The split of the gǝlǝt dialects into Šrūgi and non-Šrūgi types was first introduced by the author in three studies. Here a correlation was observed between the geographic distribution of the gǝlǝt dialects and the sectarian affiliation of their speakers (Hassan 2020: 167, 2021a: 52, 2021b: 195 n. 1). The term Šrūgi refers to all gǝlǝt dialects over-whelmingly spoken by the Shīʿa population in southern Iraq and the Middle Euphrates Area, whereas the term non-Šrūgi denotes the gǝlǝt dialects of the Sunna population in the northern and western parts of the country. Accordingly, the term Šrūgi appears to be broader in scope than the traditional ‘southern Iraq’, which refers to only the southern part of the Šrūgi area. Research on negation in Šrūgi Arabic in general and on the bipartite negative constructions ʿēb-(v/v:)š and mā-(v/v:)š in particular, has thus far been very scant. In the published literature, only the single negative particles ʿēb and mā- and the split morpheme mā-(v/v:)š have been discussed, but no mention has been made of the bipartite construction ʿēb-(v/v:)š. What is more, the single negator ʿēb and the bipartite construction mā-(v/v:)š have usually been considered, although in passing, exclusive marshland features, a view that has unnecessarily been adopted in subsequent related contributions on negation in Šrūgi Arabic. However, recent research conducted by the author has shown the wide distribution of these constructions, mā-(v/v:)š in particular, in the Šrūgi area, in fact establishing an isogloss between the Šrūgi and the non-Šrūgi dialectal areas. The goal of this paper is to add new information to our knowledge of negation with the bipartite constructions ʿēb-(v/v:)š and mā-(v/v:)š in Šrūgi Arabic, showing at the same time that both constructions are not recent innovations, but their distribution has not been reported until now.
{"title":"On Negation with the Bipartite Constructions ʿĒB-(V/V:)Š and MĀ-(V/V:)Š in Šrūgi Arabic","authors":"Q. Hassan","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgad007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgad007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The split of the gǝlǝt dialects into Šrūgi and non-Šrūgi types was first introduced by the author in three studies. Here a correlation was observed between the geographic distribution of the gǝlǝt dialects and the sectarian affiliation of their speakers (Hassan 2020: 167, 2021a: 52, 2021b: 195 n. 1). The term Šrūgi refers to all gǝlǝt dialects over-whelmingly spoken by the Shīʿa population in southern Iraq and the Middle Euphrates Area, whereas the term non-Šrūgi denotes the gǝlǝt dialects of the Sunna population in the northern and western parts of the country. Accordingly, the term Šrūgi appears to be broader in scope than the traditional ‘southern Iraq’, which refers to only the southern part of the Šrūgi area. Research on negation in Šrūgi Arabic in general and on the bipartite negative constructions ʿēb-(v/v:)š and mā-(v/v:)š in particular, has thus far been very scant. In the published literature, only the single negative particles ʿēb and mā- and the split morpheme mā-(v/v:)š have been discussed, but no mention has been made of the bipartite construction ʿēb-(v/v:)š. What is more, the single negator ʿēb and the bipartite construction mā-(v/v:)š have usually been considered, although in passing, exclusive marshland features, a view that has unnecessarily been adopted in subsequent related contributions on negation in Šrūgi Arabic. However, recent research conducted by the author has shown the wide distribution of these constructions, mā-(v/v:)š in particular, in the Šrūgi area, in fact establishing an isogloss between the Šrūgi and the non-Šrūgi dialectal areas. The goal of this paper is to add new information to our knowledge of negation with the bipartite constructions ʿēb-(v/v:)š and mā-(v/v:)š in Šrūgi Arabic, showing at the same time that both constructions are not recent innovations, but their distribution has not been reported until now.","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43833629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study examines the morphological theory of Joseph (Yūsuf) Ibn Nūḥ, a tenth-century Hebraist with a non-triliteral theory of Hebrew. Ibn Nūḥ’s approach is first outlined using the previously-developed framework for non-triliteral Hebrew verbal morphology. Ibn Nūḥ’s morphological model is then explored and it is determined that Ibn Nūḥ has an Item-and-Process model of morphology. With that insight it is suggested that Ibn Nūḥ recognizes roots only ‘abstractively’, with word-forms being constructed from ‘bases’ rather than ‘roots’. Example passages are presented to demonstrate the contrast between Ibn Nūḥ’s and Dunash Ibn Labraṭ’s respective models of morphology.
