Pub Date : 2013-04-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.732393
Valentyna Romanova
Abstract Elections can contribute to both democratic and authoritarian developments. Literatures on new democracies most often investigate general elections. This paper shows that the study of regional contests adds a crucial dimension to the understanding of regime trajectories, as well as parties and party systems. The objects of investigation are multi-level election in Ukraine – a post-communist state in Eastern Europe outside the European Union. The aim is to explain why parties' vote shares at simultaneous and non-simultaneous elections are fluid and why major frontrunners at general elections perform worse at regional contests in the same regions. Also, the paper shows what makes general and regional electoral arenas mutually dependent. Finally, it explains how regional elections affect the trajectory of democratisation in Ukraine.
{"title":"Regional Elections in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010","authors":"Valentyna Romanova","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.732393","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.732393","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Elections can contribute to both democratic and authoritarian developments. Literatures on new democracies most often investigate general elections. This paper shows that the study of regional contests adds a crucial dimension to the understanding of regime trajectories, as well as parties and party systems. The objects of investigation are multi-level election in Ukraine – a post-communist state in Eastern Europe outside the European Union. The aim is to explain why parties' vote shares at simultaneous and non-simultaneous elections are fluid and why major frontrunners at general elections perform worse at regional contests in the same regions. Also, the paper shows what makes general and regional electoral arenas mutually dependent. Finally, it explains how regional elections affect the trajectory of democratisation in Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131728032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.732397
P. Mueller
Abstract Relying on the ‘EU actorness’ framework, this article examines the relationship between the EU's evolving institutional capacity as an international actor and its performance as an external mediator in the Arab–Israeli conflict. It shows that the EU's actorness has progressed in terms of diplomatic ‘cohesion’, enhanced ‘horizontal coordination’ between CFSP and the EU's external economic relations, and the ‘surpanationalisation’ of EU foreign policy-making. On the whole, the strengthening of its actor capacity also allowed the EU to progressively expand its activities in conflict resolution, conflict prevention and conflict management. Still, important shortcomings in Europe's conflict resolution policy have remained and the EU finds it difficult to realize its full potential as an external mediator.
{"title":"Europe's Foreign Policy and the Middle East Peace Process: The Construction of EU Actorness in Conflict Resolution","authors":"P. Mueller","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.732397","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.732397","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Relying on the ‘EU actorness’ framework, this article examines the relationship between the EU's evolving institutional capacity as an international actor and its performance as an external mediator in the Arab–Israeli conflict. It shows that the EU's actorness has progressed in terms of diplomatic ‘cohesion’, enhanced ‘horizontal coordination’ between CFSP and the EU's external economic relations, and the ‘surpanationalisation’ of EU foreign policy-making. On the whole, the strengthening of its actor capacity also allowed the EU to progressively expand its activities in conflict resolution, conflict prevention and conflict management. Still, important shortcomings in Europe's conflict resolution policy have remained and the EU finds it difficult to realize its full potential as an external mediator.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123435183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.732390
Claudia Finotelli, G. Sciortino
Clandestine migration, particularly along the Southern sea borders, dominates the debate on migration control in Europe. On the contrary, even if most irregular migrants are visa over-stayers, remarkably little is known about the management of the EU visa supply. This paper analyzes the role played by visa policy in the European immigration control system. It shows that visa policy has never been exclusively a tool of irregular migration prevention and that the overall trend of short-term visa supply highlights an asymmetric visa regime, increasingly open to Eastern European countries while remarkably rigid across the Mediterranean.
{"title":"Through the Gates of the Fortress: European Visa Policies and the Limits of Immigration Control","authors":"Claudia Finotelli, G. Sciortino","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.732390","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.732390","url":null,"abstract":"Clandestine migration, particularly along the Southern sea borders, dominates the debate on migration control in Europe. On the contrary, even if most irregular migrants are visa over-stayers, remarkably little is known about the management of the EU visa supply. This paper analyzes the role played by visa policy in the European immigration control system. It shows that visa policy has never been exclusively a tool of irregular migration prevention and that the overall trend of short-term visa supply highlights an asymmetric visa regime, increasingly open to Eastern European countries while remarkably rigid across the Mediterranean.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126293651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.732396
I. Semenenko
This article looks into the debate on public attitudes in Russia towards the EU and Europe. The relevance of Europe and of the perception of belonging to Europe for Russian national identity is evaluated. To what extent do the Russians see themselves as European and what criteria fit this notion today after the two post-Soviet decades have drawn to a close? The existing image of the EU is analysed in the context of asserting and consolidating the Russian political nation. Elite and expert group opinions are considered, having in mind their influence on the wider public views on national identity. Historic notions of the West in Russian intellectual discourse are evocated as a valid context for the current debate, and the relevance of the traditional cleavage between westernizers and traditionalists for present day identity politics is evaluated. An important point in this discussion is the Russian and the Western perception of the ‘values gap’. The paper draws upon three groups of sources: public opinion survey data, public political discourse and its media coverage, and academic and expert literature.
