Une douzaine de décrets émanant de cités du monde grec durant la période hellénistique (et post hellénistique) semblent avoir été voté sur une proposition (gnômê) du peuple. Ce sens est assuré par un document récemment publié, en provenance de Patara : comment le peuple peut-il se faire une proposition à lui-même ? Au terme d’un examen de la terminologie et des procédures constitutionnelles, il semble que ces décrets ne sont pas le résultat de propositions auto-instituées au cours d’une réunion de l’assemblée, mais d’une procédure de double vote (le premier vote aboutissant à un décret, qui, lorsqu’il passe devant l’assemblée une deuxième fois, est convertie en gnômê, en proposition). La même expression semble désigner des réalités différentes dans le cas d’associations ou de confédérations. En fait, il est probable que le fait de libeller un décret, lors du second vote, comme une «proposition du peuple», lui accorde une force tautologique qui reflète une volonté de garantir le résultat de la procédure.
{"title":"Gnômê tou dêmou : quand le peuple propose et dispose","authors":"John Ma","doi":"10.3406/ccgg.2016.1865","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2016.1865","url":null,"abstract":"Une douzaine de décrets émanant de cités du monde grec durant la période hellénistique (et post hellénistique) semblent avoir été voté sur une proposition (gnômê) du peuple. Ce sens est assuré par un document récemment publié, en provenance de Patara : comment le peuple peut-il se faire une proposition à lui-même ? Au terme d’un examen de la terminologie et des procédures constitutionnelles, il semble que ces décrets ne sont pas le résultat de propositions auto-instituées au cours d’une réunion de l’assemblée, mais d’une procédure de double vote (le premier vote aboutissant à un décret, qui, lorsqu’il passe devant l’assemblée une deuxième fois, est convertie en gnômê, en proposition). La même expression semble désigner des réalités différentes dans le cas d’associations ou de confédérations. En fait, il est probable que le fait de libeller un décret, lors du second vote, comme une «proposition du peuple», lui accorde une force tautologique qui reflète une volonté de garantir le résultat de la procédure.","PeriodicalId":170604,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz","volume":" 23","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132012244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Les mots des empereurs : quelques remarques finales","authors":"P. Le Roux","doi":"10.3406/ccgg.2014.1831","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2014.1831","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":170604,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz","volume":"97 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133553925","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The letter 1 of Cyprian of Carthage, sent to the community of Furni, can be related to an inscription from Furnos Maius, which makes known — among the civic elite — the Geminii family. It confirms the identification of the bishopric seat suggested by Y. Duval : Furni doesn’t correspond to Furnos Minus. Other inscriptions show how the disciplinary issue mentioned by the bishop of Carthage could arise in the milieu of local notables, in which the clergymen were also chosen.
{"title":"Notables et chrétiens : les enseignements des Lettres de Cyprien de Carthage","authors":"M. Christol","doi":"10.3406/ccgg.2016.1876","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2016.1876","url":null,"abstract":"The letter 1 of Cyprian of Carthage, sent to the community of Furni, can be related to an inscription from Furnos Maius, which makes known — among the civic elite — the Geminii family. It confirms the identification of the bishopric seat suggested by Y. Duval : Furni doesn’t correspond to Furnos Minus. Other inscriptions show how the disciplinary issue mentioned by the bishop of Carthage could arise in the milieu of local notables, in which the clergymen were also chosen.","PeriodicalId":170604,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134225732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The lex Calpurnia de pecuniis repetundis of 149 BC establisehd a permanent court that allowed victims of exactions and other mischief committed by officials (magistrates or promagistrates) of the Roman people to request compensation for damage. The first aim of this article is to establish, through an exhaustive review of known cases, the nature of those exactions and other mischief committed by officials before the lex Calpurnia was issued, and to identify the victims of such deeds. This review shows that, in almost every case, those responsible for such mischief were military commanders who had abused their position mainly – but not exclusively – at the expense of Rome’s allies and friends. Represssing such abuse was a matter of foreign policy, a task that lay in the hands of the Senate. Since foreign policy remained in the hands of the Senate till the end of the Republic, one can conclude from this review that the lex Calpurnia did not deprive the Senate of its responsibility for protecting Rome’s allies and friends, and that it was solely by appealing to the Senate that those could request compensation through the quaestio de repetundis. It is known through the senatusconsultum Caluisianum of 4 BC that this was the procedure followed under the reign of Augustus ; and most probably this was already the case as soon as the lex Calpurnia was issued.
