Mirjana Rupar, M. Sekerdej, Katarzyna Jamróz-Dolińska, Barbora Hubená
In the present research, we investigated the link between different forms of national identification (i.e., constructive patriotism, glorification, and conventional patriotism) and intentions to vote in state parliamentary elections in Poland and Spain (Study 1, N = 1,270), presidential elections in Croatia (Study 2, N = 640), and elections for the EU Parliament in Poland, the Czech Republic, and Croatia (Study 3, N = 1,238). In Study 3, we additionally measured European identity. Moreover, we asked about actual voting behavior in Poland (Studies 1 and 3) and Croatia (Studies 2 and 3). The results consistently show that constructive patriotism is linked with greater intentions to vote in all types of elections and across all countries, and with a greater likelihood of voting in state parliamentary elections. In contrast, conventional patriotism had no link with intentions to vote or with actual voting behaviour in any type of election in any of the countries studied. Glorification was linked to lower intentions to vote only in state parliamentary elections. European identity was linked with greater intentions to vote in EU elections. Overall, our results suggest that constructive patriotism is a form of national identification that has particular electoral relevance.
{"title":"Constructive patriotism predicts voting intentions: Evidence from state parliamentary, EU parliamentary, and presidential elections across different EU countries","authors":"Mirjana Rupar, M. Sekerdej, Katarzyna Jamróz-Dolińska, Barbora Hubená","doi":"10.5964/jspp.9609","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.9609","url":null,"abstract":"In the present research, we investigated the link between different forms of national identification (i.e., constructive patriotism, glorification, and conventional patriotism) and intentions to vote in state parliamentary elections in Poland and Spain (Study 1, N = 1,270), presidential elections in Croatia (Study 2, N = 640), and elections for the EU Parliament in Poland, the Czech Republic, and Croatia (Study 3, N = 1,238). In Study 3, we additionally measured European identity. Moreover, we asked about actual voting behavior in Poland (Studies 1 and 3) and Croatia (Studies 2 and 3). The results consistently show that constructive patriotism is linked with greater intentions to vote in all types of elections and across all countries, and with a greater likelihood of voting in state parliamentary elections. In contrast, conventional patriotism had no link with intentions to vote or with actual voting behaviour in any type of election in any of the countries studied. Glorification was linked to lower intentions to vote only in state parliamentary elections. European identity was linked with greater intentions to vote in EU elections. Overall, our results suggest that constructive patriotism is a form of national identification that has particular electoral relevance.","PeriodicalId":16973,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social and Political Psychology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141710052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What happens when non-Jewish Germans, most of whom do not know any Jews personally, meet a Jew? We present field data from a nationwide intervention program that promotes dialogue between Jewish volunteers and non-Jewish people in Germany. Applying a mixed-methods approach, we analyzed responses from N = 385 attendees who served as initiators of the intervention for a larger group. The initiators shared their insights into the opinion of the group regarding the intervention, along with the feedback they received from the group. Compared to before the intervention, the attitudes of intervention attendees toward Jews were perceived by initiators as significantly more positive both up to one month after the intervention, and at the end of the year in which the intervention took place. Mediation analyses indicated that perspective-taking (rather than increased intergroup knowledge or reduced anxiety) was the most important intermediate factor for this outcome. A qualitative content analysis corroborated the primacy of perspective-taking, and shed light on further factors contributing to a (non-)successful intervention. We discuss the relevance of direct contact experiences in a context in which interactions between non-Jewish and Jewish people are limited but narratives of historical intergroup crimes are omnipresent.
