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The Institute of Geology of Mexico and Its Precedents: History and Legacy 墨西哥地质研究所及其先例:历史与遗产
Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.656
Lucero Morelos Rodríguez
In 2019, the Institute of Geology celebrated its ninetieth anniversary as part of Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM). The main establishment in Mexico for the teaching, research, and dissemination of the geological sciences, it is an institution with a long history and a great scientific legacy. It dates back to the 19th century, since it is the heir to the Geological Institute of Mexico (1888), the first institute in the Mexican republic to carry out research in the geological sciences and to study the country’s territory from three points of view: scientific, technical, and industrial. It was conceived by the mining engineer Antonio del Castillo (1820–1895) to meet the need to scientifically explore the country’s latent mineral wealth, for which reason its functions included: mapping regions whose lithology and resources were unknown, providing specialized services to the public—the analysis and classification of water, rocks, land, fossils, minerals, and oil—and creating a geological and paleontological museum for the nation. From 1888 to 1917, the institution was part of the Ministry of Development, Colonization, Industry, and Commerce (Ministerio de Fomento, Colonización, Industria y Comercio). In 1917, the Venustiano Carranza administration promulgated a new constitution, reformed governmental administration, and created the Ministry of Industry, Commerce, and Labor (Secretaría de Industria, Comercio y Trabajo), which was responsible for all questions related to industries such as mining and oil. Although it lapsed somewhat between 1917 and 1929, during the armed conflict of the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920), the Institute of Geology of Mexico was assigned to the Department of Geological Studies and Explorations, with the task of carrying out applied science through the study of new and old mining areas and the location of aquifers. A new scenario emerged in 1929 when the administration of President Emilio Portes Gil enacted the Organic Law of the National University, granting the latter university autonomy, which also allowed institutions of a scientific nature such as the National Astronomical Observatory, the National Library, the Department of Biological Studies, and the National Geological Institute to carry out research as one of their substantive activities. On November 16, 1929, the former Department of Geological Studies and Explorations was incorporated in the most important scholarly institution of Mexico under the name of the Institute of Geology.
2019年,地质研究所庆祝了作为国立大学Autónoma de mamexico (UNAM)的一部分成立90周年。它是墨西哥主要的地质科学教学、研究和传播机构,有着悠久的历史和伟大的科学遗产。它的历史可以追溯到19世纪,因为它是墨西哥地质研究所(1888年)的继承者,这是墨西哥共和国第一个开展地质科学研究并从科学、技术和工业三个角度研究该国领土的研究所。它是由采矿工程师安东尼奥·德尔·卡斯蒂略(1820-1895)构想的,以满足科学探索该国潜在矿产财富的需要,因此它的功能包括:绘制岩性和资源未知地区的地图,为公众提供专业服务——对水、岩石、土地、化石、矿物和石油进行分析和分类,并为国家建立一个地质和古生物博物馆。从1888年到1917年,该机构是发展、殖民、工业和商业部(Ministerio de Fomento, Colonización, Industria y Comercio)的一部分。1917年,卡兰萨政府颁布了新宪法,改革政府行政,成立了工业、商业和劳动部(Secretaría de Industria, Comercio y Trabajo),负责所有与采矿和石油等工业有关的问题。尽管在1917年至1929年墨西哥革命武装冲突期间(1910年至1920年),墨西哥地质研究所被分配给地质研究和勘探部,其任务是通过研究新旧矿区和含水层的位置来开展应用科学。1929年,当埃米利奥·波特斯·吉尔(Emilio Portes Gil)总统的行政当局颁布了《国立大学组织法》(Organic Law of the National University),赋予后者大学自治权时,新的情况出现了,这也允许科学性质的机构,如国家天文台、国家图书馆、生物研究部和国家地质研究所,将研究作为其实质性活动之一。1929年11月16日,以前的地质研究与勘探系以地质研究所的名义并入墨西哥最重要的学术机构。
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引用次数: 1
Black Tribute in the Spanish Americas 西班牙美洲的黑人进贡
Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.1051
Norah L. A. Gharala