{"title":"The Non-Triliteral Theory of Verbal Morphology of the Karaite Joseph IBN NŪH","authors":"Joshua Dachman","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgad013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgad013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study examines the morphological theory of Joseph (Yūsuf) Ibn Nūḥ, a tenth-century Hebraist with a non-triliteral theory of Hebrew. Ibn Nūḥ’s approach is first outlined using the previously-developed framework for non-triliteral Hebrew verbal morphology. Ibn Nūḥ’s morphological model is then explored and it is determined that Ibn Nūḥ has an Item-and-Process model of morphology. With that insight it is suggested that Ibn Nūḥ recognizes roots only ‘abstractively’, with word-forms being constructed from ‘bases’ rather than ‘roots’. Example passages are presented to demonstrate the contrast between Ibn Nūḥ’s and Dunash Ibn Labraṭ’s respective models of morphology.","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135337478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study examines a case of total reduplication in Kuwaiti Arabic known as contrastive focus reduplication (i.e. complete copying of words or phrases). For example, tišrab čāy ḥalīb willa ČĀY–čāy? ‘Would you like to drink tea with milk, or TEA–tea’ [denoting black tea as opposed to karak chai]. The study explores the morpho-semantic properties of this construction in the dialect, shows the different meanings it allows and how it elucidates the permissible lexical units that can be reduplicated. The reduplication of a lexical item can be applied to a range of grammatical and lexical categories. Over 150 samples were collected by observing contrastive focus reduplication from participants’ (male and female native Kuwaiti speakers in their twenties and seventies) natural speech in everyday conversations. This study contributes to research on the prosody and grammar of the dialect and the theory of semantics, thereby enhancing understanding of reduplication and repetition in Semitic dialectology.1
{"title":"Contrastive Focus Reduplication in Kuwaiti Arabic","authors":"Yousuf B. AlBader","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgad006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgad006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study examines a case of total reduplication in Kuwaiti Arabic known as contrastive focus reduplication (i.e. complete copying of words or phrases). For example, tišrab čāy ḥalīb willa ČĀY–čāy? ‘Would you like to drink tea with milk, or TEA–tea’ [denoting black tea as opposed to karak chai]. The study explores the morpho-semantic properties of this construction in the dialect, shows the different meanings it allows and how it elucidates the permissible lexical units that can be reduplicated. The reduplication of a lexical item can be applied to a range of grammatical and lexical categories. Over 150 samples were collected by observing contrastive focus reduplication from participants’ (male and female native Kuwaiti speakers in their twenties and seventies) natural speech in everyday conversations. This study contributes to research on the prosody and grammar of the dialect and the theory of semantics, thereby enhancing understanding of reduplication and repetition in Semitic dialectology.1","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42751827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article deals with Central Urban Sudanese Arabic, or ‘Sudanese Arabic’ for short—by which I mean, more specifically, the urban dialect spoken in Greater Khartoum (Khartoum, Khartoum North and Omdurman), and in other urban areas of central Sudan, roughly to the towns of Atbara in the north, Sennar on the Blue Nile and Kosti on the White Nile.2,3 It considers the relationship between the definite particle al- (plus allomorphic variants), for example in al-bēt ‘the house’, and what I shall argue is zero (Ø) commuting with al- (amongst other things), for example in bēt ‘a house’, as contrasted with al-bēt ‘the house’.4 What I term here, the ‘definite particle’ is more traditionally termed the ‘definite article’. For reasons why ‘definite particle’ is to be preferred to ‘definite article’ in the description of Sudanese Arabic, see Dickins (2009b; and Section 4 below). Henceforth, I shall, for brevity, refer to the definite particle as al-. I consider (i) Ø and (ii) al- in