Pub Date : 2021-06-28DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.724
Manuella Meyer
In Brazil, the national public health apparatus became one of the most agile and expansive regulatory mechanisms of control and care during the 19th and early 20th centuries. As Brazilian doctors and social thinkers made public health central to their ideas of modernizing the nation, they simultaneously sought to challenge the notion that Brazil’s sociocultural and racial-ethnic diversity was an insurmountable obstacle to modernization. They conceived of public health as something greater than the sum of its parts, seeing it is as the best prescription for national unity and fundamental to the project of nation-building, not only as a series of practices, outcomes, and beliefs. Proto-psychiatrists, recognizing the ideological momentum and bureaucratic strength of public health, seized upon it as a means and a rationale to ground their therapeutic ideas and treatments. Their characterization of the indigent mentally ill on city streets in Rio de Janeiro as a public health issue politicized both the mentally ill and mental illness as subjects of public intervention. Fashioning themselves as the leading experts in this effort, they garnered the support of state officials and other doctors to create a series of public institutions, organizations, and other measures to treat the mentally ill as unitary intersections of psychiatry and public health. While Brazilian psychiatrists during the late 19th and 20th centuries surely went into private practice, professional psychiatry in Rio as a field turned toward returning irrational minds to reason and “civilizing” the publicly unwell—dual and deeply complex goals of the profession. Public health offered them a preexisting muscular infrastructure through which to practice their medical knowledge and, in so doing, allowed them to expand and legitimize their professional reach. So, under the auspices of an enterprising psychiatric field, mental health largely became public health.
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Pub Date : 2021-06-28DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.976
M. Fajardo
The United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA in English and CEPAL in Spanish and Portuguese) was more than an economic development institution. Established in 1948, at the height of post-World War II internationalism, CEPAL was one of the first three regional commissions alongside those of Europe and Asia charged with addressing problems of postwar economic reconstruction. But, in the hands of a group of mostly Argentinean, Brazilian, and Chilean economists, CEPAL swiftly became the institutional fulcrum of a regional intellectual project that put Latin America at the center of discussions about international development and global capitalism. That Latin America’s place in the periphery of the global economy as a producer of primary products and raw materials in exchange for manufactured goods from the world’s industrial centers, combined with the long-term decline in the international terms of that trade, constituted an obstacle for economic development, was the foundational tenet of that project. Through regional economic surveys and in-depth country studies, international forums and training courses, international cooperation initiatives, and national structural reforms, cepalinos located themselves at the nexus of a transnational network of diplomats and policymakers, economists and sociologists, and made the notion of center–periphery and the intellectual repertoire it inspired the central economic paradigm of the region in the postwar era. Eclipsed in the 1970s by critiques from the New Left and dependency theorists, on the one hand, and by the authoritarian right and neoliberal proponents, on the other hand, the cepalino project remains Latin America’s most important contribution to debates about capitalism and globalization, while the institution, after it reinvented itself at the turn of the century, still constitutes a point of reference and a privileged repository of information about the region.
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Pub Date : 2021-06-28DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.645
Daniel Strum
During the first half of the 17th century, trade in Brazilian sugar was as a profitable enterprise, despite Maghrebi piracy and imperial rivalry between the Netherlands and the Iberian Crowns. Then, Brazil was the Western Hemisphere’s main producer of sugar, which attracted high prices in Europe. Trade profitability diminished in the second half of the century as competition from the Caribbean dropped prices in Europe while nominal prices in Brazil were fixed. Regulated shipping reduced price gaps further and increased transaction costs. Finally, French and English mercantilist policies closed their markets to Brazilian sugar, and credit grew increasingly risky in Brazil. To make this trade feasible and profitable, merchants developed of a wide range of maritime transportation strategies, risk mitigation methods, and payment and credit practices. The organization of shipping sought to make the most of the supply and demand along the route and reduce transportation costs with idle cargo space. By mixing more expensive goods along with cheaper products, merchants tried to keep many vessels sailing between those ports to increase the flow of information, to profit from arbitrage, and to spread the risk. Being a semi-luxury item, the value sugar in absolute terms afforded insurance premiums more than the products with lower value per volume traditionally traded by the Dutch. Yet the value of sugar was not as high as Asian spices or Spanish American bullion, therefore, the costs of concentrating shipping in convoys protected by well-armed vessels was burdensome to the sugar trade. Attempts to coerce sailing in convoys and establish monopolies on certain exports (and imports) to Brazil by the Dutch and the Portuguese found fierce opposition among most traders, particularly modest ones. Being quite fungible, easily priced, and widely traded, sugar roughly fit the modern concept of a commodity. As such, it was convenient means of payment and also functioned as commodity money in Brazil, where it was the main merchandise sourced in the colony. As planters grew increasingly indebted, they secured various legal hindrances to their properties’ foreclosure and compulsory acceptance of sugar as payment at officially tariffed prices unless otherwise stipulated, which increased merchants’ credit risk while reducing their gains.
