Interest rate spreads were neither a good measure of capital controls nor of central bank autonomy.","PeriodicalId":165404,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: Politics of International Institutions & Global Governance eJournal","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121641889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Claire O'brien, Claire O'brien, Claire O'brien, Olga Martín-Ortega
Public procurement is the purchase by the public sector of the goods and services it needs to carry out its functions. It has an essential role to play in facilitating States’ fulfilment of their duties to protect, respect, and fulfil human rights. Equally, government buying accounts for a significant proportion of the overall global economy. Worldwide, it has a value of approximately €1000 billion per year and it comprises, for instance, on average 12% GDP in OECD countries. As “mega-consumers,” governments have the purchasing power to set standards that can shift markets towards sustainable production, to exercise leverage over suppliers towards this goal – and to lead by example in introducing human rights into supply chain management by establishing arrangements for human rights due diligence. In the past, however, little consideration has been given to the human rights impacts of the central state and other public bodies in terms of their role as a consumer. This lack of policy coherence undermines fulfilment of the UN Framework and UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. This submission addresses this gap by starting to clarify states’ human rights responsibilities regarding public procurement and identifying emerging good practices through which public buyers can fulfil these responsibilities. It defines public procurement and provides a brief account of its role, scale and relevance in the business and human rights context; outlines how public procurement is currently regulated under international and regional legal frameworks, with reference to instruments such as the WTO Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA), EU procurement rules and the UNCITRAL Model Law, as well as relevant policy frameworks, including those concerning “responsible global value chains”. It demonstrates how human rights can be integrated into the procurement cycle with reference to concrete examples. Measures promoting respect for human rights in public procurement emerging from National Action Plans on business and human rights (NAPs) are also considered. Finally, it presents recommendations for states and other procurement regulators, and other relevant stakeholders, including national human rights institutions (NHRIs), civil society organisations (CSOs), the UN system and business associations regarding the further development of public procurement as an element of the obligation to protect human rights in the context of business operations.
{"title":"The Role of the State as Buyer Under UN Guiding Principle 6","authors":"Claire O'brien, Claire O'brien, Claire O'brien, Olga Martín-Ortega","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.3170285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3170285","url":null,"abstract":"Public procurement is the purchase by the public sector of the goods and services it needs to carry out its functions. It has an essential role to play in facilitating States’ fulfilment of their duties to protect, respect, and fulfil human rights. Equally, government buying accounts for a significant proportion of the overall global economy. Worldwide, it has a value of approximately €1000 billion per year and it comprises, for instance, on average 12% GDP in OECD countries. As “mega-consumers,” governments have the purchasing power to set standards that can shift markets towards sustainable production, to exercise leverage over suppliers towards this goal – and to lead by example in introducing human rights into supply chain management by establishing arrangements for human rights due diligence. In the past, however, little consideration has been given to the human rights impacts of the central state and other public bodies in terms of their role as a consumer. This lack of policy coherence undermines fulfilment of the UN Framework and UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. This submission addresses this gap by starting to clarify states’ human rights responsibilities regarding public procurement and identifying emerging good practices through which public buyers can fulfil these responsibilities. It defines public procurement and provides a brief account of its role, scale and relevance in the business and human rights context; outlines how public procurement is currently regulated under international and regional legal frameworks, with reference to instruments such as the WTO Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA), EU procurement rules and the UNCITRAL Model Law, as well as relevant policy frameworks, including those concerning “responsible global value chains”. It demonstrates how human rights can be integrated into the procurement cycle with reference to concrete examples. Measures promoting respect for human rights in public procurement emerging from National Action Plans on business and human rights (NAPs) are also considered. Finally, it presents recommendations for states and other procurement regulators, and other relevant stakeholders, including national human rights institutions (NHRIs), civil society organisations (CSOs), the UN system and business associations regarding the further development of public procurement as an element of the obligation to protect human rights in the context of business operations.","PeriodicalId":165404,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: Politics of International Institutions & Global Governance eJournal","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124934095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite paying attention to a growing number of actors and agents, the literature on global governance remain remarkably traditional and Western-centric. Much of it still revolves around the existing multilateral system created under U.S. hegemony after World War II. In this paper, I propose a new understanding of studying global governance that reflects recent and ongoing global economic and political shifts. To this end, in the place of the traditional conception of a liberal world order within which the mainstream literature on global governance has been anchored, this paper employs the idea of a “Multiplex World”. Unlike the former, the idea of a Multiplex World envisions a more pluralistic and diversified architecture of global governance shaped by a proliferation of transnational challenges, diffusion of new ideas, and expansion of actors and processes that lie at the center of global governance. A Multiplex World better captures the ongoing fragmentation of global governance, which in turn reflects a growing demand for new principles and approaches that cannot be accommodated by a simple extension of the existing but fading international order dominated by the US or the multilateral institutions it created. The concept of global governance, argues this paper, must come to terms with an emerging realities of the Multiplex World.
