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Greenhouse Gas Emissions and Expected Returns 温室气体排放和预期收益
Wei Dai, Philipp Meyer-Brauns
We examine how company-level greenhouse gas emissions have been related to company financials as well as the expected returns of the companies’ stocks and bonds from 2009 to 2018. Examining the US, developed ex US, and emerging markets, we do not find emission intensity, emission level, or change in emission level to provide additional information about future profitability beyond what is contained in current profitability. In addition, we do not detect a reliable empirical relation between these emission metrics and average stock returns. Similarly, our analysis of US corporate bonds finds no compelling empirical evidence linking the issuers’ emission metrics to average bond returns. While a growing demand for investing in securities of companies with lower emissions should push their prices up and their expected returns down, the lack of strong empirical evidence of such an effect could be due to small changes in demand over the time period examined or noise in the security returns realized over a relatively short sample period.
我们研究了从2009年到2018年,公司层面的温室气体排放与公司财务状况以及公司股票和债券的预期回报之间的关系。在考察美国、美国以外的发达国家和新兴市场时,我们没有发现排放强度、排放水平或排放水平的变化,以提供有关当前盈利能力之外的未来盈利能力的额外信息。此外,我们没有发现这些排放指标与平均股票收益之间存在可靠的经验关系。同样,我们对美国公司债券的分析发现,没有令人信服的实证证据将发行人的排放指标与债券平均回报联系起来。虽然投资低排放公司的证券的需求不断增长,应该会推高其价格,降低其预期回报,但缺乏强有力的经验证据表明,这种影响可能是由于在研究的时间段内需求的微小变化,或者在相对较短的样本期内实现的证券回报存在噪音。
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引用次数: 3
Swings and Roundabouts: How Multitasking Local Officials Respond to Environmental Regulation 摇摆和迂回:多任务的地方官员如何应对环境法规
Chuanyong Zhang, Li Zhang, Daxuan Zhao
We exploit how local officials respond to environmental regulation as economic growth remains the top priority in China. Chinese central government implemented a strict environmental regulation on both air and water pollution since 2006. However, water pollution control is only valid for some riverside cities, not like the commonly applied air pollution control. We find that the additional water pollution control crowds out the effort of local officials on air pollution control and damages the health of residents in riverside cities.
在经济增长仍是中国的首要任务之际,我们研究了地方官员如何应对环境监管。自2006年以来,中国中央政府对空气和水污染实施了严格的环境法规。然而,水污染控制只对一些沿江城市有效,不像一般应用的大气污染控制。我们发现,额外的水污染控制挤掉了地方官员控制大气污染的努力,损害了滨江城市居民的健康。
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引用次数: 0
Achieving Economic and Environmental Sustainability: Minimum Transport Quantity, Contracts, and Emissions Regulation 实现经济和环境可持续性:最低运输量、合同和排放法规
Dong Li, Chuanwen Dong, S. Benjaafar
Problem Definition: We study the strategic interactions between a supplier and a retailer under demand uncertainty when the supplier has two options for how to ship a product: (i) road transport, which is expensive, high-emission and flexible, and (ii) rail transport, which is cheap, green, and is constrained by a minimum transport quantity (MTQ). Academic / Practical Relevance: Rail transport has been regarded as one of the most practical ways to increase supply chain sustainability. However, the volume shifted from road to rail has remained modest during the last decades. One of the reasons is that rail transport lacks flexibility in its delivery quantity and often requires an MTQ. Methodology: The supplier and the policymaker prefer rail transport because of the advantages of low cost and low emission. However, the shipment quantity, which is determined by the retailer, may not reach the MTQ. The supplier and the policymaker can design incentives (contracts and emission tax) to encourage the use of rail transport. In this work, we build a game-theoretic model for this setting and investigate the impact of the MTQ on the economic and environmental performance of the supply chain and the effect of a tax on emissions. Results: We find that, although MTQ is operationally constraining and can lead to overproduction, it can be turned into a beneficial factor through proper decisions, which would lead to several merits as follows. (1) The MTQ can significantly improve the efficiency of simple supply chain contracts (e.g., price-only contracts). (2) The MTQ does not hurt the efficiency of coordinating contracts (e.g., buy-back contracts) and can increase the supplier’s Pareto-optimal profit. (3) The MTQ can enable coordinating contracts to achieve a higher supply chain profit and fewer total emissions simultaneously, which is not possible without the MTQ. Moreover, we show that, although it can lead to fewer total emissions, an emission tax is more likely to be ineffective in encouraging the use of the green transport mode when firms use coordinating contracts compared to price-only contracts. Managerial Implications: We provide suggestions to firms on how to make optimal decisions and make the best use of different transport modes when dealing with demand risk. Also, we provide suggestions to policymakers on how to design the proper emission tax to promote green logistics.