From the late 16th to the early 19th centuries, free individuals, families, and corporate groups whose reputations or self-descriptions defined them as Black in the Spanish Americas were subject to a specific tax. The royal tribute tax established the relationship between loyal vassals and a responsive Crown. Under Habsburg rule, tribute circumscribed the freedom of Black subjects but offered a path to privileges for those who provided services to the Crown. Attempts to levy the tax in the 16th and 17th centuries were wide-ranging but yielded comparatively small amounts of revenue. Tribute, nevertheless, affected many regions of the Spanish Americas, either by its collection or via the strategies Black people took to avoid it or contest its imposition. The responses of Black people and local officials to the tax determined how regularly it was enforced and how much revenue it would generate. Even where it failed, debates over tribute and attempts to collect it can reveal what it meant to be Black for colonial officials and ordinary people. Bourbon reforms led to an increasing emphasis on the fiscal potential of Black tribute, much of which became concentrated in the heart of New Spain. Hundreds of thousands of people not only paid tribute but were registered using new methods. The information produced within the tribute regime approximated the density, distribution, and interconnectedness of Black and Indian populations. In addition to the revenue and data its collection yielded, the imposition of Black tribute remains fundamental to understanding the colonial status, sense of identity, and experiences of Black people in the Spanish Empire.
从16世纪末到19世纪初,在西班牙裔美洲,那些名声或自我描述为黑人的自由个人、家庭和企业团体都要缴纳一种特定的税。皇家贡税建立了忠诚的诸侯和响应的国王之间的关系。在哈布斯堡王朝的统治下,进贡限制了黑人臣民的自由,但为那些为国王提供服务的人提供了获得特权的途径。在16和17世纪,征收税收的尝试范围很广,但收入相对较少。然而,贡品影响了西班牙美洲的许多地区,要么是通过它的收集,要么是通过黑人采取的策略来避免它或反对它的征收。黑人和地方官员对税收的反应决定了税收的执行频率和税收收入的多少。即使在失败的地方,关于贡品的争论和收集贡品的尝试也可以揭示殖民官员和普通民众对黑人的意义。波旁王朝的改革导致了对黑人进贡的财政潜力的日益重视,其中大部分集中在新西班牙的中心。成千上万的人不仅致敬,而且用新的方法登记。在贡品制度中产生的信息近似于黑人和印第安人人口的密度、分布和相互联系。除了税收和数据之外,黑人进贡的征收仍然是理解殖民地位、认同感和西班牙帝国黑人经历的基础。
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引用次数: 0
The Amistad Saga: A Transatlantic Dialogue 阿米斯塔德传奇:跨大西洋对话
Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.941
Jorge Felipe-Gonzalez, G. Cole, Benjamin N. Lawrance
The story of the slave ship La Amistad is one of the most celebrated and narrated 19th-century stories of the transatlantic slave trade. To fully appreciate the significance and impact of the events and circumstances of this fateful episode, it is important to examine its legacy from multiple points of the Atlantic world—vestiges of the triangular trade bequeathed by the Columbian Exchange. For a long time, the Amistad saga has been viewed from a very US-centric perspective because the dispute over the lives of the Africans rose to the US Supreme Court in 1840–1841. New archival and oral research in West Africa, Europe, and the Caribbean is rebalancing the narrative and revising the historical drama. Today, the Amistad story is widely recognized as a quintessentially Atlantic story, a story of mobility that moves back and forth across the Atlantic in multiple directions over many decades. The deployment of the phrase “Amistad saga” provides a vehicle with which to critique the socio-legal battles about transatlantic slave trading in Caribbean, North American, and West African history. The Amistad story is often described as pre-incidental to the US Civil War. The victory of African defendants is often framed as a self-congratulatory vindication of the successful resistance of enslaved Africans. The celebrated figure of “Joseph Cinqué” or Sengbe Pieh, the self-appointed leader of the Africans, and a replica of the ship itself are part of an Amistad memory industry that attempts to narrate the slave trade and its abolition. A new framework for teaching and understanding the history of the Amistad saga and its memory and forgetting through an Atlantic lens must combine historical and contemporary perspectives from the United States, Europe, Cuba, and Sierra Leone.