公元前149年的《财政法》(lex Calpurnia de pecuniis repetundis)建立了一个常设法庭，允许罗马人民的官员(地方长官或地方长官)征收和其他损害行为的受害者要求赔偿损失。本文的第一个目的是，通过对已知案件的详尽审查，确定在颁布《卡尔珀尼亚法》之前官员所犯的这些勒索和其他罪行的性质，并查明这种行为的受害者。这一回顾表明，在几乎所有的情况下，这些恶作剧的责任人都是军事指挥官，他们滥用职权，主要(但不完全)损害罗马的盟友和朋友的利益。压制这种滥用是外交政策的问题，是参议院的任务。由于外交政策一直到共和国末期都掌握在元老院的手中，我们可以从这一回顾中得出结论，卡尔珀尼亚法并没有剥夺元老院保护罗马盟友和朋友的责任，只有通过向元老院上诉，这些人才可以通过“问人问题”(questio de repetundis)要求赔偿。公元前4年的元老院会议(senatusconsultum Caluisianum)表明，这是奥古斯都统治时期所遵循的程序;很可能在《卡尔珀尼亚法》颁布之时，情况就已经如此了。
{"title":"La lex Calpurnia, le Sénat et les alliés de Rome","authors":"A. Giovannini","doi":"10.3406/ccgg.2014.1813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2014.1813","url":null,"abstract":"The lex Calpurnia de pecuniis repetundis of 149 BC establisehd a permanent court that allowed victims of exactions and other mischief committed by officials (magistrates or promagistrates) of the Roman people to request compensation for damage. The first aim of this article is to establish, through an exhaustive review of known cases, the nature of those exactions and other mischief committed by officials before the lex Calpurnia was issued, and to identify the victims of such deeds. This review shows that, in almost every case, those responsible for such mischief were military commanders who had abused their position mainly – but not exclusively – at the expense of Rome’s allies and friends. Represssing such abuse was a matter of foreign policy, a task that lay in the hands of the Senate. Since foreign policy remained in the hands of the Senate till the end of the Republic, one can conclude from this review that the lex Calpurnia did not deprive the Senate of its responsibility for protecting Rome’s allies and friends, and that it was solely by appealing to the Senate that those could request compensation through the quaestio de repetundis. It is known through the senatusconsultum Caluisianum of 4 BC that this was the procedure followed under the reign of Augustus ; and most probably this was already the case as soon as the lex Calpurnia was issued.","PeriodicalId":170604,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz","volume":"23 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114097781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article concerns the exploitation of mines in Cisalpine Gaul undertaken by societates publicanorum after the Roman conquest (2nd c. BCE). It especially focuses on the meaning of a lex censoria about the gold mines of Victimulae (Biella), which is quoted by Pliny the Elder (NH 33.78) and which limits the number of labourers that publicans were allowed to employ in this activity. This paper reconstructs the most convincing historical context where such a rule can be placed. The comparison between Pliny and a passage from Strabo’s Geography (5.1.12) shows that the censorial law dates back to the 2nd century BCE, just after Appius Claudius Pulcher’s campaign (143-140 BCE), and before C. Marius’ rise to power. Then, it is noted that the mines of Victimulae are financially rewarding insofar their exploitation is conducted in a large-scale enterprise by publicans. The ceiling on the number of labourers was therefore meant to reduce publicans’ profits. We may contextualize this lex censoria as a chapter in the systematic dismantling (in 120-100 BCE) of the Gracchan reforms and of the fundamental principles that had inspired the policy of populares (notably of M. Fulvius Flaccus) in Cisalpine Gaul.
{"title":"La loi censoriale sur les mines en Gaule cisalpine : un réexamen","authors":"M. Balbo","doi":"10.3406/ccgg.2015.1838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2015.1838","url":null,"abstract":"This article concerns the exploitation of mines in Cisalpine Gaul undertaken by societates publicanorum after the Roman conquest (2nd c. BCE). It especially focuses on the meaning of a lex censoria about the gold mines of Victimulae (Biella), which is quoted by Pliny the Elder (NH 33.78) and which limits the number of labourers that publicans were allowed to employ in this activity. This paper reconstructs the most convincing historical context where such a rule can be placed. The comparison between Pliny and a passage from Strabo’s Geography (5.1.12) shows that the censorial law dates back to the 2nd century BCE, just after Appius Claudius Pulcher’s campaign (143-140 BCE), and before C. Marius’ rise to power. Then, it is noted that the mines of Victimulae are financially rewarding insofar their exploitation is conducted in a large-scale enterprise by publicans. The ceiling on the number of labourers was therefore meant to reduce publicans’ profits. We may contextualize this lex censoria as a chapter in the systematic dismantling (in 120-100 BCE) of the Gracchan reforms and of the fundamental principles that had inspired the policy of populares (notably of M. Fulvius Flaccus) in Cisalpine Gaul.","PeriodicalId":170604,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123015201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
L’inscription grecque de Beyrouth en l’honneur du consulaire Appius Alexander, gravée sur une base de statue conservée au Musée national de Beyrouth, a été étudiée récemment dans le cadre de la préparation du tome des Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie (IGLS) consacré à la cité de Béryte. Elle n’est pas vraiment inédite, dans la mesure où sa teneur a été dévoilée dès 1978. Néanmoins, depuis cette date, elle est restée méconnue des chercheurs qui se sont intéressés au parcours d’Appius Alexander, peut-être parce que le magistrat a été classé à la suite des «gouverneurs de Phénicie au Bas Empire». Ce document est ici publié pour la première fois en détail. Tout en complétant notre connaissance des fastes provinciaux de la Syrie-Phénicie comme celle des juristes de l’Arabie romaine, il constitue selon toute vraisemblance le plus ancien témoignage épigraphique de l’enseignement du droit à Béryte au IIIe siècle.