问题定义:我们研究了需求不确定性下供应商和零售商之间的战略互动,当供应商有两种运输方式:(i)昂贵、高排放和灵活的公路运输,以及(ii)廉价、绿色、受最小运输量(MTQ)约束的铁路运输。学术/实际意义:铁路运输被认为是提高供应链可持续性的最实际方法之一。然而,在过去的几十年里,从公路转向铁路的数量仍然不大。其中一个原因是铁路运输在交货数量上缺乏灵活性,通常需要一个MTQ。研究方法:铁路运输具有低成本和低排放的优势,供应商和政策制定者都倾向于铁路运输。但是,由零售商决定的出货数量可能达不到MTQ。供应商和政策制定者可以设计激励措施(合同和排放税)来鼓励使用铁路运输。在这项工作中,我们为此建立了一个博弈论模型,并研究了MTQ对供应链经济和环境绩效的影响以及排放税的影响。结果:我们发现,虽然MTQ是操作上的约束,可能导致生产过剩,但通过适当的决策,它可以变成一个有利的因素,这将导致以下几点优点。(1) MTQ可以显著提高简单供应链合同(如纯价格合同)的效率。(2) MTQ不影响协调契约(如回购契约)的效率,并能提高供应商的帕累托最优利润。(3) MTQ可以使协调合同同时获得更高的供应链利润和更少的总排放量,这是没有MTQ无法实现的。此外,我们表明,虽然排放税可以减少总排放量,但与价格合同相比,当企业使用协调合同时,排放税在鼓励使用绿色运输方式方面更可能无效。管理启示:我们为企业在应对需求风险时如何做出最佳决策和充分利用不同的运输方式提供建议。此外,本文还就如何设计合理的排放税以促进绿色物流提出了政策建议。
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引用次数: 1
Markets for Goods with Externalities 具有外部性的商品市场
Zi Yang Kang
I consider the welfare and profit maximization problems in markets with externalities. I show that when externalities depend generally on allocation, a Pigouvian tax is often suboptimal. Instead, the optimal mechanism has a simple form: a finite menu of rationing options with corresponding prices. I derive sufficient conditions for a single price to be optimal. I show that a monopolist may ration less relative to a social planner when externalities are present, in contrast to the standard intuition that non-competitive pricing is indicative of market power. My characterization of optimal mechanisms uses a new methodological tool—the constrained maximum principle—which leverages the combined mathematical theorems of Bauer (1958) and Szapiel (1975). This tool generalizes the concavification technique of Aumann and Maschler (1995) and Kamenica and Gentzkow (2011), and has broad applications in economics.
我考虑具有外部性的市场中的福利和利润最大化问题。我表明,当外部性通常取决于分配时,庇古税通常是次优的。相反,最优机制有一种简单的形式:限量配给选项的有限菜单和相应的价格。我导出了单个价格为最优的充分条件。我表明,当外部性存在时,垄断者可能会比社会计划者配给更少,这与非竞争性定价表明市场力量的标准直觉相反。我对最优机制的描述使用了一种新的方法工具——约束最大原理——它利用了Bauer(1958)和Szapiel(1975)的组合数学定理。该工具概括了Aumann and Maschler(1995)和Kamenica and Gentzkow(2011)的凹化技术,在经济学中有着广泛的应用。
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引用次数: 6
What about Private Options? 私人期权呢?
