Journal of Social and Political Psychology最新文献

Predicting radicalism after perceived injustice: The role of separatist identity, sacred values, and police violence 预测感受到不公正后的激进主义：分离主义身份、神圣价值观和警察暴力的作用

IF 2.1 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL

Journal of Social and Political Psychology

Pub Date : 2023-12-22 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.11255

C. Pretus, Hammad Sheikh, Nafees Hamid, S. Atran

Perceptions of injustice are central to fueling violent political action, though not everyone within a social movement will support violence in response to collective grievances. So who supports violence and who doesn’t after perceived injustice? To address this question, we followed up on the same individuals (N = 805) before and after a court decision in Catalonia (Spain) sentencing nine separatist leaders to prison, an event that led to mass violent and nonviolent protests. We tested three hypotheses by combining classical theories of collective action and more recent extremism models and found support for all three hypotheses. Namely, individuals who exhibited steeper increases in radicalism (controlling for activism) after the court ruling were those who had previously experienced police violence (social dynamics hypothesis), those who identified as separatists (separatist identity hypothesis), and those who held Catalan independence as a sacred value (sacred value hypothesis). Our findings offer a complex picture of real-world conflict settings, where the three evaluated factors seem to be intertwined. We discuss potential venues to restore inter-group relations after perceived injustice, with an assessment of how likely these strategies are to succeed based on the three adopted perspectives.

对不公正的感知是助长暴力政治行动的核心因素，但并非社会运动中的每个人都会支持用暴力来回应集体的不满。那么，在感知到不公正之后，谁支持暴力，谁不支持暴力呢？为了解决这个问题，我们对加泰罗尼亚（西班牙）法院判决九名分离主义领导人入狱前后的相同个人（N = 805）进行了跟踪调查，这一事件引发了大规模的暴力和非暴力抗议活动。我们结合经典的集体行动理论和最新的极端主义模型对三个假设进行了检验，结果发现所有三个假设都得到了支持。也就是说，在法院判决后，激进主义（控制激进主义）增加较快的人是那些以前经历过警察暴力的人（社会动力假说）、那些被认定为分离主义者的人（分离主义者身份假说）以及那些将加泰罗尼亚独立视为神圣价值的人（神圣价值假说）。我们的研究结果提供了现实世界冲突环境的复杂图景，其中三个评估因素似乎相互交织。我们讨论了在感受到不公正后恢复群体间关系的潜在途径，并根据所采用的三种观点评估了这些策略成功的可能性。

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引用次数: 0

Heterosexist system justification: Identity and ideology explain variability in sexual minorities’ opposition to homophobia and support for LGBTQ+ rights 异性恋制度的合理性：身份和意识形态解释了性少数群体反对仇视同性恋和支持 LGBTQ+ 权利的差异

IF 2.1 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL

Journal of Social and Political Psychology

Pub Date : 2023-12-22 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.11515

M. Hoffarth, Usman Liaquat, John T. Jost

We hypothesized that because politically conservative ideology legitimizes the status quo—including heteronormative institutions and arrangements—it should be negatively associated with in-group identification, opposition to homophobia, and support for LGBTQ+ rights among sexual minorities. These hypotheses, which were derived from system justification theory, were assessed in large US samples of sexual minority respondents. In Study 1 (N = 4,530) and Study 2 (N = 1,107), we observed that more conservative sexual minorities expressed weaker sexual identification, and, relatedly, less support for same-sex marriage and adoption and other rights and privileges, as well as less participation in collective action in favor of LGBTQ+ rights. In Study 3 (N = 446), heterosexist system justification was associated with decreased sexual identification and support for LGBTQ+ rights. In all studies, identity and ideology accounted for unique variance in support for vs. opposition to LGBTQ+ rights. Implications for the politics of sexual identity and collective action among disadvantaged groups are discussed.