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Pub Date : 2021-05-26DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.964
Anabel Rieiro
The social and solidarity economy is a widely used concept to indicate economic logics based on solidarity and the centrality of sustainability in life, differentiating them from the hegemonic economy unilaterally based on rational individualism, the maximization of profits, and the free market. It involves dynamic and specific sociohistoric constructions. In Uruguay, cooperative organizations, which have been in existence for more than a century, are traditionally identified with these types of practices. Cooperativism developed in dialogue with the distinct stages of Uruguayan history and over the last fifteen years, these experiences have tripled, based on the strengthening of public policies for the promotion and support of the sector. Institutional consolidation and the long trajectory of distinct sectors of cooperativism, mutualism, and rural development societies tend to be identified with the social economy. On the other hand, around the dawn of the new century, there emerged a diversity of forms of organization and networks which emphasized the need for social transformation, appealing to practices based on solidarity and reciprocity, both between people and between them and the environment. In general, these are decentralized structures which, in a regional context marked by the socioeconomic crisis and the slogan of the World Social Forum of “another world is possible,” organize economic activities according to the principles of democratic management, cooperation, autonomy, and transformation.
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Pub Date : 2021-05-26DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.979
Peter V. N. Henderson
Ecuadorians had fashioned small quantities of hats made from vegetative material since pre-Hispanic times. Between 1850 and 1950, however, Ecuador greatly expanded its output and supplied the world with fashionable summertime headwear that erroneously, because of the place of transshipment, bore the name Panama hats. Woven by artisans from the fronds of the toquilla palm tree that flourished near the coast of Manabí province, Ecuadorian-made Panama hats first found favor with Forty-Niners crossing through the isthmus because their light weight and broad brims protected wearers from the tropical sun. Likewise, European elites and middle-class consumers found the hats ideal as they enjoyed summer vacations at resorts or strolled through city streets. Panama hats contributed only modestly to Ecuador’s economic growth, primarily by earning tax revenues that helped pay for infrastructure projects such as the Guayaquil & Quito Railroad. But Manabí’s hand-crafted hats did not create high-paying jobs benefiting workers. Later, when the weaving center shifted to Azuay province, only the final stages of production used any type of machinery. Ultimately, only Ecuadorian exporters and foreign retailers made much money; hence, Panama hats were not an engine of development creating prosperity for the nation. Despite their minimal effect on Ecuador’s economy, the hats represented an important element of the national patrimony visible throughout the world of fashion. Politicians, movie stars, and millions of people in the middle class sported Panama hats during the summer months for generations, even though few knew they came from Ecuador. Once men stopped wearing formal hats in the late 1950s, the profitable Panama hat trade shrank.