Jon D. Michaels
There is considerable enthusiasm today for public options, particularly in the health care and banking sectors. A compromise between entirely private commercial provision and wholly bureaucratic, tax-and-transfer government provision, public options are designed to offer citizen-consumers greater choice and protection. In blending (rather than choosing between) market ordering and state welfare, government agencies experimenting with public options are stepping out of their sovereign lane, forgoing legislative and regulatory tools in favor of commercial ones. Plenty of thoughtful work on public options already exists. For that reason, this Essay turns its attention to the converse phenomenon—namely, private options. Just as public options involve governments using commercial—not sovereign—pathways to remedy market failures, private options involve firms (or groups of employees) adopting sovereign—not commercial—postures to remedy government failures. Private, sovereign-like interventions refer to one or more of the following: private actors (1) utilizing democratic pathways and deliberative procedures in furtherance of some public policy; (2) taking on substantive responsibilities that modern liberal democracies are no longer willing or able to direct or fund; or (3) providing principally for the general welfare in ways that suggest they may be voluntarily internalizing externalities, at some profit loss or legal risk, and reducing rather than exploiting power and information asymmetries. Private options of this quasi-sovereign variety include such things as Facebook’s proposed digital currency and its self-styled supreme court tasked with rendering adjudicatory decisions as to user and advertiser content. They also include Apple and Google’s planned stewardship over what are in many respects twenty-first century reboots of old-school company towns. We may even look beyond the C-suite and consider workforces that are fashioning their own private options, and thus functioning as commercial analogs to the body politic. Specifically, worker strikes over their companies’ participation in politically and legally questionable government programs may likewise constitute private options. These workers are not protesting to augment their own wages and benefits. To the contrary, they are risking their own financial security to stand in for the American electorate when that electorate is (for structural reasons) unable to democratically influence U.S. immigration or defense policy. This Essay drills down on private options, identifying their defining characteristics, explaining how they respond to today’s serious government failures, and contextualizing their role within the larger ecosystem of government and market institutions and actors.
如今,人们对公共选择有着相当大的热情,尤其是在医疗保健和银行业。公共选择是完全私人的商业条款和完全官僚的、税收和转移的政府条款之间的妥协,旨在为公民消费者提供更多的选择和保护。在将市场秩序和国家福利相结合(而不是在两者之间进行选择)的过程中,政府机构正在尝试公共选择,这是在走出他们的主权通道,放弃立法和监管工具,转而采用商业工具。在公共选择方面已经有很多深思熟虑的工作。出于这个原因,本文将注意力转向相反的现象——即私人选择。正如公共选择涉及政府使用商业而非主权途径来补救市场失灵一样,私人选择涉及公司(或员工群体)采用主权而非商业姿态来补救政府失灵。私人的,类似主权的干预是指以下一种或多种:私人行为者(1)利用民主途径和审议程序来推进某些公共政策;(2)承担现代自由民主国家不再愿意或无法指导或资助的实质性责任;或者(3)主要为一般福利提供的方式表明,他们可能会自愿地将外部性内部化,承担一些利润损失或法律风险,并减少而不是利用权力和信息不对称。这种准主权的私人选择包括Facebook提议的数字货币,以及其自封的最高法院,其任务是就用户和广告商的内容做出裁决。它们还包括苹果(Apple)和谷歌(Google)计划对老派公司小镇进行管理,从许多方面来说,这是21世纪的翻版。我们甚至可以超越高管层,考虑那些正在形成自己私人选择的员工,从而在商业上类似于整体政治。具体来说,工人因其公司参与在政治上和法律上都有问题的政府项目而罢工,也可能构成私人选择。这些工人抗议不是为了提高自己的工资和福利。相反,当美国选民(由于结构性原因)无法民主地影响美国的移民或国防政策时,他们是在冒着自己的经济安全风险来代表美国选民。本文深入探讨了私人选择,确定了它们的定义特征,解释了它们如何应对当今严重的政府失灵,并将它们在政府、市场机构和参与者组成的更大生态系统中的作用置于背景下。
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引用次数: 0
Economic Freedom and the CO2 Kuznets Curve 经济自由和二氧化碳库兹涅茨曲线
C. Bjørnskov
Politicians and international organisations advocate for increased regulation and government control of industry in order to handle climate change and reduce overall greenhouse gas emissions. However, it remains an open question how economic freedom is associated with environmental damage and whether deregulation is harmful to the environment or incentivises the use of green technology. On one hand, more government control and regulation may force firms and individuals to reduce their emissions. On the other hand, more economic freedom is likely to enable innovation and the adoption of green technological development. In this paper, I therefore combine data on growth in greenhouse gas emissions and GDP per capita with the Fraser Institute’s Economic Freedom of the World indices in order to test if economic freedom affects emissions. I do so in the context of estimating a standard Environmental Kuznets Curve in which economic freedom can both reduce overall levels as well as shift the shape of the curve. The results suggest that economic freedom reduces greenhouse gas emissions but also shifts the top point of the Kuznets Curve to the left. Part of this effect may be due to the effect of economic freedom on the adoption of renewable energy.