我们假设，由于政治保守的意识形态使现状--包括异性恋体制和安排--合法化，它应该与性少数群体的群体内认同、反对仇视同性恋以及支持 LGBTQ+ 权利负相关。这些假设源于系统合理性理论，并在美国性少数群体受访者的大型样本中进行了评估。在研究 1（样本数=4,530）和研究 2（样本数=1,107）中，我们观察到较为保守的性少数群体对性的认同感较弱，因此对同性婚姻、领养以及其他权利和特权的支持度较低，对支持 LGBTQ+ 权利的集体行动的参与度也较低。在研究 3（N = 446）中，异性恋制度的合理性与性认同和对 LGBTQ+ 权利支持的减少有关。在所有研究中，身份认同和意识形态是支持与反对 LGBTQ+ 权利的独特差异因素。本文讨论了性认同政治和弱势群体集体行动的意义。

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引用次数: 0

Gender inequality discourse as a tool to express attitudes towards Islam 将性别不平等言论作为表达对伊斯兰教态度的工具

IF 2.1 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL

Journal of Social and Political Psychology

Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.9621

P. Van Oost, Sarah Leveaux, O. Klein, Vincent Yzerbyt

In order to promote their anti-immigration agenda, many politicians resort to gender equality discourse, often suggesting that national or European values should be protected against Islam that subordinates women. This co-occurrence of racist and anti-sexist arguments is striking because research generally shows that people with racist views and lower levels of egalitarianism tend to have more sexist attitudes. In this study, we use textual data to examine whether this co-occurrence emerges in lay people’s discourses and how it relates to their ideological positions. Drawing on data collected via an online questionnaire with French-speaking Belgians (N = 500) and using statistical text analyses, we investigate participants’ responses to open-ended questions pertaining to their conception of European lifestyle, the relation between Islam and Christian religions, and Islam and feminism. We find that participants with right-wing political orientation and higher levels of system justification associate women’s rights with European way of life more than other participants, perceive Islam and Christianity as more different, and perceive Islam as incompatible with feminism. They justify their views using gender equality arguments. In contrast, left-wing participants do not see feminism and Islam as incompatible and blame both religions for being an obstacle to gender equality. As a set, our findings confirm that people with right-wing political orientation and higher levels of system justification tend to exploit the issue of gender equality to promote their anti-egalitarian views towards Islam. In view of the widespread and normative support for gender equality in many Western countries, this phenomenon is particularly treacherous.

为了推动他们的反移民议程，许多政客诉诸于性别平等的论调，经常暗示应该保护国家或欧洲的价值观，反对使妇女处于从属地位的伊斯兰教。种族主义和反性别歧视论点的同时出现令人震惊，因为研究普遍表明，持有种族主义观点和平等主义水平较低的人往往持有更多的性别歧视态度。在本研究中，我们使用文本数据来研究这种并存现象是否出现在非专业人士的话语中，以及它与他们的意识形态立场之间的关系。通过对讲法语的比利时人（N = 500）进行在线问卷调查，并使用统计文本分析，我们调查了参与者对开放式问题的回答，这些问题涉及他们对欧洲生活方式的看法、伊斯兰教与基督教的关系以及伊斯兰教与女权主义。我们发现，与其他参与者相比，具有右翼政治倾向和较高系统合理性水平的参与者更倾向于将妇女权利与欧洲生活方式联系起来，认为伊斯兰教与基督教的差异更大，并认为伊斯兰教与女权主义不相容。她们用性别平等的论据来证明自己的观点。相比之下，左翼参与者并不认为女权主义与伊斯兰教不相容，并指责这两种宗教是性别平等的障碍。综上所述，我们的研究结果证实，政治倾向右翼、系统合理性水平较高的人倾向于利用性别平等问题来宣扬他们对伊斯兰教的反平等观点。鉴于性别平等在许多西方国家得到广泛和规范的支持，这种现象尤为危险。

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引用次数: 0

‘Warming up’ to populist leaders: A comparative analysis of Argentina and Spain 向民粹主义领导人 "取暖"：阿根廷和西班牙的比较分析