{"title":"Global Governance in a Multiplex World","authors":"Amitav Acharya","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2987838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2987838","url":null,"abstract":"Despite paying attention to a growing number of actors and agents, the literature on global governance remain remarkably traditional and Western-centric. Much of it still revolves around the existing multilateral system created under U.S. hegemony after World War II. In this paper, I propose a new understanding of studying global governance that reflects recent and ongoing global economic and political shifts. To this end, in the place of the traditional conception of a liberal world order within which the mainstream literature on global governance has been anchored, this paper employs the idea of a “Multiplex World”. Unlike the former, the idea of a Multiplex World envisions a more pluralistic and diversified architecture of global governance shaped by a proliferation of transnational challenges, diffusion of new ideas, and expansion of actors and processes that lie at the center of global governance. A Multiplex World better captures the ongoing fragmentation of global governance, which in turn reflects a growing demand for new principles and approaches that cannot be accommodated by a simple extension of the existing but fading international order dominated by the US or the multilateral institutions it created. The concept of global governance, argues this paper, must come to terms with an emerging realities of the Multiplex World.","PeriodicalId":165404,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: Politics of International Institutions & Global Governance eJournal","volume":"134 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121899378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Many developing countries are characterized by a large informal sector, and are also often heavily dependent on remittance inflows from abroad. We develop a general equilibrium framework to understand better the dynamic absorption of remittances in a two-sector small open economy, by incorporating many of the stylized features of the informal sector. Calibrating the model to yield a long-run equilibrium consistent with sample averages for 56 developing countries for the period 1990–2014, we show that the effect of remittances depends critically on how they impinge on the recipient economy, i.e., whether these inflows are (i) permanent or temporary, (ii) associated with a collateral effect to securitize borrowing, and (iii) exogenous or countercyclical. We also identify the conditions under which remittances are associated with an expansion of the informal sector, as well as the Dutch Disease effect.
{"title":"Remittances and the Informal Economy","authors":"S. Chatterjee, S. Turnovsky","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2514860","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2514860","url":null,"abstract":"Many developing countries are characterized by a large informal sector, and are also often heavily dependent on remittance inflows from abroad. We develop a general equilibrium framework to understand better the dynamic absorption of remittances in a two-sector small open economy, by incorporating many of the stylized features of the informal sector. Calibrating the model to yield a long-run equilibrium consistent with sample averages for 56 developing countries for the period 1990–2014, we show that the effect of remittances depends critically on how they impinge on the recipient economy, i.e., whether these inflows are (i) permanent or temporary, (ii) associated with a collateral effect to securitize borrowing, and (iii) exogenous or countercyclical. We also identify the conditions under which remittances are associated with an expansion of the informal sector, as well as the Dutch Disease effect.","PeriodicalId":165404,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: Politics of International Institutions & Global Governance eJournal","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131806982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-05-01DOI: 10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4897
Basil E. Ugochukwu
This paper uses the governance praxis of the Federation of International Football Associations [FIFA] to illustrate the impact of several intensive, discrete, and rarely-studied global governance actors whose internal processes and procedures mirror the core concerns of Third World Approaches to International Law [TWAIL] scholars regarding the legitimation of a hegemonic category and the marginalization of Third World and subaltern interests. It is argued that FIFA has become an important international organization and global governance actor whose transnational rule-making characteristics should be studied in light of the incipient migration from “international law” to “global governance”. It will be shown that not only are FIFA’s rules impinging on sovereign imagination but that the tendencies of inequality, unfairness and domination afflicting the practices of traditional or state-centric international organizations are as prevalent in the procedures of such less-studied global governance actors regardless that their rule-making activities exert significant impact on governments, especially those in Africa and other parts of the Third World. More significantly, the essay looks at possible domestic political and socio-legal implications of discrete globalization of the kind exemplified by FIFA on Africa and the Third World and how important it is to integrate this concern into TWAIL scholarship going forward. Dans cet article, l’auteur cite les activites de gouvernance de la Federation Internationale de Football Association [FIFA] pour illustrer l’impact de plusieurs acteurs de la gouvernance mondiale tres actifs, discrets et faisant rarement l’objet d’etudes, dont les