奴隶船La Amistad的故事是19世纪最著名的跨大西洋奴隶贸易故事之一。为了充分理解这一重大事件的重要性和影响,有必要从大西洋世界的多个角度来考察它的遗产——哥伦比亚大交换遗留下来的三角贸易的遗迹。很长一段时间以来,阿米斯塔德的传奇故事都是以美国为中心的视角来看待的,因为关于非洲人生命的争议在1840年至1841年上升到了美国最高法院。西非、欧洲和加勒比地区的新档案和口述研究正在重新平衡叙述和修订历史剧。今天,阿米斯塔德的故事被广泛认为是一个典型的大西洋故事,一个几十年来在大西洋上向多个方向来回移动的故事。“阿米斯塔德传奇”一词的使用提供了一个工具,用来批判加勒比、北美和西非历史上关于跨大西洋奴隶贸易的社会法律斗争。阿米斯塔德的故事通常被描述为美国内战的前兆。非洲被告方的胜利常常被认为是对被奴役的非洲人成功抵抗的自我祝贺。自称为非洲人领袖的著名人物“Joseph cinqu”或“Sengbe Pieh”,以及这艘船本身的复制品是阿米斯塔德记忆产业的一部分,该产业试图讲述奴隶贸易及其废除。通过大西洋的视角来教授和理解阿米斯塔德传奇的历史及其记忆和遗忘的新框架必须结合来自美国、欧洲、古巴和塞拉利昂的历史和当代视角。
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引用次数: 0
Affection and Solidarity among 19th-Century Black Intellectuals in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo 19世纪里约热内卢和<s:1>圣保罗黑人知识分子之间的感情与团结
Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.816
A. Pinto
Brazil had the largest population of free and freed Black people on the continent, starting in the early 19th century, despite being the last country in the Americas to abolish slavery. The 1872 General Census of the Empire reported that six out of every ten Black or brown people could claim a series of rights associated with citizenship by virtue of not being enslaved. These included some individuals who were literate and active in the cultural and political spaces in which plans for the country’s present and future were drawn up. Especially in the second half of the 19th century, a time of deepening crisis for the slaveholding system, individuals such as José Ferreira de Menezes, Luiz Gama, Machado de Assis, José do Patrocínio, Ignácio de Araújo Lima, Arthur Carlos, and Theophilo Dias de Castro, all of whom were born free and resided in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, invested in their individual aspirations but also joined groups that defended the citizenship rights of free, freed, and enslaved Black people. Facing daily experiences of “color prejudice,” they not only participated in debates waged in the abolitionist, Black, literary, and general press, but they also played leading roles in the creation of mechanisms and instruments of resistance, confrontation, and dialogue. Although this aspect has not received much attention in recent historical accounts that recognize their existences, these and other Black intellectuals developed bonds of affection and solidarity over the course of their careers. To reflect on the scope of this shared racial identity in the latter 19th century and the possible impact of these ties on public positions taken by Black intellectuals, the demonstrations of friendship and companionship experienced by these individuals are traced, as well as by some others. An exercise in approaching the traces of different practices surrounding the politicization of race is given, and paths for future research on the social history of ideas and antiracism in Brazil are suggested.
