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Can a Slave Serve Two Masters? Jointly Owned Slaves in Documentary Papyri and the Synoptic Gospels 一个奴隶能侍奉两个主人吗?文献笺本和对观福音书中共同拥有的奴隶
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0028688523000322
Afetame Alabi
This article examines the synoptic saying on serving two masters (Matt 6.24; Luke 16.13) in light of the evidence for jointly owned slaves in documentary papyri. The saying implies that the slave of two masters will inevitably be more loyal or exclusively loyal to one master. Scholars usually accept this as an accurate depiction of jointly owned slaves. However, the papyrological evidence shows that the relationship between jointly owned slaves and their owners varied in everyday life and that slaves had little control over their loyalty to each master. The saying is, therefore, not a fully realistic portrait of how jointly owned slaves served their masters in antiquity but is possibly a slave stereotype that contributes to the (un)faithful slave imageries in the Gospels.
本文根据文献纸莎草纸中有关共同拥有奴隶的证据,研究了对观福音中有关侍奉两个主人的谚语(马太福音 6.24;路加福音 16.13)。这句话的意思是,两个主人的奴隶必然会更忠于或只忠于一个主人。学者们通常认为这是对共同拥有的奴隶的准确描述。然而,纸莎草文献的证据表明,在日常生活中,共同拥有的奴隶与主人之间的关系各不相同,奴隶几乎无法控制自己对每个主人的忠诚。因此,这句话并非完全真实地描绘了古代共同拥有的奴隶是如何侍奉主人的,而可能是一种奴隶的刻板印象,它促成了《福音书》中(不)忠实的奴隶形象。
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引用次数: 0
NTS volume 70 issue 1 Cover and Front matter NTS 第 70 卷第 1 期封面和封底
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0028688523000498
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引用次数: 0
NTS volume 70 issue 1 Cover and Back matter NTS 第 70 卷第 1 期封面和封底
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0028688523000504
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引用次数: 0
Direct Copying in a Group of Gospel Manuscripts with Catenae 一组福音书手稿的直接抄写
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0028688523000206
Andrew J. Patton
Four of the witnesses selected for the Editio Critica Maior of Mark are witnesses to a unique combination of catena commentaries on the Gospels not found in any other manuscripts. An analysis of their text in the Gospel of Mark, using the tools of the Coherence-Based Genealogical Method, shows that they also feature an almost identical form of the biblical text that frequently diverges from both the Majority Text and all other Greek New Testament manuscripts. These four manuscripts, GA 238, GA 377, GA 807 and GA 1160, therefore, constitute a group within the textual tradition of the Gospels. This article provides the evidence that GA 377 is a direct copy of GA 807. No other instances of direct copying can be proven within the group, but their agreement raises the possibility that they are siblings. The format of the catenae may explain the high degree of homogeneity in this group of Gospels manuscripts.
为《马可福音主要批判版》挑选的四位见证人见证了福音书的连环注释的独特组合,这在其他手稿中是找不到的。通过对《马可福音》中这些文本的分析,使用基于一致性的系谱方法,发现它们也具有几乎相同的圣经文本形式,经常与多数文本和所有其他希腊新约手稿不同。因此,这四份手稿,GA 238, GA 377, GA 807和GA 1160,构成了福音书文本传统中的一个群体。这篇文章提供了证据,证明ga377是ga807的直接副本。在这个群体中没有其他直接复制的例子可以证明,但他们的一致增加了他们是兄弟姐妹的可能性。链表的格式可以解释这组福音书手稿的高度同质性。
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引用次数: 0
The Subscriptions to Mark's Gospel and History of Reception 马可福音的订阅与接受史
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0028688523000139
Conrad Thorup Elmelund, Tommy Wasserman
This article surveys the subscriptions to the Gospel of Mark in 157 Greek manuscripts, noting their gradual development from being identical to the title in the earliest phase to becoming more and more elaborate and significant for the history of interpretation. Early on, as reflected in the title, the Second Gospel was associated with Mark, known to be Peter's disciple and interpreter. In the fourth or fifth century, an editor added the information that it was written (or spoken) by Mark in Latin in Rome as reflected in the Peshitta and later Byzantine manuscripts. At some point between the seventh and ninth centuries, an unknown editor added dates for each of the four Gospels from a source which has been attributed to Hippolytus’ Chronicle, and in the process made a cascading error which resulted in too early dates for Mark, Luke and John. In the archetype of Family 13, these traditions were combined which suggests that the archetype of Family 13 is no earlier than the eighth century. A main factor behind this gradual growth of the subscriptions is authentication and authorisation – in the case of the Second Gospel, the association with Mark and Peter legitimates its claim of apostolicity and orthodoxy. Moreover, the situating of each Gospel in time and space through the subscriptions not only satisfies human curiosity but contributes to the construction of an ancient Christian ‘landscape of memory’, reflecting the collective memory of the early Christians, thus shaping and enhancing their identity.