大多数德国非犹太人都不认识犹太人，当他们遇到犹太人时会发生什么？我们展示了一项全国性干预计划的实地数据，该计划旨在促进德国犹太志愿者与非犹太人之间的对话。我们采用混合方法，分析了 N = 385 名参与者的回答，他们是更大群体的干预发起人。发起人分享了他们对小组关于干预措施的意见的见解，以及他们从小组收到的反馈。与干预前相比，无论是在干预后的一个月内，还是在干预结束后的一年内，干预发起人都认为干预参与者对犹太人的态度明显更加积极。调解分析表明，透视（而不是增加群体间知识或减少焦虑）是这一结果最重要的中间因素。定性内容分析证实了透视法的重要性，并揭示了导致干预（不）成功的其他因素。我们讨论了在非犹太人和犹太人之间的互动有限，但历史上群体间犯罪的叙述却无处不在的背景下，直接接触经验的相关性。
{"title":"“The first Jewish person I’ve ever met”: Insights from a field study on Jewish–non-Jewish contact in Germany","authors":"Fiona Kazarovytska, Dana Ionescu","doi":"10.5964/jspp.12269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.12269","url":null,"abstract":"What happens when non-Jewish Germans, most of whom do not know any Jews personally, meet a Jew? We present field data from a nationwide intervention program that promotes dialogue between Jewish volunteers and non-Jewish people in Germany. Applying a mixed-methods approach, we analyzed responses from N = 385 attendees who served as initiators of the intervention for a larger group. The initiators shared their insights into the opinion of the group regarding the intervention, along with the feedback they received from the group. Compared to before the intervention, the attitudes of intervention attendees toward Jews were perceived by initiators as significantly more positive both up to one month after the intervention, and at the end of the year in which the intervention took place. Mediation analyses indicated that perspective-taking (rather than increased intergroup knowledge or reduced anxiety) was the most important intermediate factor for this outcome. A qualitative content analysis corroborated the primacy of perspective-taking, and shed light on further factors contributing to a (non-)successful intervention. We discuss the relevance of direct contact experiences in a context in which interactions between non-Jewish and Jewish people are limited but narratives of historical intergroup crimes are omnipresent.","PeriodicalId":16973,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social and Political Psychology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2024-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141379133","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As group identities form, they construct social structures. Reciprocally, policies that alter social structures also influence an individual’s identity-related psychological processes. This study investigated how affirmative action, by changing external social structures, affects identity-related psychological processes. Twenty-seven participants were furnished with a survey in which they listed twelve of their identities and evaluated each identity’s significance toward continuity, belonging, self-perception, distinctiveness, and meaning. Thereafter, detailed write-ups of their lived experiences in spaces with affirmative action were gathered. A thematic analysis revealed that affirmative action affected both identity enactment and self-verification processes. These included changing (1) the degree of centrality and salience of identity categories such as racial versus national identity (2) intergenerational continuity and continuity across spaces (3) striving for distinctiveness in those perceived as benefiting from the policy (4) self-perceptions based on self- or policy-attribution of success or failure experiences, and (5) forging of meaning for ‘pioneers’ among beneficiaries of the policy. Based on the similarity of experiences related to affirmative action, the study shares subgroups within those benefiting from the policy that highlight the significance of (1) perceptions about the policy and (2) self- versus policy-attribution by individuals in altering their identity-related psychological processes.