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Pub Date : 2021-04-26DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.857
S. García
The miners of Pachuca and Real del Monte have extracted silver from the mountainous region of what is now the state of Hidalgo for centuries. In the colonial period, these mines were owned by the Spanish. In the modern period, they were owned by British (1824–1849), Mexican (1849–1906), and American (1906–1947) entrepreneurs. The Mexican government bought the mines from the United States Smelting, Refining and Mining Company in 1947 and kept them until 1989. In that year, the Mexican state sold the Compañía Real del Monte y Pachuca, the company that monopolized most of the region’s mines, to Mexican businessmen (Grupo Acerero del Norte) who kept them in operation until 2005. The silver miners who worked for the company belong to Locals One and Two of the Sindicato Nacional de Mineros, Metalúrgicos y Similares de la República Mexicana (SNMMRM). The union was created in 1934 in Pachuca. Miners’ activism, however, goes back to the colonial period. In 1766, miners went on strike to defend the partido system (a profit-sharing payment) under attack by their employer Pedro Romero de Terreros, the first Count of Regla. Subsequent employers, both British and Mexican, also faced strikes, slowdowns, and threats of violence by miners who tried to improve their wages and labor conditions. In 1934, Pachuca and Real del Monte played an important role in the formation of the national union. Most ceased their activism in 1946. It was not until 1979 when these silver miners organized Liberación Minera (Miner Liberation) to fight against their charro (government and employer-aligned) leaders and to defend workers’ rights. By the late 1970s, the miners of Pachuca and Real del Monte lacked access to proper health care, received low wages, and experienced dangerous labor conditions. Miners were under the control of local and national charro leaders, including Napoleón Gómez Sada who directed the national miner union from 1960 to virtually 2001. The dissident current, Liberación Minera, organized a strike in 1980 and a naked protest in 1985. As a result, miners increased their wages, democratized their locals, and gained several benefits. These achievements were short-lived as the Mexican government announced the sale of the company in 1989. As part of Mexico’s embrace of neoliberal policies, the privatization of the company meant the virtual end of the industry and of organized labor in these areas by 2005.
几个世纪以来，帕丘卡和雷亚尔德尔蒙特的矿工一直在现在的伊达尔戈州的山区开采白银。在殖民时期，这些矿山归西班牙人所有。在近代，它们被英国(1824-1849)、墨西哥(1849-1906)和美国(1906-1947)的企业家拥有。墨西哥政府于1947年从美国冶炼、精炼和矿业公司购买了这些矿山，并一直保留到1989年。那一年，墨西哥政府将垄断该地区大部分矿山的Compañía Real del Monte y Pachuca公司卖给了墨西哥商人(Grupo Acerero del Norte)，后者让这些矿山一直运营到2005年。为该公司工作的银矿工人属于国家矿产公司(Sindicato Nacional de Mineros, Metalúrgicos y Similares de la República Mexicana, SNMMRM)的第一和第二当地人。该联盟于1934年在帕丘卡成立。然而，矿工的激进主义可以追溯到殖民时期。1766年，矿工们在雇主佩德罗·罗梅罗·德·特雷罗斯(第一任雷格拉伯爵)的攻击下，举行罢工，捍卫partido制度(利润分成制度)。后来的雇主，包括英国和墨西哥的雇主，也面临着试图提高工资和改善劳动条件的矿工的罢工、停工和暴力威胁。1934年，帕丘卡和皇家德尔蒙特在国家联盟的形成中发挥了重要作用。大多数人在1946年停止了他们的行动。直到1979年，这些银矿矿工才组织Liberación Minera(矿工解放)与他们的charro(政府和雇主结盟)领导人作斗争，捍卫工人的权利。到20世纪70年代末，帕丘卡和雷亚尔德尔蒙特的矿工无法获得适当的医疗保健，工资低，工作条件危险。矿工在地方和全国charro领导人的控制下，包括Napoleón Gómez Sada，他从1960年到2001年领导全国矿工工会。持不同政见的政党Liberación Minera在1980年组织了一次罢工，并在1985年组织了一次裸体抗议。结果，矿工提高了工资，使当地人民主化，并获得了一些好处。这些成就是短暂的，因为墨西哥政府在1989年宣布出售该公司。作为墨西哥接受新自由主义政策的一部分，该公司的私有化意味着到2005年该行业和这些地区有组织劳工的实际终结。
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Pub Date : 2021-03-25DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.919
Ulices Piña
Participation in tourism has dramatically increased since the mid-20th century. Yet travel to destinations associated with death, disaster, and destruction have long fascinated people. This subgroup of tourism, known as dark tourism, however, has only received popular and scholarly attention from travel enthusiasts, media, and academics since the turn of the century. The website Dark Tourism is a digital resource that introduces the concept and practice of dark tourism to a wider audience. The digital resource delivers well-curated and researched information on dark tourism and boasts excellent coverage of a range of categories, news, and topics with a primary focus on destinations across the globe (including almost 900 places in 112 countries). In particular, the site curates significant content on Latin America (Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean, and South America) and is home to numerous entries on sites including sensationalized tragedies and crimes, natural disasters, and politically tinged sites of genocide and state terrorism. The digital resource is a good reference point to begin critical, historical, and ethical conversations about how to visit sites of death, destruction, and disaster in the region.