relation to (iii) pronoun suffixes, and (iv) annexes (‘genitives’).5 I use the following terminology: annexion-head meaning roughly the same as muḍāf (cf. Badawi, Carter and Gully 2015: 131) in traditional Arabic terminology (also termable annexed term, e.g. Watson 1993: 173, or genitive head in English), and annex (Watson 1993: 173) meaning roughly the same as muḍāf ilay-hi (cf. Badawi, Carter and Gully 2015: 131) (also termable genitive modifier in English). The entire phrase involving annexion I shall refer to as an annexion structure. I argue that not only do Ø and al- com-mute with one another, but that they also commute with pronoun suffixes and genitive annexes (incorporating also recursive elements), to give one form of syntax. In the linguistic model underpinning this paper—extended axiomatic functionalism (Dickins 1998; 2009a; 2020a)—this can be termed lexotactic. I also show, however, that these structures can be subject to a second, different, form of syntactic analysis in extended axiomatic-functionalism, termed delotactic. I finally consider in more detail the nature of definiteness and indefiniteness in Sudanese Arabic, justifying the grounds for definiteness which I identified in Section 2.2. Up to the end of Section 3 and in Section 5, this article draws heavily on Dickins (2013), which deals with Standard Arabic, having much the same structure as that article. The two articles can accordingly be partially read together, to provide a structural comparison between Standard Arabic and Sudanese Arabic in the relevant areas.
本文涉及中部城市苏丹阿拉伯语，或简称“苏丹阿拉伯语”——我的意思是，更具体地说，在大喀土穆(喀土穆，喀土穆北部和恩图曼)，以及苏丹中部的其他城市地区，大致到北部的阿特巴拉镇，青尼罗河上的塞纳尔镇和白尼罗河上的科斯蒂镇所说的城市方言。我要论证的是零(Ø)与所有人(除其他事项外)的通勤，例如在bēt“a house”与al-bēt“the house”的对比我在这里所说的“定词”更传统地称为“定冠词”。关于为什么在苏丹阿拉伯语的描述中“定词”比“定冠词”更受欢迎的原因，见Dickins (2009b;(见下文第4节)。从此以后，为简洁起见，我将定小品称为al-。我考虑(I) Ø和(ii) al-与(iii)代词后缀和(iv)附件(“动词”)的关系我使用以下术语:在传统阿拉伯术语中，annexion-head的意思与muḍāf大致相同(参见Badawi, Carter and Gully 2015: 131)(也是可术语的附属术语，例如Watson 1993: 173，或英语中的属词头)，而annex (Watson 1993: 173)的意思与muḍāf ilay-hi大致相同(参见Badawi, Carter and Gully 2015: 131)(英语中也是可术语的属词性修饰语)。我将把涉及附文的整个短语称为附文结构。我认为Ø和al- mute不仅可以相互转换，而且还可以与代词后缀和属格附件(也包含递归元素)交换，以提供一种语法形式。在支撑本文的语言学模型中，扩展了公理功能主义(Dickins 1998;2009年;2020a) -这可以称为词法。然而，我也表明，这些结构可以服从于扩展公理化功能主义中第二种不同的句法分析形式，称为分形分析。最后，我更详细地考虑了苏丹阿拉伯语中确定性和不确定性的本质，证明了我在2.2节中确定的确定性的理由。直到第3节和第5节结束时，本文大量引用了Dickins(2013)，该文章涉及标准阿拉伯语，与该文章的结构大致相同。因此，这两篇文章可以部分地放在一起阅读，以便在有关领域对标准阿拉伯语和苏丹阿拉伯语进行结构比较。
{"title":"Definiteness, pronoun suffixes, genitives and two types of syntax in Sudanese Arabic1","authors":"James Dickins","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgac035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgac035","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article deals with Central Urban Sudanese Arabic, or ‘Sudanese Arabic’ for short—by which I mean, more specifically, the urban dialect spoken in Greater Khartoum (Khartoum, Khartoum North and Omdurman), and in other urban areas of central Sudan, roughly to the towns of Atbara in the north, Sennar on the Blue Nile and Kosti on the White Nile.2,3 It considers the relationship between the definite particle al- (plus allomorphic variants), for example in al-bēt ‘the house’, and what I shall argue is zero (Ø) commuting with al- (amongst other things), for example in bēt ‘a house’, as contrasted with al-bēt ‘the house’.4 What I term here, the ‘definite particle’ is more traditionally termed the ‘definite article’. For reasons why ‘definite particle’ is to be preferred to ‘definite article’ in the description of Sudanese Arabic, see Dickins (2009b; and Section 4 below). Henceforth, I shall, for brevity, refer to the definite particle as al-. I consider (i) Ø and (ii) al- in relation to (iii) pronoun suffixes, and (iv) annexes (‘genitives’).5 I use the following terminology: annexion-head meaning roughly the same as muḍāf (cf. Badawi, Carter and Gully 2015: 131) in traditional Arabic terminology (also termable annexed term, e.g. Watson 1993: 173, or genitive head in English), and annex (Watson 1993: 173) meaning roughly the same as muḍāf ilay-hi (cf. Badawi, Carter and Gully 2015: 131) (also termable genitive modifier in English). The entire phrase involving annexion I shall refer to as an annexion structure. I argue that not only do Ø and al- com-mute with one another, but that they also commute with pronoun suffixes and genitive annexes (incorporating also recursive elements), to