The aim of this paper is to explore, for the first time, the qǝltu dialect spoken in the western part of the town of Al-Dor. Still to this day, this dialect remains very poorly studied and has generally been mentioned only in passing in the literature on Iraqi Arabic dialectology. The data used here are from a fieldwork trip to the town in 2018 where I was able to interview locals about their own dialect.
{"title":"The Qǝltu Dialect of Al-Dōr","authors":"Q. Hassan","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgac005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgac005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The aim of this paper is to explore, for the first time, the qǝltu dialect spoken in the western part of the town of Al-Dor. Still to this day, this dialect remains very poorly studied and has generally been mentioned only in passing in the literature on Iraqi Arabic dialectology. The data used here are from a fieldwork trip to the town in 2018 where I was able to interview locals about their own dialect.","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43137537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Suffix conjugations (SCs) of East and West Semitic may not be traced back to the same verb form in Proto-Semitic. Rather, they evolved separately, by way of a ‘common drift’ in the two branches of Semitic. This is demonstrated, in particular, by a crass contrast, both in forms and diathetic meanings, between the SCs of East and West Semitic. Due to the scarcity of data, a gapless reconstruction of diachronic paths for neither of the two branches is possible. Only one thing remains certain: both the SC in East Semitic and non-passive forms of the SC in Central Semitic ultimately came about via verbalisation of adjectives, first primary and then deverbal ones.
{"title":"Reflections on the Suffix Conjugations in Semitic1","authors":"Loesov S.","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgab034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgab034","url":null,"abstract":"<span><div>Abstract</div>Suffix conjugations (SCs) of East and West Semitic may not be traced back to the same verb form in Proto-Semitic. Rather, they evolved separately, by way of a ‘common drift’ in the two branches of Semitic. This is demonstrated, in particular, by a crass contrast, both in forms and diathetic meanings, between the SCs of East and West Semitic. Due to the scarcity of data, a gapless reconstruction of diachronic paths for neither of the two branches is possible. Only one thing remains certain: both the SC in East Semitic and non-passive forms of the SC in Central Semitic ultimately came about via verbalisation of adjectives, first primary and then deverbal ones.</span>","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":"284 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138509660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The presence of the article ha on Hebrew noun phrases has long been considered the signal for marking definiteness. Scholars have traditionally explained exceptional cases either within the category of definiteness or by genericity. Applying the cross-linguistically conceived ‘reference hierarchy model’ to ha-marked noun phrases in the Book of Judges has revealed that the article ha can also mark specificity, a referential category often associated with indefiniteness in the literature of Biblical Hebrew. In fact, many of Biblical Hebrew’s exceptions fall within this category. These exceptions display a pattern: the ha- marking for specificity is not determined by features within the noun phrase but rather outside of it. They are licensed by a small set of verb types, preposition and sentential moods.
{"title":"Revisiting the Hebrew Definite Article: A Reference Hierarchy Model1","authors":"Ross J, Kim J.","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgab023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgab023","url":null,"abstract":"<span><div>Abstract</div>The presence of the article <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">ha</span> on Hebrew noun phrases has long been considered the signal for marking definiteness. Scholars have traditionally explained exceptional cases either within the category of definiteness or by genericity. Applying the cross-linguistically conceived ‘reference hierarchy model’ to <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">ha</span>-marked noun phrases in the Book of Judges has revealed that the article <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">ha</span> can also mark specificity, a referential category often associated with indefiniteness in the literature of Biblical Hebrew. In fact, many of Biblical Hebrew’s exceptions fall within this category. These exceptions display a pattern: the <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">ha-</span> marking for specificity is not determined by features within the noun phrase but rather outside of it. They are licensed by a small set of verb types, preposition and sentential moods.</span>","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":"90 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138542201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The phrase מ ה ז ה (ma ze) is used in Rabbinic Hebrew to express a speech act of rebuking, for example: ? מהזה, עקיבא (‘What is this, ʿAqiba?’). A review of its occurrences reveals its various characteristics: a) it serves as a rhetorical question to express a rebuking; b) it appears in the spoken language; c) it is used especially by one sage when rebuking another sage; and d), syntactically, it appears at the beginning of the sentence and is followed by an address. It seems that its usage in Rabbinic Hebrew is not a continuation of the usage found in Biblical Hebrew, and that it has not continued into Modern Hebrew. This usage as described and exemplified in this article has apparently not been documented in dictionaries of Rabbinic Hebrew nor in the research literature. I suggest viewing מ ה ז ה Hebrew as a rebuking interactional discourse marker.
