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The influence of perceived threat and political mistrust on politicized identity and normative and violent nonnormative collective action 感知到的威胁和政治不信任对政治化身份以及规范性和非规范性暴力集体行动的影响
IF 2.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-13 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.7979
C. Chan, Robyn E. Gulliver, A. Awale, Katy Y. Y. Tam, W. Louis
The present research examined the interplay of social threat and political mistrust on collective action intentions in the context of Hong Kong social unrest. We investigated perceived social threat from a dominant outgroup and mistrust in the political system as two antecedents of politicized identity, and as indirect predictors of intentions to participate in normative and violent nonnormative collective action. Across two studies (Study 1: N = 398; Study 2: N = 200), we found that perceived social threat, political mistrust, and their interaction had positive significant associations with action intentions (Study 1) and an interactive association (Study 2) with politicized identity. Both studies indicated indirect effects of social threat and political mistrust on both normative and violent collective action intentions through politicized identity. Politicized identity and a broader Hong Kong identity were both directly associated with normative collective action intentions. However, only politicized identity was associated with violent collective action intentions.
本研究考察了香港社会动荡背景下,社会威胁和政治不信任对集体行动意图的相互作用。我们调查了来自占主导地位的外部群体的感知社会威胁和对政治体系的不信任,这是政治化身份的两个前因,也是参与规范和暴力非规范集体行动意图的间接预测因素。在两项研究中(研究1:N=398;研究2:N=200),我们发现感知的社会威胁、政治不信任及其互动与行动意图有正相关(研究1),与政治化身份有互动关联(研究2)。这两项研究都表明,社会威胁和政治不信任通过政治化身份对规范性和暴力性集体行动意图产生了间接影响。政治化身份和更广泛的香港身份都与规范的集体行动意图直接相关。然而,只有政治化的身份认同与暴力的集体行动意图联系在一起。
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引用次数: 0
Conspiracy theory vulnerability from a psychodynamic perspective: Considering four epistemologies related to four developmental existential-relational positions 心理动力学视角下的阴谋论脆弱性:考虑与四种发展性存在关系立场相关的四种认识论
IF 2.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.8089
R. Webb, Philip J. Rosenbaum
Conspiracy theories command much attention these days. However, the reasons why people come to believe in them is elusive. An overlooked perspective is the developmental one. We propose the importance of looking at the ways our early relationships to “otherness,” authority, and agency inform the different epistemologies or world views that we adopt and, therein, relate to our vulnerability to conspiratorial belief. We describe four existential-relational developmental positions and discuss how these can be paired with a collapsed, crippled, or delimited epistemology or one of wondering.
阴谋论如今备受关注。然而,人们开始相信它们的原因是难以捉摸的。一个被忽视的视角是发展视角。我们提出了研究我们早期与“他者”、权威和能动性的关系如何告知我们所采用的不同认识论或世界观的重要性,并在其中与我们易受阴谋信仰的影响有关。我们描述了四种存在关系发展立场,并讨论了这些立场如何与崩溃、瘫痪或受限的认识论或疑惑论相结合。
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引用次数: 1
From primary to presidency: Fake news, false memory, and changing attitudes in the 2016 election 从初选到总统大选:2016年大选中的假新闻、错误记忆和态度变化
IF 2.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.10203
R. Grady, P. Ditto, E. Loftus, L. Levine, R. Greenspan, Daniel P. Relihan
During a contentious primary campaign, people may argue passionately against a candidate they later support during the general election. How do people reconcile such potentially conflicting attitudes? This study followed 602 United States citizens, recruited from Amazon Mechanical Turk, at three points throughout the 2016 presidential election investigating how attitudes and preferences changed over time and how people remembered their past feelings. Across political parties, people’s memory for their past attitudes was strongly influenced by their present attitudes; more specifically, those who had changed their opinion of a candidate remembered their past attitudes as being more like their current attitudes than they actually were. Participants were also susceptible to remembering false news events about both presidential candidates. However, they were largely unaware of their memory biases and rejected the possibility that they may have been susceptible to them. Not remembering their prior attitude may facilitate support of a previously disliked candidate and foster loyalty towards a party nominee during a time of disunity by forgetting they ever used to dislike the candidate.