give one form of syntax. In the linguistic model underpinning this paper—extended axiomatic functionalism (Dickins 1998; 2009a; 2020a)—this can be termed lexotactic. I also show, however, that these structures can be subject to a second, different, form of syntactic analysis in extended axiomatic-functionalism, termed delotactic. I finally consider in more detail the nature of definiteness and indefiniteness in Sudanese Arabic, justifying the grounds for definiteness which I identified in Section 2.2. Up to the end of Section 3 and in Section 5, this article draws heavily on Dickins (2013), which deals with Standard Arabic, having much the same structure as that article. The two articles can accordingly be partially read together, to provide a structural comparison between Standard Arabic and Sudanese Arabic in the relevant areas.","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136166872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ekaterina Berzon, Maksim Kalinin, Sergey Koval, Sergey Loesov
Abstract This paper offers an interpretation of an insufficiently understood verb form in the Neo-Babylonian letter OIP 114, 17:8, 29, thereby clarifying its contents. The word in question is shown to be an Aramaic verb form. This interpretation is supported by observations on the orthography and phonology of early Neo-Babylonian. It follows from the study that in eighth-century Neo-Babylonian two glottalized (‘emphatic’) consonants in the same word still underwent dissimilation, as in the second millennium bce (Geers’ law). The paper also demonstrates that, against communis opinio, erstwhile Aramaic fricative interdentals had shifted to stops by the eighth century bce, while the orthography of contemporaneous Aramaic alphabetic texts reflected an earlier stage of language evolution. This conclusion has been reached by means of comparing cuneiform renderings of proto-Semitic interdentals in West Semitic personal names in eighteenth-century bce Old Babylonian texts and in Neo-Babylonian texts from the ninth and eighth centuries bce.
{"title":"An Aramaic Verb Form in a Neo-Babylonian Letter","authors":"Ekaterina Berzon, Maksim Kalinin, Sergey Koval, Sergey Loesov","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgad003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgad003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper offers an interpretation of an insufficiently understood verb form in the Neo-Babylonian letter OIP 114, 17:8, 29, thereby clarifying its contents. The word in question is shown to be an Aramaic verb form. This interpretation is supported by observations on the orthography and phonology of early Neo-Babylonian. It follows from the study that in eighth-century Neo-Babylonian two glottalized (‘emphatic’) consonants in the same word still underwent dissimilation, as in the second millennium bce (Geers’ law). The paper also demonstrates that, against communis opinio, erstwhile Aramaic fricative interdentals had shifted to stops by the eighth century bce, while the orthography of contemporaneous Aramaic alphabetic texts reflected an earlier stage of language evolution. This conclusion has been reached by means of comparing cuneiform renderings of proto-Semitic interdentals in West Semitic personal names in eighteenth-century bce Old Babylonian texts and in Neo-Babylonian texts from the ninth and eighth centuries bce.","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135489518","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper introduces the main characteristics of a variety of Acre Arabic spoken by local residents in Acre today. The description provided is based on new evidence gathered in 2016–17 through interviews with various people, particularly older people, who grew up in Acre. Throughout the paper I discuss a number of distinctive phonological, morphological and syntactical features and compare them to Palestinian Arabic, especially Galilean Arabic, and also to Old Damascene Arabic and Egyptian Arabic. While some features occur in Palestinian Arabic but under different circumstances, other features do not occur in Palestinian Arabic, but are characteristic of Syrian Arabic and/or Egyptian Arabic dialects. Features of the dialect that are unique to Acre are presented, along with some speculations on how the linguistic evidence reflects the history of the city. Finally, a transcribed and translated text is provided.