{"title":"The Quest for Identity. Russian Public Opinion on Europe and the European Union and the National Identity Agenda","authors":"I. Semenenko","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.732396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.732396","url":null,"abstract":"This article looks into the debate on public attitudes in Russia towards the EU and Europe. The relevance of Europe and of the perception of belonging to Europe for Russian national identity is evaluated. To what extent do the Russians see themselves as European and what criteria fit this notion today after the two post-Soviet decades have drawn to a close? The existing image of the EU is analysed in the context of asserting and consolidating the Russian political nation. Elite and expert group opinions are considered, having in mind their influence on the wider public views on national identity. Historic notions of the West in Russian intellectual discourse are evocated as a valid context for the current debate, and the relevance of the traditional cleavage between westernizers and traditionalists for present day identity politics is evaluated. An important point in this discussion is the Russian and the Western perception of the ‘values gap’. The paper draws upon three groups of sources: public opinion survey data, public political discourse and its media coverage, and academic and expert literature.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125444398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.731936
Tanja Mayrgündter
Abstract In the early 1990s, the young Republic of Slovakia, fearing threats of devolution, embarked on an ethno-centric nation-state building, triggering a conflict structure between the majority and the minorities that can be illustrated in the game theoretic model of a ‘Pure conflict’. Even under these unfavourable structural conditions, EU conditionality prompted the state to fulfil the Copenhagen Criteria and to adopt the necessary European legislative package, but inducing formal changes in the legislative mainly. Before accession, the European Charter for Regional or Minority Language was also adopted, but appropriate measures necessary for its implementation did not implicitly follow. Nevertheless, medium-term effects show that due to the strong entrenchment with the international institutions involved, such as the European Council, social ties could be created. Consequently, social practice generated reciprocal collective meanings on minority language rights and proved to have a constitutive impact on Slovakia's identity profile in the post-accession period. However, externally induced progress has overlapped with the alternating political elites in power, dominated by populist and nationalistic rhetoric or moderate centre-right parties, finally hampering a more comprehensive implementation of Slovak minority language protection until today.
{"title":"The Implementation of the ECRML in Slovakia under Construction: Structural Preconditions, External influence and Internal Obstacles","authors":"Tanja Mayrgündter","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.731936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.731936","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the early 1990s, the young Republic of Slovakia, fearing threats of devolution, embarked on an ethno-centric nation-state building, triggering a conflict structure between the majority and the minorities that can be illustrated in the game theoretic model of a ‘Pure conflict’. Even under these unfavourable structural conditions, EU conditionality prompted the state to fulfil the Copenhagen Criteria and to adopt the necessary European legislative package, but inducing formal changes in the legislative mainly. Before accession, the European Charter for Regional or Minority Language was also adopted, but appropriate measures necessary for its implementation did not implicitly follow. Nevertheless, medium-term effects show that due to the strong entrenchment with the international institutions involved, such as the European Council, social ties could be created. Consequently, social practice generated reciprocal collective meanings on minority language rights and proved to have a constitutive impact on Slovakia's identity profile in the post-accession period. However, externally induced progress has overlapped with the alternating political elites in power, dominated by populist and nationalistic rhetoric or moderate centre-right parties, finally hampering a more comprehensive implementation of Slovak minority language protection until today.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123744207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.731939
J. FitzGibbon
{"title":"European Economic Governance and Policies, Volume I and II","authors":"J. FitzGibbon","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.731939","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.731939","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129999373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.731931
M. Brosig
Abstract This article aims at critically reviewing the European compliance literature. As this literature is dominated by a rational and positivist understanding of norm adherence primarily emphasizing domestic implementation costs, administrative capacities or external incentives during EU enlargement, this paper reinvigorates a constructivist epistemology of norm compliance in contrast to the analytical limitations of the rational approach.
{"title":"No Space for Constructivism? A Critical Appraisal of European Compliance Research","authors":"M. Brosig","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.731931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.731931","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article aims at critically reviewing the European compliance literature. As this literature is dominated by a rational and positivist understanding of norm adherence primarily emphasizing domestic implementation costs, administrative capacities or external incentives during EU enlargement, this paper reinvigorates a constructivist epistemology of norm compliance in contrast to the analytical limitations of the rational approach.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131059256","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.731933
A. Osipov
Abstract The article seeks to suggest a way to explain such cases of minority policies in which deliberate avoidance of implementing certain normative provisions generates no criticism in the given society and goes in combination with the overall silent consent on this state of affairs of all the stakeholders, including minority activists themselves. The author argues that one may regard this as a normal pattern of public politics rather than a deviation, and the lack of implementation as a generally anticipated and accepted outcome rather than a failure. This pattern is labelled as ‘systemic hypocrisy’, i.e., de-coupling public representation of an organization from its actual functions. It is supposed that diversity policies in general are likely to be prone to systemic hypocrisy since the mainstream group-centric approaches to the management of ethnic diversity are not fully compatible with modern techniques of government. The article exposes and specifies two cases of ‘systemic hypocrisy’ in minority policies that are non-territorial autonomy and ethnic federalism within the domain of contemporary Russian diversity management. The framework explanation of why systemic hypocrisy demonstrates persistency is that the symbolic policies aimed at ethnic relations become values in themselves as a non-controversial ground of communication for different social and political actors and thus supersede instrumental policies.