在一场有争议的初选中,人们可能会激烈地反对他们后来在大选中支持的候选人。人们如何调和这种潜在的矛盾态度?这项研究跟踪了602名从亚马逊机械土耳其人招募的美国公民,在2016年总统大选期间的三个时间点,调查了人们的态度和偏好如何随着时间的推移而变化,以及人们如何记住自己过去的感受。在各个政党中,人们对过去态度的记忆受到当前态度的强烈影响;更具体地说,那些改变了对候选人看法的人记得他们过去的态度比实际情况更像他们现在的态度。参与者还容易记住关于两位总统候选人的虚假新闻事件。然而,他们基本上没有意识到自己的记忆偏见,并拒绝接受自己可能容易受到这些偏见影响的可能性。不记得他们以前的态度可能会有助于支持以前不喜欢的候选人,并在不团结的时候通过忘记他们曾经不喜欢候选人来培养对政党提名人的忠诚。
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引用次数: 0
Social invisibility and discrimination of Roma people in Italy and Brazil 在意大利和巴西,罗姆人被社会忽视和歧视
IF 2.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.23668/PSYCHARCHIVES.5122
Giannino Melotti, Mariana Bonomo, Julia Alves Brasil, P. Villano
In everyday debates on topics such as cultural differences, it seems relevant to analyze not only institutional conversations or speeches, but also mass-media communications. The way the media portray social events contributes to the construction of our categories of explanation of the world. The main purpose of this research is to analyze the representations of ‘gypsies’ in news articles published in some of the most important national newspapers in Italy and Brazil. Results show that Italian news focuses on the living conditions of Roma people, stereotypes, crimes suffered or attributed to them, and political and cultural debates on the Roma question in Italian cities. Brazilian news indicated themes associated with Roma in the context of artistic-cultural productions (films, soap operas, songs, dances and opera and theatre plays), mentioned with other Brazilian traditional peoples and communities, as well as the death of gypsies during the Nazi period. The paper discusses the processes of social invisibility and the social production of the (re)presentation of cliché images of Roma as a social problem, marginalized in the sphere of public policies and of their fundamental rights.
在日常关于文化差异等话题的辩论中,似乎不仅要分析机构对话或演讲,还要分析大众媒体传播。媒体描绘社会事件的方式有助于构建我们对世界的解释类别。本研究的主要目的是分析意大利和巴西一些最重要的全国性报纸上发表的新闻文章中“吉普赛人”的形象。结果显示,意大利新闻的重点是罗姆人的生活条件、陈规定型观念、遭受或归因于他们的罪行,以及意大利城市中关于罗姆人问题的政治和文化辩论。巴西新闻指出,在艺术文化制作(电影、肥皂剧、歌曲、舞蹈、歌剧和戏剧)的背景下,与其他巴西传统民族和社区提到了与罗姆人有关的主题,以及吉普赛人在纳粹时期的死亡。本文讨论了罗姆人作为一个社会问题,在公共政策和他们的基本权利领域被边缘化的陈词滥调的社会隐形过程和社会生产。
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引用次数: 1
How do those affected by a disaster organize to meet their needs for justice? Campaign strategies and partial victories following the Grenfell Tower fire 那些受灾难影响的人如何组织起来满足他们对正义的需求?格伦费尔塔大火后的战役策略和局部胜利
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.8567
Selin Tekin, John Drury

Previous research has shown that disasters often involve a sense of injustice among affected communities. But the empowerment process through which ‘disaster communities’ organise strategically to confront such injustices have not been investigated by social psychology. This study addresses this gap by examining how community members impacted by the Grenfell Tower fire self-organized to demand justice in response to government neglect. Thematic analysis of interviews with fifteen campaigners helped us to understand the strategies of those involved in support campaigns following the fire. Campaigners aimed to: overcome injustice against the government inactions in the aftermath of the fire; empower their community against government neglect; create a sense of community for people who experienced injustice. Community members created a petition calling on the government to build trust in the public inquiry; they achieved their goals with the participation of people from wider communities. We found that reaching out to allies from different communities and building shared social identity among supporters were two main ways to achieve campaign goals. The study suggests ways that empowerment and hence organizing for justice can be achieved after a disaster if campaigners adopt strategies for empowering collective action.