尽管巴西是美洲最后一个废除奴隶制的国家,但从19世纪初开始,巴西拥有美洲大陆上最多的自由和被解放的黑人。1872年的帝国人口普查报告显示,每10个黑人或棕色人种中就有6个可以因为没有被奴役而要求一系列与公民身份相关的权利。其中包括一些有文化并活跃于文化和政治领域的个人,在这些领域制定了国家现在和未来的计划。特别是在19世纪下半叶,蓄奴制度危机加深的时候,像约瑟·费雷拉·德·梅内塞斯、路易斯·伽马、马查多·德·阿西斯、约瑟·萨尔瓦多Patrocínio、Ignácio德Araújo利马、阿瑟·卡洛斯和西奥多洛·迪亚斯·德·卡斯特罗这样的人,他们都是生而自由,居住在圣保罗和里约热内卢,他们投资于自己的个人理想,但也加入了捍卫自由、被解放和被奴役的黑人的公民权利的团体。面对“肤色偏见”的日常经历,她们不仅参与废奴主义者、黑人、文学和一般媒体的辩论,而且在创造抵抗、对抗和对话的机制和工具方面发挥了主导作用。尽管这方面在最近承认他们存在的历史记载中没有得到太多关注,但这些黑人知识分子和其他黑人知识分子在他们的职业生涯中建立了感情和团结的纽带。为了反思这种共同的种族身份在19世纪后期的范围以及这些关系对黑人知识分子所采取的公共立场的可能影响,我们追溯了这些人以及其他一些人所经历的友谊和陪伴的表现。在接近不同实践的痕迹周围的种族政治化给出了练习,并为未来的研究路径的思想和反种族主义在巴西的社会历史提出了建议。
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引用次数: 0
The Strait of Magellan—a Gateway to New Worlds 麦哲伦海峡——通往新世界的门户
Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.995
Mauricio Onetto Pavez
The year 2020 marks the five hundredth anniversary of the “discovery” of the Strait of Magellan. The unveiling of this passage between 1519 and 1522 allowed the planet to be circumnavigated for the first time in the history of humanity. All maritime routes could now be connected, and the idea of the Earth, in its geographical, cosmographic, and philosophical dimensions, gained its definitive meaning. This discovery can be considered one of the founding events of the modern world and of the process of globalization that still continues today. This new connectivity awoke an immediate interest in Europe that led to the emergence of a political consciousness of possession, domination, and territorial occupation generalized on a global scale, and the American continent was the starting point for this. This consciousness also inspired a desire for knowledge about this new form of inhabiting the world. Various fields of knowledge were redefined thanks to the new spaces and measurements produced by the discovery of the southern part of the Americas, which was recorded in books on cosmography, natural history, cartography, and manuscripts, circulating mainly between the Americas and Europe. All these processes transformed the Strait of Magellan into a geopolitical space coveted by Europeans during the 16th century. As an interoceanic connector, it was used to imagine commercial routes to the Orient and political projects that could sustain these dynamics. It was also conceived as a space to speculate on the potential wealth in the extreme south of the continent. In addition, on the Spanish side, some agents of the Crown considered it a strategic place for imperial projections and the defense of the Americas.
2020年是麦哲伦海峡被“发现”500周年。在1519年到1522年间,这条通道的揭幕使得人类历史上第一次环游了地球。现在,所有的海上航线都可以连接起来,地球的概念在地理、宇宙学和哲学层面上都有了明确的意义。这一发现可以被认为是现代世界的奠基事件之一,也是全球化进程的奠基事件之一,全球化进程至今仍在继续。这种新的连通性立即引起了欧洲的兴趣,导致了在全球范围内普遍存在的占有、统治和领土占领的政治意识的出现,而美洲大陆是这一趋势的起点。这种意识也激发了人们对这种新生活方式的求知欲。由于美洲南部的发现产生了新的空间和测量方法,许多领域的知识被重新定义,这些发现被记录在宇宙学、自然史、地图学和手稿中,主要在美洲和欧洲之间传播。所有这些过程使麦哲伦海峡在16世纪成为欧洲人梦寐以求的地缘政治空间。作为大洋间的纽带,它被用来想象通往东方的商业路线和能够维持这些动态的政治项目。它还被认为是一个对非洲大陆最南端潜在财富进行投机的空间。此外,在西班牙方面,国王的一些代理人认为它是帝国扩张和保卫美洲的战略要地。
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引用次数: 0
The Wars of the 1860s and the Atlantic (Americas and Europe) 19世纪60年代的战争和大西洋(美洲和欧洲)
Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.1030
Vitor Izecksohn
During the 1860s, widespread warfare beset the Americas and Europe. Fighting resulted from challenges to existing political accommodations, and evolved into civil wars or interstate violence. Concurrently, economic and technological transformations through the 1860s aided long-distance communications, such as the coming of the telegraph and a much faster spread of steam power that helped to disseminate news and share experiences. All over the Atlantic, the triumph of national unification was the most visible result of the bloodbath, expanding state capacities and reinforcing the role of national symbols as common elements of a shared identity. Political and administrative centralization affected the exercise of local power in different ways, mainly in its capacity to recruit members of communities for war; appealing to national values and identities gradually became central in the demands for cooperation and sacrifice. After the end of combat, national authorities established regimes founded either on new constitutions or on amendments added to existing documents, the goal of which was reordering society according to rules capable of regulating and institutionalizing regional conflicts, simultaneously incorporating demands for representation and liberalization. These same groups demonstrated less efficiency when dealing with ethnic and social conflicts, sources of deeper divisions in societies that pretended to be consistent, progressive, and unified.