{"title":"Some linguistic features of the dialect of Acre and their possible explanation by the history of the city","authors":"Amal Zuʾbi","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgac029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgac029","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper introduces the main characteristics of a variety of Acre Arabic spoken by local residents in Acre today. The description provided is based on new evidence gathered in 2016–17 through interviews with various people, particularly older people, who grew up in Acre. Throughout the paper I discuss a number of distinctive phonological, morphological and syntactical features and compare them to Palestinian Arabic, especially Galilean Arabic, and also to Old Damascene Arabic and Egyptian Arabic. While some features occur in Palestinian Arabic but under different circumstances, other features do not occur in Palestinian Arabic, but are characteristic of Syrian Arabic and/or Egyptian Arabic dialects. Features of the dialect that are unique to Acre are presented, along with some speculations on how the linguistic evidence reflects the history of the city. Finally, a transcribed and translated text is provided.","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135439225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This study addresses a metrological muddle: attempts to determine the metrical equivalence of the Baghdādī raṭl, a measure for coins, commerce, and religious requirements during the Abbasid and Mamluk eras. Western writers Sauvaire and Hinz interpreted the measure of the widespread Baghdādī raṭl by determining a metric equivalent around three grams for the building block of the silver dirham weight. Islamic scholars, however, proposed three different dirham amounts for this raṭl and noted that there were two different ways of determining the standard ratio of the dirham to the dinar. These scholars applied the Baghdādī raṭl of their day to determine the weights of two earlier measures, the ṣāʿ and the mudd from the time of the Prophet Muḥammad. The study of Islamic era metrology has received little critical attention, apart from the field of numismatics, since the work of Walther Hinz, last updated in 1970. I provide a prolegomenon for the need to reread both earlier Muslim authors and the seminal works of Don Vasquez Queipo, Henri Sauvaire and others. Suggestions for approaching the interpretation of Islamic era weights and measures are provided.
摘要:本研究解决了计量学的混乱:试图确定Baghdādī raṭl的计量等效性，这是阿巴斯和马穆鲁克时代硬币，商业和宗教要求的度量。西方作家索维尔(Sauvaire)和欣茨(Hinz)对广为流传的Baghdādī raṭl的度量进行了解释，他们确定了一个公制单位，相当于3克左右的银迪拉姆重量。然而，伊斯兰学者提出了三个不同的迪拉姆数量raṭl，并指出有两种不同的方法来确定迪拉姆与第纳尔的标准比例。这些学者使用他们那个时代的Baghdādī raṭl来确定两种较早的度量衡的重量，ṣā和先知Muḥammad时代的泥。自1970年Walther Hinz的工作(最后一次更新)以来，除了钱币学领域外，伊斯兰时代计量学的研究很少受到批评。我为重读早期穆斯林作家和Don Vasquez Queipo, Henri Sauvaire等人的开创性作品提供了一个序言。对伊斯兰时代度量衡的解释提出了一些建议。
{"title":"Weighing the Baghdādī <i>Raṭl</i>: A Metrological Muddle","authors":"Daniel Martin Varisco","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgad002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgad002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study addresses a metrological muddle: attempts to determine the metrical equivalence of the Baghdādī raṭl, a measure for coins, commerce, and religious requirements during the Abbasid and Mamluk eras. Western writers Sauvaire and Hinz interpreted the measure of the widespread Baghdādī raṭl by determining a metric equivalent around three grams for the building block of the silver dirham weight. Islamic scholars, however, proposed three different dirham amounts for this raṭl and noted that there were two different ways of determining the standard ratio of the dirham to the dinar. These scholars applied the Baghdādī raṭl of their day to determine the weights of two