贝鲁特为纪念领事阿皮乌斯·亚历山大(Appius Alexander)而刻在贝鲁特国家博物馆(national museum of beirus)雕像底座上的希腊铭文，最近被研究，作为准备叙利亚希腊和拉丁铭文卷(IGLS)的一部分，该卷是献给贝里特市的。这并不是什么新鲜事，因为它的内容早在1978年就被披露了。然而，从那时起，对阿皮乌斯·亚历山大的职业生涯感兴趣的学者们就不知道她了，也许是因为这位地方法官被归类为“下帝国腓尼基的统治者”。本文档首次详细发布于此。虽然它补充了我们对叙利亚-腓尼基省的辉煌和罗马阿拉伯的法学家的了解，但它可能是三世纪贝瑞特法律教学的最古老的碑文证据。
{"title":"Le gouverneur et le juriste : l’inscription de Béryte en l’honneur du consulaire Appius Alexander","authors":"Julien Aliquot","doi":"10.3406/ccgg.2015.1845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2015.1845","url":null,"abstract":"L’inscription grecque de Beyrouth en l’honneur du consulaire Appius Alexander, gravée sur une base de statue conservée au Musée national de Beyrouth, a été étudiée récemment dans le cadre de la préparation du tome des Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie (IGLS) consacré à la cité de Béryte. Elle n’est pas vraiment inédite, dans la mesure où sa teneur a été dévoilée dès 1978. Néanmoins, depuis cette date, elle est restée méconnue des chercheurs qui se sont intéressés au parcours d’Appius Alexander, peut-être parce que le magistrat a été classé à la suite des «gouverneurs de Phénicie au Bas Empire». Ce document est ici publié pour la première fois en détail. Tout en complétant notre connaissance des fastes provinciaux de la Syrie-Phénicie comme celle des juristes de l’Arabie romaine, il constitue selon toute vraisemblance le plus ancien témoignage épigraphique de l’enseignement du droit à Béryte au IIIe siècle.","PeriodicalId":170604,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131693408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Les inscriptions monumentales anciennes offrent généralement une image extrêmement positive du monde. Les phénomènes de crises et les catastrophes qui touchèrent l’Empire romain et ses empereurs ne sont généralement pas mentionnés de façon explicite dans l’épigraphie monumentale. La trace la plus importante d’un tel événement est généralement le martelage, conséquence d’une abolitio memoriae ou d’une expression vague et péjorative comme tyrannus, etc. Mais il y a des exceptions que l’article explore dans le cas des inscriptions publiques monumentales : elles sont parfois la conséquence d’un changement politique. Parfois, on remarque l’importance de l’individu qui a conçu le texte formulaire, comme dans le cas de l’aedes pour Domitia Augusta ou dans celui des monuments érigés pour le praefectus urbis Memmius Vitrasius Orfitus. Certains individus ont souligné leurs efforts en mentionnant d’une façon explicite les problèmes rencontrés et leurs causes. On observe également que, en raison de la fréquence et de l’ampleur des crises de la fin des IIe et IIIe siècles, on évoque d’un côté les felicissima tempora, mais, de l’autre côté, s’installe une défiance envers le gouvernement romain et ses organes, que l’on montre parfois ouvertement dans certaines circonstances.