19世纪60年代,广泛的战争困扰着美洲和欧洲。战争源于对现有政治安排的挑战,并演变成内战或州际暴力。同时,19世纪60年代的经济和技术变革促进了长途通信,例如电报的出现和蒸汽动力的更快传播,有助于传播新闻和分享经验。在整个大西洋,国家统一的胜利是大屠杀最明显的结果,扩大了国家能力,加强了国家象征作为共同身份的共同要素的作用。政治和行政集中化以不同的方式影响地方权力的行使,主要影响其招募社区成员参加战争的能力;呼吁国家价值和身份逐渐成为要求合作和牺牲的核心。战斗结束后,国家当局建立了以新宪法或对现有文件进行修正为基础的制度,其目标是根据能够调节和使区域冲突制度化的规则重新安排社会秩序,同时纳入对代表权和自由化的要求。这些团体在处理种族和社会冲突时表现出较低的效率,这些冲突是假装一致、进步和统一的社会中更深层次分裂的根源。
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引用次数: 0
Violeta Parra: Her Life, Work, and Legacy 维奥莱塔·帕拉:她的生活、工作和遗产
Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.789
E. Verba
Violeta Parra (1917–1967) was a multifaceted and talented musician and artist. A prolific songwriter, she composed more than two hundred songs as well as experimental pieces for guitar, documentary soundtracks, and music for ballet. Her most famous song, “Gracias a la vida,” has been performed by musicians the world over. In the realm of the visual arts, she was a ceramicist, sculptress, painter, and tapestry maker. In 1964, she became the first Latin American artist to have a solo exhibition at the Louvre Palace’s Musée des Arts Décoratifs. Parra was also an award-winning folklorist who collected hundreds of songs and other folklore from every region of Chile. Born in southern Chile, she moved to Santiago at age fifteen, where she spent two decades performing a mixture of popular songs from Latin America that is often referred to as música criolla. At age thirty-five she turned to the authentic, first as a folklorist and then as an artist. She was a leader of the Chilean folk revival of the 1950s and inspired the generation of Chilean musicians who formed the protest song movement known as nueva canción in the 1960s. A communist sympathizer, she traveled to Europe as a member of the Chilean delegation to the Soviet-sponsored World Festival of Youth and Students in 1955 (Warsaw) and 1962 (Helsinki). Each time she toured the Soviet Bloc, then made her way to Paris for an extended sojourn. Parra contributed a significant voice to the national debate over chilenidad (Chilean identity) during a critical juncture in Chile’s economic, social, and cultural development. Her biography sheds light on transnational cultural movements and competing notions of authenticity at the height of the Cold War. It is also the deeply human story of Parra’s tenacious struggle to be seen and heard as an artist on her own terms.