先前的研究表明,灾害往往会让受灾社区产生一种不公正感。但是,社会心理学并没有对“灾难社区”通过战略组织起来对抗这种不公正的赋权过程进行调查。本研究通过研究受格伦费尔大厦火灾影响的社区成员如何自组织起来要求对政府忽视的正义来解决这一差距。对15位活动人士的访谈进行专题分析,帮助我们了解了火灾后参与支持活动的人的策略。活动人士的目标是:克服对政府在火灾后无所作为的不公正;使他们的社区免受政府忽视;为遭受不公正待遇的人创造一种社区意识。社区成员创建了一份请愿书,呼吁政府建立对公众调查的信任;他们在更广泛社区人民的参与下实现了目标。我们发现,接触来自不同社区的盟友和在支持者之间建立共同的社会认同是实现竞选目标的两种主要方式。这项研究提出了一些方法,如果活动人士采取增强集体行动能力的策略,就可以在灾难发生后实现赋权,从而组织正义。
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引用次数: 0
Are we really going to get out of COVID-19 together? Secured legal status and trust among refugees and migrants 我们真的要一起走出新冠肺炎吗?难民和移民之间有保障的法律地位和信任
IF 2.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.6969
E. Politi, A. Roblain, Laurent Licata
Building up on pre-existing vulnerabilities and social exclusions, refugees and migrants are disproportionately suffering from the negative effects of the COVID-19 outbreak. Insecure legal status is an additional stressor that may accentuate social cleavages and ultimately impair their trust in host society and institutions. Based on a diverse sample of refugees and migrants in Belgium (N = 355), the present study investigates direct and indirect effects of legal status—measured as the type of residence permit held by participants—on social and political trust during the COVID-19 outbreak. Secured legal status was positively associated with social and political trust directly, and indirectly via a serial mediation composed by two cumulative stages. First, participants with a more secured legal status experienced less material difficulties to cope with the pandemic (i.e., first material stage). Second, participant who experienced less material difficulties identified more with the host society (i.e., second symbolic stage). In turn, reduced material difficulties and increased identification with the host society were both positively associated with social and political trust. Our findings advocate for securing legal status of refugees and migrants to help societies cope cohesively with the long-lasting effects of the COVID-19 outbreak.
在先前存在的脆弱性和社会排斥的基础上,难民和移民不成比例地受到新冠肺炎疫情的负面影响。不安全的法律地位是一个额外的压力源,可能会加剧社会分裂,并最终损害他们对东道国社会和机构的信任。本研究基于比利时难民和移民的不同样本(N=355),调查了新冠肺炎爆发期间参与者持有的居住许可类型对社会和政治信任的法律地位的直接和间接影响。有保障的法律地位与社会和政治信任直接相关,也通过由两个累积阶段组成的一系列调解间接相关。首先,具有更安全法律地位的参与者在应对疫情方面遇到的物质困难较少(即第一个物质阶段)。其次,经历较少物质困难的参与者更认同东道国社会(即第二象征阶段)。反过来,物质困难的减少和对东道国社会认同的增加都与社会和政治信任呈正相关。我们的调查结果主张确保难民和移民的法律地位,以帮助社会一致应对新冠肺炎疫情的长期影响。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial report and acknowledgement of reviewers, 2022 编辑报告和审稿人致谢,2022
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.11553
J. Christopher Cohrs, Ana Figueiredo, Idhamsyah Eka Putra, Johanna Ray Vollhardt
Editorial Report and Acknowledgement of Reviewers, 2022 Authors J. Christopher Cohrs Philipps-University of Marburg, Marburg, Germany Ana Figueiredo Universidad de O’Higgins, Rancagua, Chile Idhamsyah Eka Putra Persada Indonesia University & DASPR, Jakarta, Indonesia Johanna Ray Vollhardt Clark University, Worcester, MA, USA Abstract No abstract available. PDF HTML XML Article info Impact Citations How to Cite License Published at 23. March 2023 https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.11553 Issue: Vol. 11 No. 1 (2023) Section: From the Editors Share: Z Cohrs, J. C., Figueiredo, A., Putra, I. E., & Vollhardt, J. R. (2023). Editorial Report and Acknowledgement of Reviewers, 2022. Journal of Social and Political Psychology, 11(1), 1-5. https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.11553 More Citation Formats ACM ACS APA ABNT Chicago Harvard IEEE MLA Turabian Vancouver Download Citation Endnote/Zotero/Mendeley (RIS) BibTeX This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) 4.0 International License. PlumX Dimensions Views: Total Abstract PDF HTML XML 246 145 84 13 4 Downloads: Download data is not yet available.