{"title":"Implementation Unwanted? Symbolic vs. Instrumental Policies in the Russian Management of Ethnic Diversity","authors":"A. Osipov","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.731933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.731933","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article seeks to suggest a way to explain such cases of minority policies in which deliberate avoidance of implementing certain normative provisions generates no criticism in the given society and goes in combination with the overall silent consent on this state of affairs of all the stakeholders, including minority activists themselves. The author argues that one may regard this as a normal pattern of public politics rather than a deviation, and the lack of implementation as a generally anticipated and accepted outcome rather than a failure. This pattern is labelled as ‘systemic hypocrisy’, i.e., de-coupling public representation of an organization from its actual functions. It is supposed that diversity policies in general are likely to be prone to systemic hypocrisy since the mainstream group-centric approaches to the management of ethnic diversity are not fully compatible with modern techniques of government. The article exposes and specifies two cases of ‘systemic hypocrisy’ in minority policies that are non-territorial autonomy and ethnic federalism within the domain of contemporary Russian diversity management. The framework explanation of why systemic hypocrisy demonstrates persistency is that the symbolic policies aimed at ethnic relations become values in themselves as a non-controversial ground of communication for different social and political actors and thus supersede instrumental policies.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127008561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.731935
J. Krommendijk
Abstract This article examines the implementation of the recommendations (COs) of the committee monitoring the Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) and the causal mechanisms leading to compliance. It is shown that these non-binding COs for the Netherlands have been ineffective in terms of securing compliance. One reason for this is the limited usefulness, legitimacy and persuasiveness of CERD and the COs. Another more important reason is the absence of domestic mobilisation in relation to CERD's COs. By analysing some effective COs of the committees monitoring the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, this article demonstrates that COs might still be effective when other actors than the government, such as parliament and national courts, take action on the basis of COs. It is shown that action and attention of parliament and national courts is dependent upon the lobbying work of NGOs, which is crucial for the effectiveness of COs.
{"title":"The (Non) Implementation of Recommendations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination in the Netherlands Explained","authors":"J. Krommendijk","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.731935","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.731935","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the implementation of the recommendations (COs) of the committee monitoring the Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) and the causal mechanisms leading to compliance. It is shown that these non-binding COs for the Netherlands have been ineffective in terms of securing compliance. One reason for this is the limited usefulness, legitimacy and persuasiveness of CERD and the COs. Another more important reason is the absence of domestic mobilisation in relation to CERD's COs. By analysing some effective COs of the committees monitoring the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, this article demonstrates that COs might still be effective when other actors than the government, such as parliament and national courts, take action on the basis of COs. It is shown that action and attention of parliament and national courts is dependent upon the lobbying work of NGOs, which is crucial for the effectiveness of COs.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126094652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-12-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.731932
G. Yılmaz
Abstract The legal adoption and implementation of minority protection rules in both EU member and candidate countries is a highly contested issue that varies across countries. As the status of European Union (EU) candidate country most debated, Turkey represents relatively a success story in minority rights due to the intensive minority-related legal adoption and increasing implementation in the accession process. The acceleration of the process is puzzling due to the fast transition to the implementation phase in a candidate country, of which the membership prospect has still been debated. Therefore, Turkey represents an interesting case, providing an empirical arena to explore factors that influence the implementation process. Suggesting a revised version of comprehensive ‘worlds of compliance’ that could be applied to the candidate states as a filter of explanatory factors for implementation, this article argues, that two worlds of compliance matter in Turkey's compliance with minority rights: world of domestic politics for implementation process, influenced by the domestic choice of the Turkish government; and world of law observance for legal adoption driven by the EU's credible conditionality.
{"title":"Exploring the Implementation of Minority Protection Rules in the ‘Worlds of Compliance’: The Case of Turkey","authors":"G. Yılmaz","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.731932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.731932","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The legal adoption and implementation of minority protection rules in both EU member and candidate countries is a highly contested issue that varies across countries. As the status of European Union (EU) candidate country most debated, Turkey represents relatively a success story in minority rights due to the intensive minority-related legal adoption and increasing implementation in the accession process. The acceleration of the process is puzzling due to the fast transition to the implementation phase in a candidate country, of which the membership prospect has still been debated. Therefore, Turkey represents an interesting case, providing an empirical arena to explore factors that influence the implementation process. Suggesting a revised version of comprehensive ‘worlds of compliance’ that could be applied to the candidate states as a filter of explanatory factors for implementation, this article argues, that two worlds of compliance matter in Turkey's compliance with minority rights: world of domestic politics for implementation process, influenced by the domestic choice of the Turkish government; and world of law observance for legal adoption driven by the EU's credible conditionality.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121083298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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