政治家和国际组织主张加强对工业的监管和政府控制,以应对气候变化并减少温室气体的总体排放。然而,经济自由是如何与环境破坏联系在一起的,以及放松管制是对环境有害还是鼓励使用绿色技术,这仍然是一个悬而未决的问题。一方面,更多的政府控制和监管可能会迫使企业和个人减少排放。另一方面,更多的经济自由可能会促进创新和采用绿色技术发展。因此,在本文中,我将温室气体排放和人均GDP的增长数据与弗雷泽研究所的世界经济自由指数结合起来,以测试经济自由是否会影响排放。我这样做的背景是估计一条标准的环境库兹涅茨曲线,在这条曲线中,经济自由既可以降低总体水平,也可以改变曲线的形状。结果表明,经济自由减少了温室气体排放,但也使库兹涅茨曲线的顶点向左移动。这种影响的部分原因可能是经济自由对采用可再生能源的影响。
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引用次数: 12
CO2-Bepreisung im Wärme- und Verkehrssektor: Erweiterung des Emissionshandels löst aktuelles Klimaschutzproblem nicht (Carbon Pricing in the Heating and Transport Sectors: Expansion of Emissions Trading Does Not Solve Current Climate Protection Problems) 热和交通部门的碳定价:扩大排放源不能解决当前的气候问题。(
C. Kemfert, Sophie Schmalz, Nicole Wägner
German Abstract: Gegenwartig sind die verschiedenen Energietrager in Deutschland unterschiedlich stark mit Abgaben und Umlagen belastet. Um die energie- und klimapolitischen Ziele der Bundesregierung zu erreichen, mussen fossile Heiz- und Kraftstoffe starker bepreist werden (Kemfert et al. 2019; Dertinger und Schill 2019, SRU 2019). Zugleich herrscht in der energiepolitischen Debatte Uneinigkeit uber die die Ausgestaltung einer CO2-Bepreisung. Eine Moglichkeit besteht darin, den EU-Emissionshandels (EUETS) auf die bislang nicht abgedeckten Sektoren Verkehr und Warme europaweit, fur eine Gruppe von EU-Mitgliedstaaten oder national auszuweiten. Eine weitere Option ist ein separates nationales Emissionshandelssystem fur diese Sektoren einzufuhren und eine dritte die Besteuerung zu reformieren, indem eine CO2-basierte Komponente in der Energiesteuer eingefuhrt wird. Der Sachverstandigenrat zur Begutachtung der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung (SVR) empfiehlt, den EU-ETS europaweit bis zum Jahr 2030 auf die Sektoren Verkehr und Gebaude auszuweiten sowie einen nationalen Emissionshandel oder eine CO2-Steuer als Ubergangslosung zu etablieren (SVR 2019). Auch der Wissenschaftliche Beirat des Bundesministeriums fur Wirtschaft und Energie (BMWi) spricht sich dafur aus, den Zertifikatehandel auszuweiten: Die Preiskorridore fur die verschiedenen Sektoren sollen sich zunachst unterscheiden und mittelfristig in einem einheitlichen europaischen Emissionsmarkt zusammengefuhrt werden (BMWi 2019). Mit folgendem Beitrag werden unterschiedliche Optionen fur eine CO2-Bepreisung beschrieben und bewertet. Dabei werden neben der okonomischen Perspektive (statische und dynamische Effizienz sowie okologische Effektivitat) auch die juristische und politische Durchsetzbarkeit berucksichtigt. English Abstract: At present, the different energy sources in Germany are burdened with varying levels of taxes and levies. In order to achieve the energy and climate policy targets of the Federal Government, fossil fuels must be priced more strongly (Kemfert et al. 2019; Dertinger and Schill 2019, SRU 2019). At the same time, there is disagreement in the policy debate about the design of a carbon pricing system. One possibility is to extend the