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Pub Date : 2021-02-23DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.933
C. Hernandez
The Latin American Library (LAL) at Tulane University is the repository for the Louis J. Boeri and Minín Bujones Boeri Collection of Cuban American Radionovelas (hereafter, Radionovelas Collection). The physical collection contains 8,934 individual reel-to-reel tapes containing audio recordings produced by Boeri’s Miami-based America’s Production Inc. (API). Boeri founded API in 1961 to create and license radio programming to serve an expanding commercial market of Spanish-language audiences across Latin America, Europe, and the United States. Boeri employed some of the best writing, acting, musical, and technical talent in the business, most of whom were recent emigres from Cuba, the wider Caribbean, and Mexico. API’s radio soap operas went silent after the company closed in 1970 and as the listening public and commercial sponsors increasingly turned to television for serialized entertainment. The LAL began a multiphase initiative in 2015 to digitize its aged audio tapes. With generous support from the Latin American Research Resources Project (LARRP) of the Center for Research Libraries (CRL) and the Council on Library and Information Resources (CLIR), the LAL converted one third of the collection’s audio recordings to digital. Beginning in 2020, forty-one of API’s “soaps,” most in their entirety, are accessible via a digital collection in the Tulane University Digital Library (TUDL). Available in the digital collection are programs that span multiple genres with titles like Agente Secreto 009 [Secret Agent 009]; La Hora de Misterio [Mystery Hour]; and Amarga Espera [Bitter Awaiting]. API print materials including advertising, program catalogs, and company photographs will also appear in digital. The Radionovelas Collection offers new perspectives and insights into the use of media for Cold War political and cultural propaganda by Cuba and the United States. It also provides a public resource to engage with and research the history of popular culture, sonic literature, and mass media among Spanish-speaking audiences all over the world.
杜兰大学的拉丁美洲图书馆(LAL)是Louis J. Boeri和Minín Bujones Boeri古巴裔美国人Radionovelas收藏(以下简称Radionovelas收藏)的储存库。实物收藏包含8,934卷磁带，其中包含Boeri位于迈阿密的美国生产公司(API)制作的录音。Boeri于1961年创立了API，旨在创建和许可广播节目，以服务于拉丁美洲，欧洲和美国的西班牙语观众不断扩大的商业市场。博埃里雇佣了一些最优秀的写作、表演、音乐和技术人才，他们中的大多数是最近从古巴、更广阔的加勒比海和墨西哥移民过来的。1970年美国广播公司倒闭后，随着听众和商业赞助商越来越多地转向电视连续剧，该公司的广播肥皂剧陷入沉寂。2015年，LAL开始了一项多阶段计划，将其老化的录音带数字化。在研究图书馆中心(CRL)的拉丁美洲研究资源项目(LARRP)和图书馆与信息资源委员会(CLIR)的慷慨支持下，拉丁美洲图书馆将三分之一的馆藏录音转换为数字录音。从2020年开始，API的41个“肥皂”，大多数是完整的，可以通过杜兰大学数字图书馆(TUDL)的数字馆藏访问。在数字合集中，有多种类型的节目，如《特工009》;La Hora de Misterio [Mystery Hour];阿玛加·埃斯佩拉[苦涩的等待]。API印刷材料包括广告、节目目录和公司照片也将以数字形式出现。Radionovelas Collection为古巴和美国使用媒体进行冷战政治和文化宣传提供了新的视角和见解。它也提供了一个公共资源，参与和研究流行文化的历史，声音文学，和大众媒体在西班牙语世界各地的观众。
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Pub Date : 2021-02-23DOI: 10.1093/ACREFORE/9780199366439.013.950
L. Mayer
During the viceregal period, the population of New Spain was counted various times. However, censuses, which can be called modern, did not begin until the end of the 18th century. The most important of these is the so-called Revillagigedo census, which led to a very interesting debate: should the population be counted one by one or is it better to calculate it with indirect data? This is a problem that continues to exist in the 21st century. In 1812, under the Constitution of Cádiz, all provinces, including overseas ones, were asked to carry out censuses and produce statistics, which led to a proliferation of figures during the first years of the War of Independence and afterward. From 1826 onward, “deviation from the norm” was registered. It was now important not only to count inhabitants but also to calculate how many criminals there were and how many sick people were registered in the statistics, which led to an effort at quantification. Both public officials and those regarded as “wise,” the scientists of the day, were interested in statistics. The low crime rate in Mexico City compared to Paris led to the assumption of the existence of an exceptional “Mexican type of man” with a very low percentage of criminals. The regularity offered by the “Law of Great Numbers” fascinated the inhabitants of the 19th century. However, in the second half of the century, statistical bulletins contained very grim data. Some doctors concerned with collecting statistics—who were actually public health reformers—produced terrible numbers; the mortality in Mexico City was horrifying. In order to verify and compare data, there was a great demand to create a specialized central office. This was founded in 1882 and was given the task of carrying out censuses at the end of the 19th century, something done successfully.