J. Christopher Cohrs Philipps-University of Marburg, Marburg, Germany . Ana Figueiredo University de O 'Higgins, ranagua, Chile . Idhamsyah Eka Putra Persada印度尼西亚大学& DASPR, Jakarta, Indonesia . Johanna Ray Vollhardt Clark University, Worcester, MA, USA摘要无摘要PDF HTML XML文章信息影响引文如何引用许可出版于23。2023年3月https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.11553 Issue: Vol. 11 No. 1 (2023) Section: From Editors Share: Z Cohrs, j.c., Figueiredo, A., Putra, i.e, & Vollhardt, j.r.(2023)。编辑报告和审稿人致谢,2022。社会政治心理学报,11(1),1-5。https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.11553更多引用格式ACM ACS APA ABNT芝加哥哈佛IEEE MLA Turabian温哥华下载引用Endnote/Zotero/Mendeley (RIS) BibTeX本作品采用知识共享署名(CC BY) 4.0国际许可协议。PlumX维度视图:总数摘要PDF HTML XML 246 145 84 13 4下载:下载数据尚未提供。
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引用次数: 0
Judging job applicants by their politics: Effects of target–rater political dissimilarity on discrimination, cooperation, and stereotyping 通过政治来判断求职者:目标评估者政治差异对歧视、合作和刻板印象的影响
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.9855
Samantha Sinclair, Artur Nilsson, Jens Agerström

Despite well-known problems associated with political prejudice, research that examines effects of political dissimilarity in organizational contexts is scarce. We present findings from a pre-registered experiment (N = 973, currently employed) which suggest that both Democrats and Republicans negatively stereotype and discriminate against job applicants with a political orientation that is dissimilar to their own. The effects were small for competence perceptions, moderate for hiring judgments, and large for warmth ratings and willingness to cooperate and socialize with the applicant. The effects of political orientation on hiring judgments and willingness to cooperate and socialize were mediated by stereotype content, particularly warmth. Furthermore, for all outcomes except competence judgments, Democrats discriminated and stereotyped applicants to a larger extent than Republicans did. These findings shed light on the consequences of applicants revealing their political orientation and have implications for the promotion of diversity in organizations.

尽管众所周知的问题与政治偏见有关,但研究政治差异在组织背景下的影响却很少。我们提出了一项预注册实验(N = 973,目前在职)的研究结果,表明民主党人和共和党人都对政治倾向与自己不同的求职者产生负面刻板印象和歧视。对能力感知的影响很小,对雇佣判断的影响中等,对热情评分和与申请人合作和社交的意愿的影响很大。政治倾向对雇佣判断、合作意愿和社交意愿的影响是通过刻板印象内容,特别是温暖来中介的。此外,除了能力判断外,在所有结果中,民主党人对申请人的歧视和刻板印象都比共和党人更严重。这些发现揭示了申请人暴露其政治倾向的后果,并对促进组织中的多样性产生了影响。
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引用次数: 0
Social invisibility and discrimination of Roma people in Italy and Brazil 在意大利和巴西,罗姆人被社会忽视和歧视
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.6453
Giannino Melotti, Mariana Bonomo, Julia Alves Brasil, Paola Villano

In everyday debates on topics such as cultural differences, it seems relevant to analyze not only institutional conversations or speeches, but also mass-media communications. The way the media portray social events contributes to the construction of our categories of explanation of the world. The main purpose of this research is to analyze the representations of ‘gypsies’ in news articles published in some of the most important national newspapers in Italy and Brazil. Results show that Italian news focuses on the living conditions of Roma people, stereotypes, crimes suffered or attributed to them, and political and cultural debates on the Roma question in Italian cities. Brazilian news indicated themes associated with Roma in the context of artistic-cultural productions (films, soap operas, songs, dances and opera and theatre plays), mentioned with other Brazilian traditional peoples and communities, as well as the death of gypsies during the Nazi period. The paper discusses the processes of social invisibility and the social production of the (re)presentation of cliché images of Roma as a social problem, marginalized in the sphere of public policies and of their fundamental rights.