European Union Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) to the transport and heating sectors across the whole European Union (EU), for a group of EU member states or on a national level. Another option is to introduce a separate national emissions trading system for these sectors and a third to reform taxation by introducing a carbon-based component in the energy tax. The German Council of Economic Experts (Sachverstandigenrat zur Begutachtung der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung - SVR) recommends to extend the EU ETS to the transport and heating sectors Europe-wide by 2030, and to establish a national emissions trading scheme or a carbon tax as a transitional solution (SVR 2019). The Board of Academic Advisors of the Federal Ministry for Eco
德国不同的航空公司面对相同的税费和损失。要想实现联邦政府在能源和气候政策上的目标,就必须大力推广化石燃料和燃料的价格(已推荐自2019年以来)。Dertinger和schll 2019, SRU 2019)。与此同时,能源政策争论中存在着不同意见,如设计合理的碳定价。有一种方法就是把欧盟成员国和国家之间至今所不属于的其他领域和温暖的欧洲各国扩大欧盟贸易。另外一种选择是制定国家对这些部门排放权交易计划,第三项选择是通过在能源税中引入以碳为基础的部分来改革税收。宏观经济评估专门知识委员会(sgr)建议,到2030年扩大全欧洲范围的交通和不动产行业,建立一个全国性的排放交易或碳排放税作为“走运”方案(车主2019)。联邦经济和能源部门的科学委员会(bwi)也建议强化破坏协议的贸易:各种部门的价格壁垒应该有所不同,并在欧洲单一的排放市场内中期形成(bwi 2019)。以下文章描述并评估了碳定价的不同选择。它包括静态和动态效率和玄机效应,以及法律和政治效力。英国抽象:在德国,使用不同的能源储备《德国联邦政府的能源和气候政策目标》不容置疑口渴2019,SRU 2019)。从某个时候开始,你知道在“政策审核”中车子的设计失败了欧洲联盟贸易代表一个国家层面的欧盟成员集团在运输和通风方面做出贡献。另外一个选项是根据能源低碳创建一个单独的国家排放系统和三次根据碳而建立的能源税。德国队Sachverstandigenrat (Council of Economic Experts)送回总体经济SVR) recommends《债务欧盟一个《运输和heating sectors Europe-wide 2030年赞助,and to establish a national emissions scheme打过交道到碳税运营过渡行政法~ 2019答案(SVR) .联邦经济事务与能源委员会(b伦i)——全然不同于另一种担忧:为不同的经济政策和发行准备比较直接的理由,在工业部门中是存在统一欧洲发行市场(b伦i 2019)的必要条件。法律和政治需求变得单纯
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引用次数: 1
Energy-Switching Using Lévy Processes - An Application to Canadian and North American Data 使用lsamvy过程的能量转换-加拿大和北美数据的应用
Alexis Arrigoni, Wei-Liang Lu, A. Swishchuk, Stéphane Goutte
The Paris agreement in 2016 marks a global effort to limit the increase in temperature. In that spirit, the Federal Government of Canada introduced a carbon tax to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The main goal of this paper is to define the correct approach to carbon pricing. Following the method, introduce by Goutte and Chevalier (2015), we define the carbon price as the necessary tax to incite electricity producers to switch from coal to natural gas. The novelty of this paper is that we use this method for Alberta and North America. In addition, we consider the case of switching from natural gas to wind as a potential new approach to carbon pricing. After reviewing the two methods, we model prices under three stochastic procedures: Levy Normal Inverse Gaussian (NIG), Levy Normal and Heston model. Finally, we generalize our empirical technique to oil, natural gas and coal individually. The main finding of this article is that the Levy NIG outperforms the Levy Normal and Heston as it is able to take into account the jumpy and volatile nature of energy prices.