mecanismes et procedures internes rappellent les principales preoccupations des universitaires des Third World Approaches to International Law [TWAIL] en ce qui touche la legitimation d’une categorie hegemonique et la marginalisation du tiers monde et des interets subalternes. L’auteur soutient que la FIFA est devenue une organisation internationale importante et un acteur de la gouvernance mondiale dont les caracteristiques en matiere d’etablissement de regles transnationales devraient etre etudiees dans le cadre du passage du « droit international » a la « gouvernance mondiale » qui s’amorce. L’auteur demontre non seulement que les regles de la FIFA ont un effet sur l’imagination souveraine, mais aussi que les tendances d’inegalite, d’iniquite et de domination affligeant les pratiques des organisations internationales traditionnelles ou statocentriques prevalent tout autant dans les procedures des acteurs de la gouvernance mondiale peu etudies, malgre le fait que leurs activites d’etablissement de regles ont des repercussions non negligeables sur les gouvernements, surtout ceux d’Afrique et d’autres regions du tiers monde. Mais surtout, dans cet essai, l’auteur se penche sur les possibles incidences politiques et sociojuridiques nationales, en Afrique et dans le tiers monde, de
本文利用国际足球协会联合会(FIFA)的治理实践来说明几个密集的、离散的、很少被研究的全球治理行为体的影响，这些行为体的内部过程和程序反映了第三世界国际法方法(TWAIL)学者关于霸权类别合法化和第三世界边缘化的核心问题。文章认为，国际足联已经成为重要的国际组织和全球治理行为体，其跨国规则制定特征应从“国际法”向“全球治理”的初期迁移来研究。它将表明，国际足联的规则不仅侵犯主权想象力，而且不平等、不公平和统治的倾向也困扰着传统的或以国家为中心的国际组织的做法，在这些研究较少的全球治理行为者的程序中同样普遍，无论他们的规则制定活动对政府产生重大影响，特别是在非洲和第三世界的其他地区。更重要的是，这篇文章着眼于国际足联对非洲和第三世界的那种离散全球化可能带来的国内政治和社会法律影响，以及将这种关注融入TWAIL奖学金的重要性。在这篇文章中，l 'auteur引用了国际足联(FIFA)的治理活动，并举例说明了l 'auteur对国际足联治理活动的影响，对国际足联活动的影响，对国际足联活动的影响，以及对国际足联活动的影响。《第三世界的国际法研究方法》(TWAIL)是《国际法的正当性》、《范畴霸权主义》和《边缘化》、《世界的层次和利益的次选择》。国际足联(FIFA)是一个重要的国际组织，国际足联(FIFA)是一个重要的国际组织，国际足联(FIFA)是一个重要的国际治理机构，国际足联(FIFA)是一个重要的国际治理机构，国际足联(FIFA)是一个重要的国际治理机构，国际足联(FIFA)是一个重要的国际治理机构。国际足联的行为不符合规则，国际足联的行为不符合规则，国际足联的行为不符合规则，国际足联的行为不符合规则，国际足联的行为不符合规则，国际足联的行为不符合规则，国际足联的行为不符合规则，国际足联的行为不符合规则，国际足联的行为不符合规则，国际足联的行为，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统，国际足联的传统。非洲和世界其他地区都是如此。Mais surtout, dans et essai, l 'auteur se penche sur les les possible事件，政治事件，社会司法事件，国家事件，en africque, dandle tiers monde, de la mondialisation离散，不la FIFA, un示例，et sur 'importance, de integration, de ceteoccupation, de mission universitaire, de TWAIL。
{"title":"Global Governance in All Its Discrete Forms: The Game, FIFA, and the Third World","authors":"Basil E. Ugochukwu","doi":"10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4897","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22329/WYAJ.V33I3.4897","url":null,"abstract":"This paper uses the governance praxis of the Federation of International Football Associations [FIFA] to illustrate the impact of several intensive, discrete, and rarely-studied global governance actors whose internal processes and procedures mirror the core concerns of Third World Approaches to International Law [TWAIL] scholars regarding the legitimation of a hegemonic category and the marginalization of Third World and subaltern interests. It is argued that FIFA has become an important international organization and global governance actor whose transnational rule-making characteristics should be studied in light of the incipient migration from “international law” to “global governance”. It will be shown that not only are FIFA’s rules impinging on sovereign imagination but that the tendencies of inequality, unfairness and domination afflicting the practices of traditional or state-centric international organizations are as prevalent in the procedures of such less-studied global governance actors regardless that their rule-making activities exert significant impact on governments, especially those in Africa and other parts of the Third World. More significantly, the essay looks at possible domestic political and socio-legal implications of discrete globalization of the kind exemplified by FIFA on Africa and the Third World and how important it is to integrate this concern into TWAIL scholarship going forward. Dans cet article, l’auteur cite les activites de gouvernance de la Federation Internationale de Football Association [FIFA] pour illustrer l’impact de plusieurs acteurs de la gouvernance mondiale tres actifs, discrets et faisant rarement l’objet d’etudes, dont les mecanismes et procedures internes rappellent les principales preoccupations des universitaires des Third World Approaches to International Law [TWAIL] en ce qui touche la legitimation d’une categorie hegemonique et la marginalisation du tiers monde et des interets subalternes. L’auteur soutient que la FIFA est devenue une organisation internationale importante et un acteur de la gouvernance mondiale dont les caracteristiques en matiere d’etablissement de regles transnationales devraient etre etudiees dans le cadre du passage du « droit international » a la « gouvernance mondiale » qui s’amorce. L’auteur demontre non seulement que les regles de la FIFA ont un effet sur l’imagination souveraine, mais aussi que les tendances d’inegalite, d’iniquite et de domination affligeant les pratiques des organisations internationales traditionnelles ou statocentriques prevalent tout autant dans les procedures des acteurs de la gouvernance mondiale peu etudies, malgre le fait que leurs activites d’etablissement de regles ont des repercussions non negligeables sur les gouvernements, surtout ceux d’Afrique et d’autres regions du tiers monde. Mais surtout, dans cet essai, l’auteur se penche sur les possibles incidences politiques et sociojuridiques nationales, en Afrique et dans le tiers monde, de","PeriodicalId":165404,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: Politics of International Institutions & Global Governance eJournal","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131610362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：