{"title":"The Discourse Marker מ ה ז ה (ma ze) to express Rebuking in Rabbinic Hebrew","authors":"Shemesh-Raiskin R.","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgab024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgab024","url":null,"abstract":"<span><div>Abstract</div>The phrase מ ה ז ה (<span style=\"font-style:italic;\">ma ze</span>) is used in Rabbinic Hebrew to express a speech act of rebuking, for example: ? מהזה, עקיבא (‘What is this, ʿAqiba?’). A review of its occurrences reveals its various characteristics: a) it serves as a rhetorical question to express a rebuking; b) it appears in the spoken language; c) it is used especially by one sage when rebuking another sage; and d), syntactically, it appears at the beginning of the sentence and is followed by an address. It seems that its usage in Rabbinic Hebrew is not a continuation of the usage found in Biblical Hebrew, and that it has not continued into Modern Hebrew. This usage as described and exemplified in this article has apparently not been documented in dictionaries of Rabbinic Hebrew nor in the research literature. I suggest viewing מ ה ז ה Hebrew as a rebuking interactional discourse marker.</span>","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":"279 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138509667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of the present paper is to show that the prominent grammarian Abū al-Faraj Hārūn (AFH), head of the Karaite Majlis in Jerusalem (first half of the eleventh century CE) was acquainted with the grammatical theory of the important Andalusian grammarian Yehudah Ḥayyūj (d. c. 1010 CE in Cordoba), whose writings had reached the Arabic-speaking east at an early stage, not long after his death. AFH described the grammar of Biblical Hebrew according to the accepted Karaite method and the classical Arabic grammatical theory, but also mentioned Ḥayyūj explicitly by name, and mentioned the latter’s grammatical method in explanations of words in the Bible. In his al-Muštamil, especially in the chapters on the letters, AFH provided explanations using Ḥayyūj’s method; he did not copy Ḥayyūj’s words but described phonological and morphological phenomena in his own words, based on Ḥayyūj’s theory. In other words, we will show that AFH was the first in the Arabic-speaking east to have used Ḥayyūj’s grammatical terminology and concepts, examples and explanations.
{"title":"On the Presence of the Andalusian Ḥayyūj’s Grammatical Theory in Abū al-Faraj Hārūn’s al-Kitāb al-Muštamil in the “East”*","authors":"Basal N.","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgab028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgab028","url":null,"abstract":"<span><div>Abstract</div>The purpose of the present paper is to show that the prominent grammarian Abū al-Faraj Hārūn (AFH), head of the Karaite <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">Majlis</span> in Jerusalem (first half of the eleventh century CE) was acquainted with the grammatical theory of the important Andalusian grammarian Yehudah Ḥayyūj (d. <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">c.</span> 1010 CE in Cordoba), whose writings had reached the Arabic-speaking east at an early stage, not long after his death. AFH described the grammar of Biblical Hebrew according to the accepted Karaite method and the classical Arabic grammatical theory, but also mentioned Ḥayyūj explicitly by name, and mentioned the latter’s grammatical method in explanations of words in the Bible. In his <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">al-Muštamil</span>, especially in the chapters on the letters, AFH provided explanations using Ḥayyūj’s method; he did not copy Ḥayyūj’s words but described phonological and morphological phenomena in his own words, based on Ḥayyūj’s theory. In other words, we will show that AFH was the first in the Arabic-speaking east to have used Ḥayyūj’s grammatical terminology and concepts, examples and explanations.</span>","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":"285 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138509648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
MorenzLudwig D. (mit Beiträgen von DAVID SABEL), Sinai und Alphabetschrift. Die frühesten alphabetischen Inschriften und ihr kanaanäisch-ägyptischer Entstehungshorizont im Zweiten Jahrtausend v. Chr. (Studia Sinaitica 3). EB-Verlag, Berlin2019. Pp. 414. Price: €149.00 hardback. ISBN: 978-3-86893-252-2
{"title":"Ludwig D. Morenz(mit Beiträgen von DAVID SABEL), Sinai und Alphabetschrift. Die frühesten alphabetischen Inschriften und ihr kanaanäisch-ägyptischer Entstehungshorizont im Zweiten Jahrtausend v. Chr","authors":"Polkowski P.","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgab040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgab040","url":null,"abstract":"<span>MorenzLudwig D. (mit Beiträgen von DAVID SABEL), <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">Sinai und Alphabetschrift. Die frühesten alphabetischen Inschriften und ihr kanaanäisch-ägyptischer Entstehungshorizont im Zweiten Jahrtausend v. Chr.</span> (Studia Sinaitica 3). EB-Verlag, Berlin2019. Pp. 414. Price: €149.00 hardback. ISBN: 978-3-86893-252-2</span>","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138529651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article proposes an etymology for the common Sabaic word brṯ ‘place’, namely, via derivation from the nominalised prepositional phrase b‘in’ + ʾṯ r ‘place’, with two phonological shifts at play: (a) elision of the intervocalic glottal stop, and (b) metathesis of /ṯ / and /r/.