{"title":"Affirmative action alters identity-related psychological processes: A phenomenological study in South Africa","authors":"Babar Dharani","doi":"10.5964/jspp.11481","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.11481","url":null,"abstract":"As group identities form, they construct social structures. Reciprocally, policies that alter social structures also influence an individual’s identity-related psychological processes. This study investigated how affirmative action, by changing external social structures, affects identity-related psychological processes. Twenty-seven participants were furnished with a survey in which they listed twelve of their identities and evaluated each identity’s significance toward continuity, belonging, self-perception, distinctiveness, and meaning. Thereafter, detailed write-ups of their lived experiences in spaces with affirmative action were gathered. A thematic analysis revealed that affirmative action affected both identity enactment and self-verification processes. These included changing (1) the degree of centrality and salience of identity categories such as racial versus national identity (2) intergenerational continuity and continuity across spaces (3) striving for distinctiveness in those perceived as benefiting from the policy (4) self-perceptions based on self- or policy-attribution of success or failure experiences, and (5) forging of meaning for ‘pioneers’ among beneficiaries of the policy. Based on the similarity of experiences related to affirmative action, the study shares subgroups within those benefiting from the policy that highlight the significance of (1) perceptions about the policy and (2) self- versus policy-attribution by individuals in altering their identity-related psychological processes.","PeriodicalId":16973,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social and Political Psychology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2024-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141109741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Anna Zlobina, María Celeste Dávila, Maria Barbolla Zapater
This article focuses on two facets of young people's active citizenship: their experience of being impacted by socio-political events and their participation behaviour. The idea that underlies the study is that to better understand the relationship between young people's perception of socio-political reality and their multiple ways of exercising active citizenship, we need to conceptualize more broadly what constitutes "the political". Since today's youth engagement includes many different forms, research should focus on what young citizens themselves experience as impacting, going beyond traditional measures of political interest. We conducted a survey among university students (N = 969, 72.7% female) in Spain that included an open-ended question about events that had particularly impacted them in the past year and measures of their experience and willingness to engage in conventional and unconventional political and civic participation. The content analysis established four categories of impacting events: "national politics" and "international politics", which correlated with conventional political participation; events categorized as "social life" and "social justice" were associated with unconventional/civic participation. The results also suggest that most of the participants are, in fact, active citizens, which challenges the view of young people as "disaffected citizens". We conclude that the analysis of their specific socio-political sensitivities helps to understand the intensity and concrete orientation of their actions.
{"title":"Are today's young people active citizens? A study of their sensitivity to socio-political issues and their social participation","authors":"Anna Zlobina, María Celeste Dávila, Maria Barbolla Zapater","doi":"10.5964/jspp.10299","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.10299","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on two facets of young people's active citizenship: their experience of being impacted by socio-political events and their participation behaviour. The idea that underlies the study is that to better understand the relationship between young people's perception of socio-political reality and their multiple ways of exercising active citizenship, we need to conceptualize more broadly what constitutes \"the political\". Since today's youth engagement includes many different forms, research should focus on what young citizens themselves experience as impacting, going beyond traditional measures of political interest. We conducted a survey among university students (N = 969, 72.7% female) in Spain that included an open-ended question about events that had particularly impacted them in the past year and measures of their experience and willingness to engage in conventional and unconventional political and civic participation. The content analysis established four categories of impacting events: \"national politics\" and \"international politics\", which correlated with conventional political participation; events categorized as \"social life\" and \"social justice\" were associated with unconventional/civic participation. The results also suggest that most of the participants are, in fact, active citizens, which challenges the view of young people as \"disaffected citizens\". We conclude that the analysis of their specific socio-political sensitivities helps to understand the intensity and concrete orientation of their actions.","PeriodicalId":16973,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social and Political Psychology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2024-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140077777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Uncertainty-identity theory (Hogg, 2000, 2007, 2012) postulates that people strengthen their adherence to, and identification with, extreme ideologies when they undergo an enduring uncertainty regarding their self-definition. Concomitantly, nationalist and extreme right-wing ideologies have been associated with the attribution of a threatening character to immigrant and refugee groups. We propose that self-uncertainty precedes the perceived threat posed by the latter groups, which in turn predicts adherence to nationalist attitudes. In one correlational (Study 1; n = 169) and one experimental study (Study 2; n = 309), we tested the mediational effects of perceived realistic and symbolic threat towards immigrants on the association between self-uncertainty and nationalist attitudes (belief in national superiority, support for anti-immigration laws and intention to vote for an anti-immigration party). In both studies, perceived realistic threat emerged as the most reliable mediator between self-uncertainty and nationalist attitudes. In addition (Study 2), we found a causal effect of self-uncertainty on realistic threat. We discuss the implications of these findings for social inclusion policies based on the reduction of uncertainty generated by immigration.