IF 2.1 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL

Journal of Social and Political Psychology

Pub Date : 2023-12-20 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.10107

E. Carty, Mariano Torcal

What makes populist leaders, responsible for many episodes of democratic backsliding, especially appealing to a significant part of the electorate? In the following pages we argue that the effect of perceptions regarding leaders’ ‘warmth’ causes them to be perceived as having good intentions toward and even being part of ‘the people,’ resulting in a more positive overall evaluation among citizens with more critical views of democratic representativeness (external political efficacy). We test this hypothesis in two very different political systems, Argentina and Spain, using data from original surveys that contain batteries of questions on warmth and competence trait dimensions for multiple leaders in both countries. The results show that while perceptions of traits along both warmth and competence dimensions are important for the evaluation of all leaders in democratic systems, the interactive effect between external political efficacy and perceptions of warmth is important for explaining more positive evaluations of populist leaders.

民粹主义领导人是许多民主倒退事件的罪魁祸首，是什么让他们对相当一部分选民特别有吸引力？在下文中，我们将论证，对领导人 "热情 "的看法会使他们被认为对 "人民 "怀有善意，甚至是 "人民 "的一部分，从而使那些对民主代表性（外部政治效能）持批评态度的公民对领导人的总体评价更为积极。我们在阿根廷和西班牙这两个截然不同的政治体制中，利用原始调查的数据对这两个国家的多位领导人进行了测试，这些数据包含了有关热情和能力特质维度的问题。结果表明，虽然对温情和能力两个维度的特质认知对民主制度中所有领导人的评价都很重要，但外部政治效能感和温情认知之间的互动效应对解释对民粹主义领导人更积极的评价很重要。

引用次数: 0

Colonial mechanisms for repudiating indigenous sovereignties in Australia: A Foucauldian-genealogical exploration of Australia day 否定澳大利亚土著主权的殖民机制：对澳大利亚日的福柯学-谱系学探索

IF 2.1 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL

Journal of Social and Political Psychology

Pub Date : 2023-12-20 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.8125

Tamara A. Lipscombe, Antonia Hendrick, Peta L. Dzidic, Brian Bishop, Darren Garvey

A Foucauldian genealogical approach was used to explore the historical context surrounding Australia Day social tensions. Historic Indigenous-settler relations appear central to Australia Day events. Australia Day social contestation suggests unsettlement surrounding the ways in which Australian nationhood is predicated on colonial-settler privilege and exploitation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander sovereignties. While modalities of colonial-settler power are identified, so too are Indigenous forms of resistance that serve to disrupt settler privileges. The findings indicate that settler determination of Australia Day acts to preserve settler sovereignty within the national mythscape as a mechanism in the colonial project and repudiation of Indigenous sovereignties in Australia. However, Indigenous forms of resistance challenge settler constructions of the Australian mythscape and nationhood.

我们采用福柯谱系学的方法来探索澳大利亚日社会紧张局势的历史背景。历史上土著与定居者的关系似乎是澳大利亚国庆日活动的核心。澳大利亚国庆日的社会争论表明，澳大利亚的国家地位是建立在殖民-定居者特权以及对土著居民和托雷斯海峡岛民主权的剥削基础之上的。在确定殖民-定居者权力模式的同时，也确定了土著人旨在破坏定居者特权的反抗形式。研究结果表明，定居者确定澳大利亚日的目的是在国家神话景观中维护定居者的主权，以此作为澳大利亚殖民项目和否定土著主权的机制。然而，土著人的反抗形式挑战了定居者对澳大利亚神话景观和民族性的构建。

引用次数: 0

When small acts are multiplied: Assessing everyday social justice behaviors 当微小的行为成倍增加：评估日常社会正义行为