本文考察了《马可福音》在157个希腊文手稿中的订阅,注意到它们从最初阶段与标题相同到变得越来越详尽和对解释历史的重要意义的逐渐发展。早期,正如标题所反映的那样,第二卷福音书与马可有关,他是彼得的门徒和翻译。在四世纪或五世纪,一位编辑补充说,这是马可在罗马用拉丁语写的(或说的),这反映在佩希塔和后来的拜占庭手稿中。在七世纪和九世纪之间的某个时候,一位不知名的编辑从希波吕都的编年史中添加了四部福音书的日期,并在此过程中犯了一个连锁错误,导致马可福音,路加福音和约翰福音的日期过早。在13号家庭的原型中,这些传统被结合在一起,这表明13号家庭的原型不早于8世纪。这种逐渐增长的订阅背后的一个主要因素是认证和授权——在第二福音的情况下,与马可和彼得的联系使其使徒和正统的主张合法化。此外,通过订阅,每个福音书在时间和空间中的位置不仅满足了人类的好奇心,而且有助于构建古代基督教的“记忆景观”,反映了早期基督徒的集体记忆,从而塑造和增强了他们的身份。
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引用次数: 0
Spermatic and Uterine Dimensions in Mark and Luke's Parable of the Sower 马可和路加撒种的比喻中精子和子宫的尺寸
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0028688523000103
Michael Pope
This article examines the language of seed reception within the Parable of the Sower in Mark and Luke. The paper argues that Mark's diction introduces reproductive terms into the seed figure and that Luke edits Mark to include even more distinctively gynaecological and reproductive terminology. The result is a parable in Luke that turns the audience into uterine receptacles of the seed/logos.
本文考察马可福音和路加福音中撒种的比喻中接受种子的语言。本文认为,马克的措辞引入生殖术语到种子图和卢克编辑马克包括更独特的妇科和生殖术语。结果是路加福音中的一个比喻,把观众变成了种子/logos的子宫容器。
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引用次数: 0
Making Oneself Last in the Community: Mark 9.43–7 in its Context and Co-Text 使自己成为社区的最后一员:马克9.43-7的语境和共同文本
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0028688523000140
Francesco Filannino
After reviewing and offering a critical evaluation of the main interpretations of the sayings in Mark 9.43–7, the paper proposes a new reading that considers them in the Jewish context and in their co-text (Mark 9.33–50). The context is the marginal condition in which physically impaired people lived in Jewish society and communities. In view of this context, it is possible to point out the consistency of Jesus’ logia on self-maiming in order to enter the kingdom of God (Mark 9.43–7) with their co-text. The disciples are urged not only not to scandalise the little ones of the community (Mark 9.42), but also to share their minority state, thus avoiding stumbling in their own discipleship because of claims of greatness and superiority.
在对《马可福音》9.43-7节经文的主要解释进行了回顾和批判性评价之后,本文提出了一种新的解读,将它们放在犹太语境和共同文本中(马可福音9.33-50)。背景是身体残疾的人生活在犹太社会和社区的边缘条件。鉴于这一背景,有可能指出耶稣为了进入上帝的国度而自残的逻辑学(马可福音9.43-7)与他们的共同文本是一致的。门徒们被敦促不仅不要丑化群体中的小人物(马可福音9:42),而且要分享他们的少数派状态,从而避免在自己的门徒生涯中因为声称自己伟大和优越而绊倒。
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引用次数: 0
Socrates’ Triple Accusation in Plato's Apol. 24b–c as a Source of Jesus’ Triple Accusation in Luke 23.2 苏格拉底在柏拉图的《使徒书》24章b至c节中的三重指控是耶稣在路加福音23章2节中三重指控的来源
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0028688523000188
Jan M. Kozlowski, Maria Chodyko
The article presents evidence for a direct, both formal and contentual, dependence of Jesus’ triple accusation in Luke 23.2 upon Socrates’ triple accusation in Plato's Apol. 24b–c.