{"title":"The terrible unknown: How uncertainty fosters nationalist and anti-immigration attitudes","authors":"Sara G. Alves, Isabel R. Pinto, José M. Marques","doi":"10.5964/jspp.9953","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.9953","url":null,"abstract":"Uncertainty-identity theory (Hogg, 2000, 2007, 2012) postulates that people strengthen their adherence to, and identification with, extreme ideologies when they undergo an enduring uncertainty regarding their self-definition. Concomitantly, nationalist and extreme right-wing ideologies have been associated with the attribution of a threatening character to immigrant and refugee groups. We propose that self-uncertainty precedes the perceived threat posed by the latter groups, which in turn predicts adherence to nationalist attitudes. In one correlational (Study 1; n = 169) and one experimental study (Study 2; n = 309), we tested the mediational effects of perceived realistic and symbolic threat towards immigrants on the association between self-uncertainty and nationalist attitudes (belief in national superiority, support for anti-immigration laws and intention to vote for an anti-immigration party). In both studies, perceived realistic threat emerged as the most reliable mediator between self-uncertainty and nationalist attitudes. In addition (Study 2), we found a causal effect of self-uncertainty on realistic threat. We discuss the implications of these findings for social inclusion policies based on the reduction of uncertainty generated by immigration.","PeriodicalId":16973,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social and Political Psychology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2024-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140077765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Perceptions of injustice are central to fueling violent political action, though not everyone within a social movement will support violence in response to collective grievances. So who supports violence and who doesn’t after perceived injustice? To address this question, we followed up on the same individuals (N = 805) before and after a court decision in Catalonia (Spain) sentencing nine separatist leaders to prison, an event that led to mass violent and nonviolent protests. We tested three hypotheses by combining classical theories of collective action and more recent extremism models and found support for all three hypotheses. Namely, individuals who exhibited steeper increases in radicalism (controlling for activism) after the court ruling were those who had previously experienced police violence (social dynamics hypothesis), those who identified as separatists (separatist identity hypothesis), and those who held Catalan independence as a sacred value (sacred value hypothesis). Our findings offer a complex picture of real-world conflict settings, where the three evaluated factors seem to be intertwined. We discuss potential venues to restore inter-group relations after perceived injustice, with an assessment of how likely these strategies are to succeed based on the three adopted perspectives.
{"title":"Predicting radicalism after perceived injustice: The role of separatist identity, sacred values, and police violence","authors":"C. Pretus, Hammad Sheikh, Nafees Hamid, S. Atran","doi":"10.5964/jspp.11255","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.11255","url":null,"abstract":"Perceptions of injustice are central to fueling violent political action, though not everyone within a social movement will support violence in response to collective grievances. So who supports violence and who doesn’t after perceived injustice? To address this question, we followed up on the same individuals (N = 805) before and after a court decision in Catalonia (Spain) sentencing nine separatist leaders to prison, an event that led to mass violent and nonviolent protests. We tested three hypotheses by combining classical theories of collective action and more recent extremism models and found support for all three hypotheses. Namely, individuals who exhibited steeper increases in radicalism (controlling for activism) after the court ruling were those who had previously experienced police violence (social dynamics hypothesis), those who identified as separatists (separatist identity hypothesis), and those who held Catalan independence as a sacred value (sacred value hypothesis). Our findings offer a complex picture of real-world conflict settings, where the three evaluated factors seem to be intertwined. We discuss potential venues to restore inter-group relations after perceived injustice, with an assessment of how likely these strategies are to succeed based on the three adopted perspectives.","PeriodicalId":16973,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social and Political Psychology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138946524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We hypothesized that because politically conservative ideology legitimizes the status quo—including heteronormative institutions and arrangements—it should be negatively associated with in-group identification, opposition to homophobia, and support for LGBTQ+ rights among sexual minorities. These hypotheses, which were derived from system justification theory, were assessed in large US samples of sexual minority respondents. In Study 1 (N = 4,530) and Study 2 (N = 1,107), we observed that more conservative sexual minorities expressed weaker sexual identification, and, relatedly, less support for same-sex marriage and adoption and other rights and privileges, as well as less participation in collective action in favor of LGBTQ+ rights. In Study 3 (N = 446), heterosexist system justification was associated with decreased sexual identification and support for LGBTQ+ rights. In all studies, identity and ideology accounted for unique variance in support for vs. opposition to LGBTQ+ rights. Implications for the politics of sexual identity and collective action among disadvantaged groups are discussed.