IF 2.1 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL

Journal of Social and Political Psychology

Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.8161

Samantha A. Montgomery, B. T. Blankenship, Abigail J. Stewart

Using the Act Frequency Approach, we drew on majority White, U.S. samples to create a new measure of social justice behavior and examine its correlates. Although existing measures of social justice behavior focus on engagement in collective action, participants in Study 1 (n = 137) were encouraged to nominate and evaluate a broad set of acts relevant to their daily lives. The final 17-item Everyday Social Justice Behavior (ESJB) scale reflects a range of global and domain-specific actions rated as prototypical by both 53 undergraduate novices and 20 social justice experts in Study 2. Participants in studies 3 (n = 388) and 4 (n = 613) were then asked to rate how frequently they perform the items. As expected, women and sexual minorities, and those with left political orientation, engaged in more everyday social justice behavior. Moreover, those reporting more everyday social justice behavior also scored higher in structural attributions of social change, intersectional awareness, ratings of the importance of and confidence in taking action, openness to experience, extraversion, and empathy, while being lower in social dominance orientation, system justification, and the need for cognitive closure. In addition, those high in ESJB also reported more progressive activist engagement and intentions. Relations with activism were modest, suggesting social justice activism and ESJB are somewhat distinct forms of social justice behavior. This measure should be of broader use in similar (majority White) samples; the measure development process can also be used to assess such behaviors in other samples and contexts.

利用行为频率法，我们从美国白人占多数的样本中创建了一种新的社会正义行为测量方法，并研究了其相关性。尽管现有的社会正义行为测量方法主要关注集体行动的参与度，但我们鼓励研究 1 的参与者（n = 137）提名并评估与他们日常生活相关的一系列行为。在研究 2 中，53 名本科生新手和 20 名社会正义专家将 17 个项目的 "日常社会正义行为（ESJB）量表 "评为原型，该量表反映了一系列全球性和特定领域的行为。然后，研究 3（n = 388）和研究 4（n = 613）的参与者被要求对他们执行这些项目的频率进行评分。不出所料，女性和性少数群体以及政治倾向偏左的人日常参与社会正义行为的频率更高。此外，那些报告了更多日常社会正义行为的人在社会变革的结构性归因、交叉意识、对采取行动的重要性和信心的评价、对经验的开放性、外向性和移情方面的得分也较高，而在社会主导取向、系统合理性和认知封闭性需求方面的得分较低。此外，ESJB 值较高的人还报告说，他们更积极地参与到行动中来，并有更多的行动意向。ESJB与激进主义的关系不大，这表明社会正义激进主义和ESJB在某种程度上是不同形式的社会正义行为。这种测量方法应该在类似（白人占多数）的样本中得到更广泛的应用；测量方法的开发过程也可用于评估其他样本和环境中的此类行为。

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引用次数: 0

Adversarial interaction in Prime Minister’s Questions in the UK 英国首相质询中的对抗性互动

IF 2.1 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL

Journal of Social and Political Psychology

Pub Date : 2023-12-06 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.8099

Peter Bull, Maurice Waddle

Politeness is a social norm but so too in certain contexts is impoliteness. One such situation is that of Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs) in the UK House of Commons. The event is notorious for its adversarial discourse, especially for the gladiatorial encounters between Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition. Their encounters form the focus of this paper, in which, through the reporting of previous studies, we explore five distinctive features of PMQs discourse: face-threats, personal attacks, the rhetorical use of quotations, equivocation, and traditional forms of address; in a sixth study, we also discuss the potential political functions of adversarial opposition. Adversarial questioning is the norm of PMQs; it is the expected role of opposition leaders to scrutinise government policies and actions, and to call the government to account. Thereby, PMQs adversarialism can be seen to reflect the underlying social norms and evaluations of this highly distinctive social setting.