摘要本文提出了一个常见的萨巴伊语词br' place '的词源，即由名词化的介词短语b ' in ' + h ' r ' place '衍生而来，其中有两个音位变化:(a)省略中间声门塞音，(b) /r/和/r/的元合。
{"title":"The Etymology of Sabaic brṯ‘place’*","authors":"Rendsburg G.","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgab033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgab033","url":null,"abstract":"<span><div>Abstract</div>This article proposes an etymology for the common Sabaic word <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">brṯ</span> ‘place’, namely, via derivation from the nominalised prepositional phrase <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">b</span>‘in’ + <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">ʾṯ r</span> ‘place’, with two phonological shifts at play: (a) elision of the intervocalic glottal stop, and (b) metathesis of /ṯ / and /r/. </span>","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":"283 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138509663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper argues against the view that the unusual reflex of ṣād as [st] in Faifi Arabic stems from a metathesized version of the Proto-Semitic glottalized affricate * cʾ([tsʾ]), as in Alfaifi and Behnstedt (2010: 53–4), where [st] is assumed to pattern as monosegmental. Instead we propose that the [st] reflex of ṣād in Faifi Arabic reflects a South Arabian ejective or glottalized fricative *sʾ as a substrate feature. We first argue that Faifi Arabic [st] patterns as bisegmental based on linguistic argumentation internal to the dialect. We then discuss *s’as a feature of South Arabian varieties that can be considered as part of the Faifi substrate. We then detail how it is phonetically plausible for ejective sʾ to ‘break’ into a sequence of a fricative followed by a stop, such as [st], accounting for its bisegmental patterning and its realization as pharyngealized [ṣ] where [st] is phonotactically impossible.
摘要本文反对这样一种观点，即在Faifi阿拉伯语中，ṣād as [st]的不寻常反射源于原始闪米特语的glottalized闪音* c æ h ([ts æ h])的元合成版本，如Alfaifi和Behnstedt(2010: 53-4)，其中[st]被认为是单段的。相反，我们认为Faifi阿拉伯语中ṣād的[st]反射反映了南阿拉伯语的喷出或全球化摩擦音*s -作为基底特征。我们首先认为，法非阿拉伯语[st]模式是基于方言内部的语言论证的半分段模式。然后我们讨论*s '作为南阿拉伯品种的一个特征，可以被认为是Faifi基质的一部分。然后，我们详细介绍了引射词s - h如何在语音上似是而非地“打断”成一个紧跟着顿音的摩擦音序列，例如[st]，这说明了它的半段模式以及它作为咽音化的[k]的实现，而[st]在语音上是不可能的。
{"title":"The Faifi Arabic [St] Reflex of Ṣād: Proto-Semitic or Substrate?*","authors":"Davis S, Alfaifi A.","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgab031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgab031","url":null,"abstract":"<span><div>Abstract</div>This paper argues against the view that the unusual reflex of <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">ṣād</span> as [st] in Faifi Arabic stems from a metathesized version of the Proto-Semitic glottalized affricate * <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">cʾ</span>([tsʾ]), as in Alfaifi and Behnstedt (2010: 53–4), where [st] is assumed to pattern as monosegmental. Instead we propose that the [st] reflex of <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">ṣād</span> in Faifi Arabic reflects a South Arabian ejective or glottalized fricative <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">*sʾ</span> as a substrate feature. We first argue that Faifi Arabic [st] patterns as bisegmental based on linguistic argumentation internal to the dialect. We then discuss <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">*s’</span>as a feature of South Arabian varieties that can be considered as part of the Faifi substrate. We then detail how it is phonetically plausible for ejective <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">sʾ</span> to ‘break’ into a sequence of a fricative followed by a stop, such as [st], accounting for its bisegmental patterning and its realization as pharyngealized [ṣ] where [st] is phonotactically impossible.</span>","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138529589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
LeichtReimund and VeltriGiuseppe (eds), Studies in the Formation of Medieval Hebrew Philosophical Terminology (Studies in Jewish History and Culture 57). Pp. x + 284. Price: €149.00 hardback. ISBN: 978-90-04-41298-9.
{"title":"Reimund Leicht and Giuseppe Veltri (eds), Studies in the Formation of Medieval Hebrew Philosophical Terminology","authors":"Vidro N.","doi":"10.1093/jss/fgab039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgab039","url":null,"abstract":"<span>LeichtReimund and VeltriGiuseppe (eds), <span style=\"font-style:italic;\">Studies in the Formation of Medieval Hebrew Philosophical Terminology</span> (Studies in Jewish History and Culture 57). Pp. x + 284. Price: €149.00 hardback. ISBN: 978-90-04-41298-9.</span>","PeriodicalId":17130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Semitic Studies","volume":"283 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138509664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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