{"title":"Heterosexist system justification: Identity and ideology explain variability in sexual minorities’ opposition to homophobia and support for LGBTQ+ rights","authors":"M. Hoffarth, Usman Liaquat, John T. Jost","doi":"10.5964/jspp.11515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.11515","url":null,"abstract":"We hypothesized that because politically conservative ideology legitimizes the status quo—including heteronormative institutions and arrangements—it should be negatively associated with in-group identification, opposition to homophobia, and support for LGBTQ+ rights among sexual minorities. These hypotheses, which were derived from system justification theory, were assessed in large US samples of sexual minority respondents. In Study 1 (N = 4,530) and Study 2 (N = 1,107), we observed that more conservative sexual minorities expressed weaker sexual identification, and, relatedly, less support for same-sex marriage and adoption and other rights and privileges, as well as less participation in collective action in favor of LGBTQ+ rights. In Study 3 (N = 446), heterosexist system justification was associated with decreased sexual identification and support for LGBTQ+ rights. In all studies, identity and ideology accounted for unique variance in support for vs. opposition to LGBTQ+ rights. Implications for the politics of sexual identity and collective action among disadvantaged groups are discussed.","PeriodicalId":16973,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social and Political Psychology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138944181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
P. Van Oost, Sarah Leveaux, O. Klein, Vincent Yzerbyt
In order to promote their anti-immigration agenda, many politicians resort to gender equality discourse, often suggesting that national or European values should be protected against Islam that subordinates women. This co-occurrence of racist and anti-sexist arguments is striking because research generally shows that people with racist views and lower levels of egalitarianism tend to have more sexist attitudes. In this study, we use textual data to examine whether this co-occurrence emerges in lay people’s discourses and how it relates to their ideological positions. Drawing on data collected via an online questionnaire with French-speaking Belgians (N = 500) and using statistical text analyses, we investigate participants’ responses to open-ended questions pertaining to their conception of European lifestyle, the relation between Islam and Christian religions, and Islam and feminism. We find that participants with right-wing political orientation and higher levels of system justification associate women’s rights with European way of life more than other participants, perceive Islam and Christianity as more different, and perceive Islam as incompatible with feminism. They justify their views using gender equality arguments. In contrast, left-wing participants do not see feminism and Islam as incompatible and blame both religions for being an obstacle to gender equality. As a set, our findings confirm that people with right-wing political orientation and higher levels of system justification tend to exploit the issue of gender equality to promote their anti-egalitarian views towards Islam. In view of the widespread and normative support for gender equality in many Western countries, this phenomenon is particularly treacherous.
{"title":"Gender inequality discourse as a tool to express attitudes towards Islam","authors":"P. Van Oost, Sarah Leveaux, O. Klein, Vincent Yzerbyt","doi":"10.5964/jspp.9621","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.9621","url":null,"abstract":"In order to promote their anti-immigration agenda, many politicians resort to gender equality discourse, often suggesting that national or European values should be protected against Islam that subordinates women. This co-occurrence of racist and anti-sexist arguments is striking because research generally shows that people with racist views and lower levels of egalitarianism tend to have more sexist attitudes. In this study, we use textual data to examine whether this co-occurrence emerges in lay people’s discourses and how it relates to their ideological positions. Drawing on data collected via an online questionnaire with French-speaking Belgians (N = 500) and using statistical text analyses, we investigate participants’ responses to open-ended questions pertaining to their conception of European lifestyle, the relation between Islam and Christian religions, and Islam and feminism. We find that participants with right-wing political orientation and higher levels of system justification associate women’s rights with European way of life more than other participants, perceive Islam and Christianity as more different, and perceive Islam as incompatible with feminism. They justify their views using gender equality arguments. In contrast, left-wing participants do not see feminism and Islam as incompatible and blame both religions for being an obstacle to gender equality. As a set, our findings confirm that people with right-wing political orientation and higher levels of system justification tend to exploit the issue of gender equality to promote their anti-egalitarian views towards Islam. In view of the widespread and normative support for gender equality in many Western countries, this phenomenon is particularly treacherous.","PeriodicalId":16973,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social and Political Psychology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138948947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What makes populist leaders, responsible for many episodes of democratic backsliding, especially appealing to a significant part of the electorate? In the following pages we argue that the effect of perceptions regarding leaders’ ‘warmth’ causes them to be perceived as having good intentions toward and even being part of ‘the people,’ resulting in a more positive overall evaluation among citizens with more critical views of democratic representativeness (external political efficacy). We test this hypothesis in two very different political systems, Argentina and Spain, using data from original surveys that contain batteries of questions on warmth and competence trait dimensions for multiple leaders in both countries. The results show that while perceptions of traits along both warmth and competence dimensions are important for the evaluation of all leaders in democratic systems, the interactive effect between external political efficacy and perceptions of warmth is important for explaining more positive evaluations of populist leaders.