礼貌是一种社会规范，但在某些情况下也不礼貌。其中一种情况是英国下议院的首相提问(PMQs)。该活动因其对抗性话语而臭名昭著，特别是总理和反对派领导人之间的角斗士遭遇。他们的遭遇构成了本文的重点，通过对以往研究的报道，我们探讨了首相问答话语的五个显著特征:面对威胁、人身攻击、引语的修辞使用、含糊其辞和传统的称呼形式;在第六项研究中，我们还讨论了对抗性反对的潜在政治功能。对抗性提问是首相问答的常态;反对派领导人的职责是审查政府的政策和行动，并要求政府承担责任。因此，pmq的对抗性可以被视为反映了这种高度独特的社会环境的潜在社会规范和评价。

引用次数: 0

Social representations of European history by the European youth: A cross-country comparison 欧洲青年对欧洲历史的社会表述：跨国比较

IF 2.1 Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL

Journal of Social and Political Psychology

Pub Date : 2023-12-05 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.9805

P. Bouchat, Rosa Cabecinhas, Laurent Licata, Maxence Charton, X. Chryssochoou, Sylvain Delouvée, H. Erb, Léo Facca, Christine Flassbeck, Valérie Haas, N. Kalampalikis, Renata Franc, Silvia Mari, Tomislav M. Pavlović, N. Petrović, M. Raudsepp, Alberto Sá, Inari Sakki, Maciek Sekerdej, Julien Taranczewski, N. Telle, J. Valentim, Aude Wenzel, Anna Wnuk, Denis J. Hilton

The present manuscript examines the way young Europeans represent Europe’s history. A study conducted in 11 European countries (N = 1406 students in social sciences) shows that the characters considered most important in the history of Europe are mostly men linked either to WW2, authoritarianism, or conquests and empires. Although these appear later in the rankings and despite some imbalance between countries, Europe’s history is also associated with religious figures, artists, scientists, and philosophers. These results show that the representations of the history of Europe currently shared by young Europeans correspond, in part, to historical narratives based on a specific set of experiences, events, and values supposedly common to the peoples of Europe that were promoted by European elites throughout the integration process. Further, these results suggest that beyond the negative narrative of war and the crimes of totalitarianism, the history of Europe is also embodied by positive characters transcending national boundaries and associated with a set of key elements of the EU identity: democracy, tolerance, solidarity, humanism, and the Enlightenment. Finally, we also highlight the near-total absence of characters unambiguously related to colonization and, especially, decolonization, and a strong overall under-representation of women.

这份手稿考察了年轻的欧洲人代表欧洲历史的方式。一项对11个欧洲国家(1406名社会科学专业的学生)进行的研究表明，欧洲历史上最重要的人物大多是与二战、威权主义或征服和帝国有关的男性。尽管这些在排名中排名靠后，而且国家之间也存在一些不平衡，但欧洲的历史也与宗教人物、艺术家、科学家和哲学家联系在一起。这些结果表明，目前欧洲年轻人所分享的欧洲历史表征，在一定程度上与基于一组特定的经历、事件和价值观的历史叙述相对应，这些经历、事件和价值观被认为是欧洲人民共同的，在整个一体化过程中被欧洲精英所推动。此外，这些结果表明，除了战争和极权主义罪行的负面叙述之外，欧洲历史还体现了超越国界的积极特征，并与欧盟身份的一系列关键要素有关:民主、宽容、团结、人道主义和启蒙运动。最后，我们还强调了几乎完全没有与殖民，特别是非殖民化明确相关的角色，以及女性的整体代表性不足。

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引用次数: 0

Who believes the country belongs to their ethnic ingroup? The background characteristics of ‘owners’ and their support for stricter immigration policies across three Western societies 谁相信这个国家属于他们的民族?三个西方社会中“业主”的背景特征及其对更严格移民政策的支持

Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL

Journal of Social and Political Psychology

Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.10617

Lianne Straver, Borja Martinović, Tom Nijs, Wybren Nooitgedagt, Nora Storz

We examined if ethnic majority members with different background characteristics (national identification, political orientation, gender, education, and age) differ in the perception that their ethnic group owns the country they live in, and whether this can explain their opinions about stricter immigration policies. Using nationally diverse samples of Anglo-Australian (N = 475), Dutch (N = 599), and British participants (N = 1005), we found that ownership beliefs were consistently positively associated with support for stricter immigration policies. Further, we showed that ownership beliefs were stronger among higher national identifiers, men, right-wing, lower educated (United Kingdom only), and older people (Australia only), and ownership partially accounted for these groups’ stronger endorsement of stricter immigration policies. Our study underscores the relevance of ownership beliefs as a novel construct that can explain the relation between personal background characteristics and anti-immigration stance among ethnic majority populations in Western countries.

我们考察了具有不同背景特征(民族认同、政治取向、性别、教育程度和年龄)的多数民族成员，是否对他们所居住的国家拥有不同的看法，以及这是否可以解释他们对更严格的移民政策的看法。使用英澳(N = 475)、荷兰(N = 599)和英国参与者(N = 1005)的不同国家样本，我们发现所有权信念始终与支持更严格的移民政策呈正相关。此外，我们还发现，所有权信念在更高的国家标识、男性、右翼、受教育程度较低的人(仅限英国)和老年人(仅限澳大利亚)中更强，所有权部分解释了这些群体对更严格的移民政策的更强支持。我们的研究强调了所有权信念作为一种新的结构的相关性，它可以解释西方国家多数民族中个人背景特征与反移民立场之间的关系。

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引用次数: 0

Shaping citizenship: Dynamic relations between the reified and the consensual universes in defining the “good foreign resident” 塑造公民身份:“好外国居民”定义中的物化世界与共识世界的动态关系

Q3 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL

Journal of Social and Political Psychology

Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.7351

Tânia R. Santos, Paula Castro

A social and political psychology of citizenship can be furthered by the analysis of the values and representations through which citizenship is constructed in the text of laws and reconstructed during implementation and how these (re)constructions best serve some groups. This article views laws as facts from the reified/institutional universe whose texts operate a simplification process by prioritizing certain values from the plurality existent in the consensual universe and sees institutions in charge of law implementation as mediating systems operating re-complexification processes. Using this perspective, it (1) explores how the values and social representations prioritized in Portuguese foreign residency laws exclude/include certain groups and define rights and duties of “the good foreign resident/citizen”; (2) illustrates with interviews with experts from a mediating system (n = 6) the re-complexification of the laws in implementation. It highlights how the “worthiness” of foreign residents in Portugal depends upon three central values (work, study, and investment) keeping, however, some ambiguity of these values in the legal texts. Interviews illustrate how mediating systems re-signify the laws, amplifying the ambiguities by resorting to other values and representations. We discuss how the analysis of the dynamic relation between the reified and the consensual universes contributes to a better understanding of how macro-level factors interact with everyday citizenship.

通过分析在法律文本中构建公民身份并在实施过程中重建公民身份的价值观和表征，以及这些(重新)建构如何最好地为某些群体服务，可以进一步推进公民身份的社会和政治心理。本文将法律视为来自物化/制度世界的事实，其文本通过优先考虑存在于共识世界中的多元化的某些价值观来操作简化过程，并将负责法律实施的机构视为操作重新复杂过程的中介系统。从这个角度来看，它(1)探讨了葡萄牙外国居留法中优先考虑的价值观和社会表征如何排除/包括某些群体，并定义了“良好的外国居民/公民”的权利和义务;(2)通过对中介系统(n = 6)专家的访谈来说明法律在实施中的再复杂性。它强调了外国居民在葡萄牙的“价值”如何取决于三个核心价值观(工作、学习和投资)，然而，这些价值观在法律文本中有些模糊。访谈说明了调解系统如何重新表示法律，通过诉诸其他价值和表示来放大模糊性。我们讨论了对具体化和共识宇宙之间动态关系的分析如何有助于更好地理解宏观层面因素如何与日常公民身份相互作用。

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引用次数: 0