古代的纪念性铭文通常提供了一幅非常正面的世界图景。影响罗马帝国及其皇帝的危机和灾难现象通常不会在纪念性碑文中明确提及。这类事件最重要的痕迹通常是锤击，这是废除纪念的结果，或一个模糊和贬义的表达，如暴君等。但本文探讨了纪念性公共铭文的例外情况:它们有时是政治变化的结果。有时，人们会注意到设计文本形式的个人的重要性，比如Domitia Augusta的aedes，或者为praefectus urbis Memmius Vitrasius Orfitus建造的纪念碑。一些人强调了他们的努力，明确提到了问题及其原因。人们还注意到,由于危机的频率和范围IIe和公元3世纪后期,人们一边felicissima tempora,但另一边,搬进一个不信任源自罗马政府及其机构在某些情况下,人们有时公开展示。
{"title":"Un discours épigraphique sur les faiblesses de l’Imperium Romanum ? Le regard des princes et de leurs sujets","authors":"Rudolf Haensch","doi":"10.3406/ccgg.2014.1830","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2014.1830","url":null,"abstract":"Les inscriptions monumentales anciennes offrent généralement une image extrêmement positive du monde. Les phénomènes de crises et les catastrophes qui touchèrent l’Empire romain et ses empereurs ne sont généralement pas mentionnés de façon explicite dans l’épigraphie monumentale. La trace la plus importante d’un tel événement est généralement le martelage, conséquence d’une abolitio memoriae ou d’une expression vague et péjorative comme tyrannus, etc. Mais il y a des exceptions que l’article explore dans le cas des inscriptions publiques monumentales : elles sont parfois la conséquence d’un changement politique. Parfois, on remarque l’importance de l’individu qui a conçu le texte formulaire, comme dans le cas de l’aedes pour Domitia Augusta ou dans celui des monuments érigés pour le praefectus urbis Memmius Vitrasius Orfitus. Certains individus ont souligné leurs efforts en mentionnant d’une façon explicite les problèmes rencontrés et leurs causes. On observe également que, en raison de la fréquence et de l’ampleur des crises de la fin des IIe et IIIe siècles, on évoque d’un côté les felicissima tempora, mais, de l’autre côté, s’installe une défiance envers le gouvernement romain et ses organes, que l’on montre parfois ouvertement dans certaines circonstances.","PeriodicalId":170604,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131969165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In book 36 of his Roman History, the Severan historian Cassius Dio devotes a large place to the lex Gabinia, which, in 67 BC, provided Pompey with an extraordinary imperium, in order to crush the overwhelming spreading of piracy in the Mediterranean sea. While dealing with the last contio before the vote, Dio inserts three speeches, the longest being Catulus’one, a vigorous and elaborate defence of the system of republican magistracies. This often neglected text, which reflects adequately the ideas of the optimates aroused against the dangers of such an imperium, is also an interesting piece of Dio’s own political reflection about the history of Rome’s successive regimes : in his opinion, the lex Gabinia was a turning point on the way to monarchy, and so had it to be presented to his readers.
{"title":"Cassius Dion et les magistratures de la Républiqueromaine : le discours de Catulus contre la Rogatio Gabinia (36, 31-36)","authors":"Marianne Coudry","doi":"10.3406/ccgg.2015.1839","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2015.1839","url":null,"abstract":"In book 36 of his Roman History, the Severan historian Cassius Dio devotes a large place to the lex Gabinia, which, in 67 BC, provided Pompey with an extraordinary imperium, in order to crush the overwhelming spreading of piracy in the Mediterranean sea. While dealing with the last contio before the vote, Dio inserts three speeches, the longest being Catulus’one, a vigorous and elaborate defence of the system of republican magistracies. This often neglected text, which reflects adequately the ideas of the optimates aroused against the dangers of such an imperium, is also an interesting piece of Dio’s own political reflection about the history of Rome’s successive regimes : in his opinion, the lex Gabinia was a turning point on the way to monarchy, and so had it to be presented to his readers.","PeriodicalId":170604,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132502426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
According the description of the Second Punic war by Livy the procedure of the auspicium outside Rome changes. A certain “standardization” of the ritual takes place. The auspicia are now taken auium gustu rather than auium gestu. Moreover the obligation to return to Rome to retake the auspicia in case of difficulties progressively made the conducting of war difficult if not dangerous. So the commanders used a piece of land in their prouincia to renew the auspicia.
{"title":"Auspices et autres pratiques divinatoires des magistrats romains à l’époque médio-républicaine","authors":"J. Scheid","doi":"10.3406/ccgg.2015.1851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2015.1851","url":null,"abstract":"According the description of the Second Punic war by Livy the procedure of the auspicium outside Rome changes. A certain “standardization” of the ritual takes place. The auspicia are now taken auium gustu rather than auium gestu. Moreover the obligation to return to Rome to retake the auspicia in case of difficulties progressively made the conducting of war difficult if not dangerous. So the commanders used a piece of land in their prouincia to renew the auspicia.","PeriodicalId":170604,"journal":{"name":"Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128202747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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