{"title":"‘Warming up’ to populist leaders: A comparative analysis of Argentina and Spain","authors":"E. Carty, Mariano Torcal","doi":"10.5964/jspp.10107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.10107","url":null,"abstract":"What makes populist leaders, responsible for many episodes of democratic backsliding, especially appealing to a significant part of the electorate? In the following pages we argue that the effect of perceptions regarding leaders’ ‘warmth’ causes them to be perceived as having good intentions toward and even being part of ‘the people,’ resulting in a more positive overall evaluation among citizens with more critical views of democratic representativeness (external political efficacy). We test this hypothesis in two very different political systems, Argentina and Spain, using data from original surveys that contain batteries of questions on warmth and competence trait dimensions for multiple leaders in both countries. The results show that while perceptions of traits along both warmth and competence dimensions are important for the evaluation of all leaders in democratic systems, the interactive effect between external political efficacy and perceptions of warmth is important for explaining more positive evaluations of populist leaders.","PeriodicalId":16973,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social and Political Psychology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138957253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tamara A. Lipscombe, Antonia Hendrick, Peta L. Dzidic, Brian Bishop, Darren Garvey
A Foucauldian genealogical approach was used to explore the historical context surrounding Australia Day social tensions. Historic Indigenous-settler relations appear central to Australia Day events. Australia Day social contestation suggests unsettlement surrounding the ways in which Australian nationhood is predicated on colonial-settler privilege and exploitation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander sovereignties. While modalities of colonial-settler power are identified, so too are Indigenous forms of resistance that serve to disrupt settler privileges. The findings indicate that settler determination of Australia Day acts to preserve settler sovereignty within the national mythscape as a mechanism in the colonial project and repudiation of Indigenous sovereignties in Australia. However, Indigenous forms of resistance challenge settler constructions of the Australian mythscape and nationhood.
{"title":"Colonial mechanisms for repudiating indigenous sovereignties in Australia: A Foucauldian-genealogical exploration of Australia day","authors":"Tamara A. Lipscombe, Antonia Hendrick, Peta L. Dzidic, Brian Bishop, Darren Garvey","doi":"10.5964/jspp.8125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.8125","url":null,"abstract":"A Foucauldian genealogical approach was used to explore the historical context surrounding Australia Day social tensions. Historic Indigenous-settler relations appear central to Australia Day events. Australia Day social contestation suggests unsettlement surrounding the ways in which Australian nationhood is predicated on colonial-settler privilege and exploitation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander sovereignties. While modalities of colonial-settler power are identified, so too are Indigenous forms of resistance that serve to disrupt settler privileges. The findings indicate that settler determination of Australia Day acts to preserve settler sovereignty within the national mythscape as a mechanism in the colonial project and repudiation of Indigenous sovereignties in Australia. However, Indigenous forms of resistance challenge settler constructions of the Australian mythscape and nationhood.","PeriodicalId":16973,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Social and Political Psychology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138953936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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