在关于文化差异等主题的日常辩论中,不仅要分析机构对话或演讲,还要分析大众媒体传播,这似乎是相关的。媒体描绘社会事件的方式有助于构建我们对世界的解释范畴。本研究的主要目的是分析“吉普赛人”在意大利和巴西一些最重要的全国性报纸上发表的新闻文章中的表现。结果显示,意大利新闻关注罗姆人的生活状况、刻板印象、遭受或归咎于罗姆人的罪行,以及意大利城市中关于罗姆人问题的政治和文化辩论。巴西新闻指出,在艺术文化作品(电影、肥皂剧、歌曲、舞蹈、歌剧和戏剧)的背景下,与罗姆人有关的主题与其他巴西传统民族和社区以及纳粹时期吉普赛人的死亡有关。本文讨论了社会隐形的过程和罗姆人作为一个社会问题的刻板形象的社会生产(重新)呈现,在公共政策和基本权利领域被边缘化。
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引用次数: 1
Performing identity entrepreneurship during the colonisation of New Zealand: A rhetorical construction of ‘loyal subjects of the Empire’ 新西兰殖民时期的身份创业:“帝国忠诚臣民”的修辞建构
IF 2.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.5964/jspp.6477
Sarah Y Choi, James H. Liu, M. Belgrave
A thematic analysis of New Zealand’s historical Speeches from the Throne (10 speeches, from 1860-1899) investigated rhetorical strategies used by Governors during colonisation, to mobilise both settler and indigenous people’s participation in the British Empire. Identity leadership (Reicher & Hopkins, 2001, https://doi.org/10.1111/0162-895X.00246), augmented by critical theories of emotion (Williams, 1977, Marxism and literature. Oxford University Press) under the cultural framework of hierarchical relationalism (Liu, 2015, https://doi.org/10.1111/jtsb.12058) was applied to show how unequal but reciprocal relationships were invoked by Governors, as representatives of the Crown and advocates for the general public in New Zealand. Governors attempted to mediate a positive shared identity within the British Empire; but at the same time to isolate those who excluded from subjecthood by their hostility to the Crown. Governors alternated between efforts to mobilise people against indigenous Māori who challenged them, and offers to include Māori who conformed to the conventions required of a hierarchical relationship between Crown and subject. We reflect on how these dynamics of rhetorical performance may still be relevant today, especially in contexts of hierarchy and in the domain of leader-follower relations more broadly.
对新西兰历史上的王座演讲(10次演讲,从1860年到1899年)进行了专题分析,调查了殖民时期总督使用的修辞策略,以动员定居者和土著人民参与大英帝国。身份领导(Reicher & Hopkins, 2001, https://doi.org/10.1111/0162-895X.00246),由情感批判理论(Williams, 1977,马克思主义和文学)增强。牛津大学出版社)在等级关系主义的文化框架下(Liu, 2015, https://doi.org/10.1111/jtsb.12058)被应用于展示总督是如何援引不平等但互惠的关系的,作为皇冠的代表和新西兰公众的倡导者。总督们试图在大英帝国内部调解一个积极的共同身份;同时孤立那些因敌视国王而被排除在主体性之外的人。总督们时而努力动员人民反对挑战他们的土著Māori,时而提议接纳遵守君主与臣民之间等级关系所要求的惯例的Māori。我们反思了这些修辞表现的动态如何在今天仍然相关,特别是在等级制度的背景下和更广泛的领导-追随者关系领域。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Social and Political Psychology
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