Natural Language & Linguistic Theory最新文献

The Sakha particle da(ɣanï) has a restricted, semantically varied distribution. It appears in three main roles: negative polarity item (NPIs), a marker of scalar focus, and doubled in coordination constructions. In coordination X da(ɣanï) Y da(ɣanï) means ‘both X and Y’ in positive sentences, but ‘neither X nor Y’ in negative sentences. Following from the assumption that NPIs denote low-point existentials, it is surprising to find a particle that is involved in these as well as ‘both…and’ coordination. While there are quantifier particles in other languages which overlap with all of da(ɣanï)’s uses, these typically these serve far more roles. One such common role that da(ɣanï) lacks is a basic additive ‘too’ reading, though an additive reading emerges with scalar focus. I argue that da(ɣanï) is an element which combines with an host that has semantic alternatives and makes them obligatorily active, in the sense of Chierchia (2013). When it combines with a low-point existential, this has the effect of creating NPIs. The ‘both…and’ reading is argued to be the result of da(ɣanï) inducing an additive post-supposition. However, a unary ‘too’ function is blocked by the additive presupposition of another particle emie.

The Sakha particle da(ɣanï) has a restricted, semantically varied distribution. It appears in three main roles: negative polarity item (NPIs), a marker of scalar focus, and doubled in coordination constructions. In coordination X da(ɣanï) Y da(ɣanï) means ‘both X and Y’ in positive sentences, but ‘neither X nor Y’ in negative sentences. Following from the assumption that NPIs denote low-point existentials, it is surprising to find a particle that is involved in these as well as ‘both…and’ coordination. While there are quantifier particles in other languages which overlap with all of da(ɣanï)’s uses, these typically these serve far more roles. One such common role that da(ɣanï) lacks is a basic additive ‘too’ reading, though an additive reading emerges with scalar focus. I argue that da(ɣanï) is an element which combines with an host that has semantic alternatives and makes them obligatorily active, in the sense of Chierchia (2013). When it combines with a low-point existential, this has the effect of creating NPIs. The ‘both…and’ reading is argued to be the result of da(ɣanï) inducing an additive post-supposition. However, a unary ‘too’ function is blocked by the additive presupposition of another particle emie.

Introduction: comprehensive cancer risk assessment services are lacking in most sub-Saharan African countries and the use of accurate family history (FH) information could serve as a cheap strategy for risk evaluation. The aim of this study is to determine the proportion of women unaware of family history of cancer among female relatives and associated socio-demographic characteristics.

Methods: using case-control data on breast cancer among 4294 women in Nigeria, Uganda and Cameroon, we investigated the proportion of women unaware of family history of cancer among their female relatives. The association between participants' response to their awareness of female relatives' cancer history and socio-demographic characteristics was analysed according to case-control status, family side and distance of relation. Results: the proportion of women unaware if any relative had cancer was 33%, and was significantly higher among controls (43.2%) compared to 23.9% among cases (p<0.001) (Adjusted Odds Ratio (OR) = 2.51, 95% CI = 2.14 - 2.95). Age, education and marital status remained significantly associated with being unaware of FH among controls on multiple regression.

Conclusion: about a third of women interviewed did not know about cancer history in at least one of their female relatives. Efforts aimed at improving cancer awareness in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) are needed. Our findings could be useful for future studies of cancer risk assessment in SSA.