{"title":"The First Censuses and the History of Statistics in Mexico","authors":"L. Mayer","doi":"10.1093/ACREFORE/9780199366439.013.950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ACREFORE/9780199366439.013.950","url":null,"abstract":"During the viceregal period, the population of New Spain was counted various times. However, censuses, which can be called modern, did not begin until the end of the 18th century. The most important of these is the so-called Revillagigedo census, which led to a very interesting debate: should the population be counted one by one or is it better to calculate it with indirect data? This is a problem that continues to exist in the 21st century. In 1812, under the Constitution of Cádiz, all provinces, including overseas ones, were asked to carry out censuses and produce statistics, which led to a proliferation of figures during the first years of the War of Independence and afterward. From 1826 onward, “deviation from the norm” was registered. It was now important not only to count inhabitants but also to calculate how many criminals there were and how many sick people were registered in the statistics, which led to an effort at quantification. Both public officials and those regarded as “wise,” the scientists of the day, were interested in statistics. The low crime rate in Mexico City compared to Paris led to the assumption of the existence of an exceptional “Mexican type of man” with a very low percentage of criminals. The regularity offered by the “Law of Great Numbers” fascinated the inhabitants of the 19th century. However, in the second half of the century, statistical bulletins contained very grim data. Some doctors concerned with collecting statistics—who were actually public health reformers—produced terrible numbers; the mortality in Mexico City was horrifying. In order to verify and compare data, there was a great demand to create a specialized central office. This was founded in 1882 and was given the task of carrying out censuses at the end of the 19th century, something done successfully.","PeriodicalId":190332,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130749067","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-17DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.946
Osmundo Pinho
The state of Bahia and its capital, Salvador, are the original loci of European colonization in the territory that later became Brazil. Together with other cities in the Northeast and along the Brazilian coast, they witnessed the imposition of mercantile capitalism and slave labor as forms of production of a new state and society. In the 21st century, Bahia is a state marked by racial inequality, the poverty of a large part of the population, and state violence, paradoxically associated with the strong presence of traditions of African origin and a rich and dense popular cultural life, as in other parts of the African diaspora. This combination implies certain contradictions experienced in different fields, in the present social structure and in the cultural and political history of the region. This can be seen in the trajectory of carnival, the most important popular festival in the city, and in its successive moments of identity reinvention as well as in the constitution of the city’s landscape, marked by black and African presence in symbolic and material ways. It can also be seen in the historical formation of candomblé, the cult of Yoruban gods in Bahia, developed amid persecutions and disputes. All these dimensions are structured in the expressive cultural forms of a black culture, which has been made and remade by generations of Afro-descendants in this environment marked by inequality, but also by creativity, joy, and aesthetic power.
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