Violeta Parra(1917-1967)是一位多才多艺的音乐家和艺术家。她是一位多产的词曲作者,创作了200多首歌曲,以及吉他实验作品,纪录片配乐和芭蕾舞音乐。她最著名的歌曲《感谢生活》(Gracias a la vida)已被世界各地的音乐家演奏过。在视觉艺术领域,她是一位陶艺家、雕塑家、画家和挂毯制作者。1964年,她成为第一位在卢浮宫(Louvre Palace)的mussame des Arts dacriatifs举办个展的拉丁美洲艺术家。帕拉也是一位获奖的民俗学家,他从智利的每个地区收集了数百首歌曲和其他民间传说。她出生在智利南部,15岁时搬到圣地亚哥,在那里她花了20年的时间表演拉丁美洲流行歌曲的混合,这些歌曲通常被称为música criolla。35岁时,她开始追求真实,先是成为民俗学家,然后成为艺术家。她是20世纪50年代智利民间复兴运动的领导者,并激励了20世纪60年代形成抗议歌曲运动nueva canción的一代智利音乐家。作为共产主义同情者,她曾作为智利代表团的一员,于1955年(华沙)和1962年(赫尔辛基)前往欧洲参加苏联主办的世界青年和学生节。每次她都去苏联集团旅行,然后去巴黎做长期逗留。在智利经济、社会和文化发展的关键时刻,帕拉对智利身份的全国性辩论做出了重要贡献。她的传记揭示了冷战高峰时期跨国文化运动和相互竞争的真实性概念。这也是一个深刻的人性故事,讲述了帕拉以自己的方式作为艺术家,顽强地挣扎着被人看到和听到。
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引用次数: 0
Indigenous Politics and Education in Early to Mid-20th Century Chile: Foregrounding Mapuche Women and Transnational Conversations 20世纪早期至中期智利的本土政治与教育:马普切妇女与跨国对话的前景
Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.990
J. Crow, Allison Ramay
Mapuche intellectuals and political activists in early- to mid-20th-century Chile both worked within and subverted dominant modernizing and “civilizing” educational discourses. Mapuche women played an important role in the movement to democratize schooling in early-20th-century Chile by publishing articles in little-known Mapuche-run newspapers and advocating for Mapuche education broadly as well as specifically for women. There was also an important transnational dimension of Mapuche political organizing around education rights during this period. These two underexplored but important aspects of indigenous activism in Chile open interesting questions about the intersections between race, gender, and nation in the sphere of education.
20世纪早期到中期的智利,马普切知识分子和政治活动家都参与并颠覆了主流的现代化和“文明化”教育话语。20世纪初,马普切妇女在智利的教育民主化运动中发挥了重要作用,她们在鲜为人知的马普切人经营的报纸上发表文章,并倡导广泛的马普切人教育,尤其是对妇女的教育。在这一时期,马普切人围绕教育权利的政治组织也有一个重要的跨国维度。智利原住民行动主义的这两个未被充分探索但重要的方面,开启了有关种族、性别和民族在教育领域的交集的有趣问题。
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引用次数: 0
Stature, Poverty, and Inequality in 19th- and 20th-Century Mexico 19世纪和20世纪墨西哥的地位、贫困和不平等
Pub Date : 2021-12-22 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.826
Moramay López-Alonso
Anthropometric studies have shown that the evolution of human stature can be helpful to examine human welfare. Adult stature is an indicator of health status and living standards for periods in which there has not been a systematic collection of data of other indicators, such as the price of goods and wages, as is the case in Mexico prior to 1950. Mexican anthropometric history studies have revealed that stature is a good measure to examine the evolution of living standards in the long run and that it has been effective for assessing poverty and inequality. These studies have shown that, for the period 1850–1950, the evolution of living standards was heterogeneous. There were different trajectories depending on the socioeconomic status. People from working-class backgrounds experienced a deterioration and/or stagnation, while people from upper-class backgrounds experienced a sustained increase in average stature. These trends challenged the official history of the post-revolutionary period, which argued that the living standards of the Mexican population deteriorated during the Porfirio Díaz administration (1876–1911) and improved afterwards with the promulgation of social legislation in the post-revolutionary era (post-1910). Additional studies show that, during the post-1950 period, there was a generalized improvement in stature, but it was limited by the challenges of economic downturns and persistent structural inequality.