2016年的《巴黎协定》标志着全球限制气温上升的努力。本着这种精神,加拿大联邦政府实行了碳税,以减少温室气体排放。本文的主要目标是定义正确的碳定价方法。根据Goutte和Chevalier(2015)提出的方法,我们将碳价定义为激励电力生产商从煤炭转向天然气的必要税收。本文的新颖之处在于,我们对阿尔伯塔省和北美使用了这种方法。此外,我们认为从天然气转向风能是一种潜在的碳定价新方法。在回顾了这两种方法之后,我们在三种随机过程下建立了价格模型:Levy正态反高斯模型(NIG)、Levy正态模型和Heston模型。最后,将经验技术分别推广到石油、天然气和煤炭。本文的主要发现是,Levy NIG优于Levy Normal和Heston,因为它能够考虑到能源价格的跳跃和波动性。
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引用次数: 2
How Effective Was the UK Carbon Tax? - A Machine Learning Approach to Policy Evaluation 英国碳税的效果如何?-政策评估的机器学习方法
J. Abrell, Mirjam Kosch, S. Rausch
Carbon taxes are commonly seen as a rational policy response to climate change, but little is known about their performance from an ex-post perspective. This paper analyzes the emissions and cost impacts of the UK CPS, a carbon tax levied on all fossil-fired power plants. To overcome the problem of a missing control group, we propose a novel approach for policy evaluation which leverages economic theory and machine learning techniques for counterfactual prediction. Our results indicate that in the period 2013-2016 the CPS lowered emissions by 6.2 percent at an average cost of € 18 per ton. We find substantial temporal heterogeneity in tax-induced impacts which stems from variation in relative fuel prices. An important implication for climate policy is that a higher carbon tax does not necessarily lead to higher emissions reductions or higher costs.
碳税通常被视为应对气候变化的一项理性政策,但从事后的角度来看,人们对其表现知之甚少。本文分析了英国CPS的排放和成本影响,CPS是对所有化石燃料发电厂征收的碳税。为了克服缺少控制组的问题,我们提出了一种新的政策评估方法,该方法利用经济理论和机器学习技术进行反事实预测。我们的研究结果表明,在2013-2016年期间,CPS以每吨18欧元的平均成本降低了6.2%的排放量。我们发现,由于相对燃料价格的变化,税收引起的影响存在实质性的时间异质性。对气候政策的一个重要启示是,更高的碳税并不一定导致更高的减排或更高的成本。
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引用次数: 40
Bag 'Leakage': The Effect of Disposable Carryout Bag Regulations on Unregulated Bags 袋“渗漏”:一次性手提袋规例对不管制袋的影响
Rebecca L. C. Taylor
Leakage occurs when partial regulation of consumer products results in increased consumption of these products in unregulated domains. This article quantifies plastic leakage from the banning of plastic carryout bags. Using quasi-random policy variation in California, I find the elimination of 40 million pounds of plastic carryout bags is offset by a 12 million pound increase in trash bag purchases—with small, medium, and tall trash bag sales increasing by 120%, 64%, and 6%, respectively. The results further reveal 12–22% of plastic carryout bags were reused as trash bags pre-regulation and show bag bans shift consumers towards fewer but heavier bags. With a substantial proportion of carryout bags already reused in a way that avoided the manufacture and purchase of another plastic bag, policy evaluations that ignore leakage effects overstate the regulation's welfare gains.
当消费品的部分监管导致这些产品在不受监管的领域的消费增加时,就会发生泄漏。这篇文章量化了禁止塑料袋带来的塑料泄漏。利用加州的准随机政策变化,我发现减少4000万磅的塑料手提袋被增加1200万磅的垃圾袋购买量所抵消——小号、中号和大号垃圾袋的销量分别增长了120%、64%和6%。研究结果进一步显示,12-22%的塑料手提袋在规定前被重新用作垃圾袋,并表明塑料袋禁令使消费者转向更少但更重的袋子。由于相当一部分携带袋已经以避免制造和购买另一个塑料袋的方式重复使用,忽视泄漏效应的政策评估夸大了该法规的福利收益。
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引用次数: 48
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