这篇文章提供了证据,证明耶稣在路加福音23.2中的三重指控与柏拉图的《使徒书》24b-c中苏格拉底的三重指控有直接的、形式的和内容的依赖关系。
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引用次数: 0
Paulus, der „Sklave Christi Jesu“ (Gal 1,10; Röm 1,1; Phil 1,1), im Lichte des römischen Rechts
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0028688523000127
Eve-Marie Becker, Ulrike Babusiaux
In Gal 1:10, Rom 1:1, and Phil 1:1 Paul refers to himself as δοῦλος Χριστοῦ (Ἰησοῦ). This self-designation is open to interpretation. What is the function of this claim of roles, which is slightly varied syntagmatically in the three passages mentioned, i.e., tends to be linguistically flexible on Paul's part and thus adapted to the context in each case? The present contribution is intended to expand the interpretive framework with an aspect that has been rather neglected in previous Pauline research, when it invokes the interpretive context of Roman law. For it is Roman law that is of particular interest for the self-definition as a slave. In Roman legal discourse, which finds universal application through the ius gentium as the ‘law of all men' (Gaius 1.1), i.e. also application to non-Romans or the peregrinus, the scope of action for slaves in relation to their ‘masters' is also conceptually determined by taking into account the ‘human characteristic of the slave'. Within the interpretive framework of ancient Roman law, therefore, those lines of meaning in Pauline self-fashioning as δοῦλος Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ that reveal self-designation in subordination to Christ as enabling ambition, zeal, honour, and success are particularly revealing. These aspects include (1) the Pauline description of status and the legitimation and exposition of his (2) relationship to the “Lord”, the description of (3) his areas of work and responsibilities, and his (4) socio-economic living conditions and lifestyle. Thus, against the background of ancient Roman law, which primarily focused on its pragmatisation rather than problematising the socio-historical reality of slaves or the moral-philosophical attitude toward slavery, certain aspects of Paul's understanding of himself and his apostolate can be more sharply defined.
在加1:10,罗1:1,菲尔1:1保罗称自己为δοῦλοςΧριστοῦ(Ἰησοῦ)。这种自我定位可以有多种解释。这种角色的主张,在前面提到的三段经文中略有不同,也就是说,保罗在语言上是灵活的,因此在每种情况下都能适应上下文,这是什么功能?目前的贡献是扩大解释框架的一个方面,已经相当忽视了在以前的保罗研究,当它调用罗马法的解释背景。因为罗马法对奴隶的自我定义特别感兴趣。在罗马法律话语中,通过ius gentium作为“所有人的法律”(Gaius 1.1),即也适用于非罗马人或peregrinus,在概念上,奴隶与“主人”的关系的行动范围也通过考虑“奴隶的人类特征”来确定。因此,在古罗马法的解释框架内,保罗自我塑造为δο ο λος Χριστο οἸησο ς的那些含义,揭示了从属于基督的自我指定,以实现野心,热情,荣誉和成功,特别具有启示意义。这些方面包括:(1)保罗对地位的描述,以及他与“主”的关系的合法性和阐述;(3)他的工作领域和责任的描述;(4)他的社会经济生活条件和生活方式。因此,在古罗马法的背景下,古罗马法主要侧重于其实用化,而不是将奴隶的社会历史现实或对奴隶制的道德哲学态度问题化,保罗对自己和他的使徒工作的某些方面的理解可以更清晰地定义。
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引用次数: 0
Women's Emotion, Community, and Politics: Interpreting Tears in Luke 23.27–31 女人的情感、团体与政治:解读路加福音23章27到31节的眼泪
IF 0.4 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0028688523000085
Caryn A. Reeder
The tears of the ‘daughters of Jerusalem’ in Luke 23.27–31 are often taken as a representation of pathos. However, women's public performance of lamentation serves several purposes in the biblical prophets and Greco-Roman historiography and rhetoric. Women are responsible for mourning rituals following a death to honour the deceased and their family. They express communal lament following defeat in war. Women use tears to protest political and legal situations, swaying public opinion and decisions. The rhetorical functions of women's mourning in antiquity offer valuable insight into the potential purposes of mourning in Luke 23.27–31. The women's initial display of tears honours Jesus. The disruption of the negative perception of Jesus at this point in the narrative suggests the women's tears may be political protest. The redirection of their tears to themselves and their children provides the audience with a model response to the destruction of Jerusalem. As in Jer 9.17–22, the mourning of Luke's ‘daughters of Jerusalem’ is prophetic.
路加福音23章27到31节中“耶路撒冷的女子”的眼泪常常被认为是悲怆的表现。然而,在圣经的先知和希腊罗马的史学和修辞学中,女性在公共场合的哀歌表演有几个目的。妇女负责在死者死亡后举行哀悼仪式,以纪念死者及其家人。他们在战争中战败后表达共同的悲痛。妇女用眼泪来抗议政治和法律状况,动摇舆论和决定。古代妇女哀悼的修辞功能为路加福音23章27到31节中哀悼的潜在目的提供了有价值的见解。女人最初的眼泪是为了纪念耶稣。在叙述的这一点上,对耶稣的负面看法的破坏表明,妇女的眼泪可能是政治抗议。他们将眼泪转向自己和孩子,为观众提供了对耶路撒冷被毁的典型反应。正如耶利米书9章17 - 22节一样,路加“耶路撒冷的女子”的哀恸是预言性的。
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New Testament Studies
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