人体测量学研究表明,人类身材的演变可以帮助研究人类的福利。在没有系统地收集商品价格和工资等其他指标的数据的时期,成人身高是健康状况和生活水平的指标,墨西哥在1950年以前就是这种情况。墨西哥人体测量学历史研究表明,身高是检验长期生活水平演变的一个很好的衡量标准,也是评估贫困和不平等的有效指标。这些研究表明,在1850-1950年期间,生活水平的演变是不均匀的。社会经济地位不同,发展轨迹也不同。来自工人阶级背景的人的平均身高下降或停滞不前,而来自上层阶级背景的人的平均身高则持续增长。这些趋势挑战了革命后时期的官方历史,后者认为墨西哥人口的生活水平在Porfirio Díaz政府(1876-1911)期间恶化,并在革命后时代(1910年后)颁布社会立法后得到改善。另外的研究表明,在1950年以后的时期,人们的地位有了普遍的提高,但受到经济衰退和持续的结构性不平等的挑战的限制。
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引用次数: 0
Liberation Theology in Latin America 拉丁美洲的解放神学
Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.955
Douglass Sullivan-González
Liberation theology is a critical reflection on the workings of God in the history of humankind that emphasizes the active, divine redemption (liberation) of humans from the sinful bonds of political and economic oppression. The biblical Exodus narrative became the core metaphor for the theological understanding of liberation and freedom. The Latin American bishops, during their second meeting at Medellín, Colombia, in 1968, coined a signature tenet of liberation theology: “the preferential option for the poor.” Liberation theology emerged formally among theologians in South America in response to rising expectations produced by two key external factors: the successful Cuban revolution (1959) and the ecumenical zeitgeist associated with Vatican II (1962–1965). The movement spread quickly while increased literacy among the faithful inspired lay leaders, trained by sparse clergy and women religious, to organize Christian base communities (CEBs), to “read” their own reality in light of the Exodus story, and to campaign for social justice in alliance with secular political actors. The swift repression and assassination of clergy, nuns, and lay activists by security forces hostile to democratization of the political economy in the 1970s and early 1980s fueled international awareness of liberation theology. Heightened internal opposition within the Vatican in the 1980s to some of liberation theology’s fundamental tenets culminated with the ten-month silencing in 1985 of the Brazilian theologian and Franciscan priest Leonardo Boff. Liberation theology has since inspired other marginalized social actors to explore what liberation means for those forced to live on the periphery due to racial, ethnic, and/or gender-based discrimination; homophobia; and a rapidly deteriorating environment threatened by unsustainable development models.
解放神学是对上帝在人类历史上的工作的批判性反思,强调人类从政治和经济压迫的罪恶束缚中积极的,神圣的救赎(解放)。《出埃及记》的叙述成为神学对解放和自由理解的核心隐喻。拉丁美洲的主教们在1968年于哥伦比亚Medellín举行的第二次会议上,创造了解放神学的标志性信条:“穷人的优先选择”。解放神学在南美洲的神学家中正式出现,这是对两个关键外部因素所产生的不断上升的期望的回应:古巴革命的成功(1959年)和与梵蒂冈第二次会议(1962-1965年)相关的大公合一的时代精神。随着信众识字率的提高,这一运动迅速传播开来,受少数神职人员和女性宗教人士训练的非信徒领袖受到鼓舞,组织基督教基层社区(ceb),根据《出埃及记》的故事“解读”自己的现实,并与世俗政治行动者联合起来争取社会正义。在20世纪70年代和80年代初,反对政治经济民主化的安全部队迅速镇压和暗杀神职人员、修女和世俗活动人士,推动了国际上对解放神学的认识。20世纪80年代,梵蒂冈内部对一些解放神学基本信条的强烈反对,以1985年巴西神学家、方济各会神父莱昂纳多·博夫(Leonardo Boff)被禁十个月而达到高潮。解放神学自此启发了其他边缘社会行动者去探索解放对于那些由于种族、民族和/或性别歧视而被迫生活在边缘的人意味着什么;恐同症;受不可持续发展模式威胁的环境迅速恶化。
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Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History
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