earlier measures, the ṣāʿ and the mudd from the time of the Prophet Muḥammad. The study of Islamic era metrology has received little critical attention, apart from the field of numismatics, since the work of Walther Hinz, last updated in 1970. I provide a prolegomenon for the need to reread both earlier Muslim authors and the seminal works of Don Vasquez Queipo, Henri Sauvaire and others. Suggestions for approaching the interpretation of Islamic era weights and measures are provided.","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135489511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mohammed Nour Abu Guba, Bassil Mashaqba, Anas Huneety
Abstract This is the first study that investigates polysyllabic shortening in Arabic. It aims to find out the extent to which Modern Standard Arabic employs this phonetic mechanism, which is usually associated with stress-timed languages. Data were collected from 10 Jordanian speakers reading 6 sets of words representing the six monophthongs in Arabic in a carrier sentence. Based on the acoustic analysis of 180 vowels, it was found that the vowels in monosyllabic words were significantly longer than their counterparts in polysyllabic words. However, the differences between the vowels in disyllabic and trisyllabic words were much smaller. Findings suggest that polysyllabic shortening is not invoked as a mechanism to maintain the stress-timed rhythm of stress-timed languages. Rather, it seems to be a universal phonetic feature that applies in different degrees that are commensurate with the rhythm of the language in question.
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Journal Article Karin C. Ryding and David Wilmsen (eds), The Cambridge Handbook of Arabic Linguistics Get access Karin C. Ryding and David Wilmsen (eds), The Cambridge Handbook of Arabic Linguistics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2021. Pp. xx + 617. Price: £125.00 hardback. ISBN: 978-1-108-417303. Maris Camilleri Maris Camilleri Queen Mary University of London m.camilleri@qmul.ac.uk Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of Semitic Studies, Volume 68, Issue 1, Spring 2023, Pages e23–e26, https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgac032 Published: 22 February 2023
期刊文章Karin C. Ryding和David Wilmsen(编辑)，阿拉伯语语言学的剑桥手册获取Karin C. Ryding和David Wilmsen(编辑)，阿拉伯语语言学的剑桥手册。剑桥大学出版社，剑桥2021。Pp. xx + 617。价格:精装本125英镑。ISBN: 978-1-108-417303。Maris Camilleri Maris Camilleri伦敦玛丽女王大学m.camilleri@qmul.ac.uk搜索作者的其他作品:牛津学术谷歌学者犹太研究杂志，第68卷，第1期，2023年春季，e23-e26页，https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgac032出版:2023年2月22日
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Journal Article Nick Posegay, Points of Contact: The Shared Intellectual History of Vocalisation in Syriac, Arabic, and Hebrew Get access Nick Posegay, Points of Contact: The Shared Intellectual History of Vocalisation in Syriac, Arabic, and Hebrew. Open Book Publishers, Cambridge 2021. Pp. xii + 376. Price: £30.95 hardback/£20.95 paperback/£0.00 PDF. ISBN: 978-1-80064-297-3. Benjamin Suchard Benjamin Suchard Ku Leuven & Leiden University benjamin.suchard@kuleuven.be Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of Semitic Studies, Volume 68, Issue 1, Spring 2023, Pages e6–e11, https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgac033 Published: 22 February 2023
期刊文章尼克·波塞盖伊，接触点:在叙利亚语，阿拉伯语和希伯来语发声的共享思想史获取尼克·波塞盖伊，接触点:在叙利亚语，阿拉伯语和希伯来语发声的共享思想史。剑桥开放图书出版社，2021年。第xii + 376页。价格:精装本30.95英镑/平装本20.95英镑/ PDF 0.00英镑。ISBN: 978-1-80064-297-3。Benjamin Suchard Ku Leuven & Leiden University benjamin.suchard@kuleuven.be搜索作者的其他作品:Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of Semitic Studies, Volume 68, Issue 1, Spring 2023, Pages e6-e11, https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgac033出版日期:2023年2月22日
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