The Ayyubids were a dominant Kurdish family during the Abbasid era. They took control of the affairs of the Islamic world for a historical period, including the affairs of relations between the Islamic world and the Christian world. Meanwhile, they had relations with the Christian powers of the world and their neighbors, including relations with the Christian kingdoms of Georgia and Armenia. Many of the relations between the Ayyubids and the two kingdoms were often based on confrontation and conflict, although friendly relations prevailed at times, but soon the relations returned to conflict due to the influence of the forces surrounding them. The relations between the Ayyubids and the Byzantines were often cordial because both sides had a common enemy, the Crusaders, and the exchange of gifts and congratulations on each other's victories and religious respect among themselves were the distinguishing features of their relations, but sometimes the Byzantines were forced to take steps against the Ayyubids under Crusaders pressure.
{"title":"The relationship of the Ayyubids with the eastern Christian forces","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/10074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10074","url":null,"abstract":"The Ayyubids were a dominant Kurdish family during the Abbasid era. They took control of the affairs of the Islamic world for a historical period, including the affairs of relations between the Islamic world and the Christian world. Meanwhile, they had relations with the Christian powers of the world and their neighbors, including relations with the Christian kingdoms of Georgia and Armenia. Many of the relations between the Ayyubids and the two kingdoms were often based on confrontation and conflict, although friendly relations prevailed at times, but soon the relations returned to conflict due to the influence of the forces surrounding them. The relations between the Ayyubids and the Byzantines were often cordial because both sides had a common enemy, the Crusaders, and the exchange of gifts and congratulations on each other's victories and religious respect among themselves were the distinguishing features of their relations, but sometimes the Byzantines were forced to take steps against the Ayyubids under Crusaders pressure.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124846317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Administrative decentralization in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (hereafter referred to as the Kurdistan Region) despite being the subject of debate among influential political parties of Kurdistan Region. Additionally, a significant part of the issues related to the absence or weakness of public services in Kurdistan Region relate to the feasibility of this concept. Although there are many questions raised about the concept of administrative decentralization, the question we are going to study is the problem of administrative decentralization between the laws and legislations issued aming at enhancing its vital role and their application and implementation on the ground in the Kurdistan Region. In our attempts to study this topic, alongside the introduction and conclusion, we divide this research into three main sections as follows: a brief introductory definition of the concept of administrative decentralization, a brief background on administrative decentralization in the Kurdistan Region, and finally the level of application of laws related to administrative decentralization in the Kurdistan Region.
{"title":"Local Administrative Decentralization in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq between Law and Reality (1992-2022)","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/10071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10071","url":null,"abstract":"Administrative decentralization in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (hereafter referred to as the Kurdistan Region) despite being the subject of debate among influential political parties of Kurdistan Region. Additionally, a significant part of the issues related to the absence or weakness of public services in Kurdistan Region relate to the feasibility of this concept. Although there are many questions raised about the concept of administrative decentralization, the question we are going to study is the problem of administrative decentralization between the laws and legislations issued aming at enhancing its vital role and their application and implementation on the ground in the Kurdistan Region. In our attempts to study this topic, alongside the introduction and conclusion, we divide this research into three main sections as follows: a brief introductory definition of the concept of administrative decentralization, a brief background on administrative decentralization in the Kurdistan Region, and finally the level of application of laws related to administrative decentralization in the Kurdistan Region.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130582230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study: (The nature of the relationship between media and politics - former US President Donald Trump's dealings with social media as a model) deals with an important topic, which is the interactive nature between the fields of politics and the media, and the aim of this study is to know the nature of this relationship in the United States of America since the inception of this country, and the study focused on the nature of former US President Donald Trump’s dealings with social media. This relationship and the nature of dealing with the media were explained by political leaders in the United States of America through this study, and the researcher reached several results, including: that both media and politics occupy a large area of the history of the United States of America, And that this pattern of dealing with the space of social media has embarrassed the traditional media such as news agencies, satellite channels and famous newspapers in the United States of America and the world. and this relationship emerged through Donald Trump's use of social networking sites and his controversial handling of the media, the nature of this relationship with social networking sites by Trump has resulted in widespread controversy in political and media circles in the United States of America and the world during the spread of corona disease. Just as the media contribute to raising the profile of a political figure, it may stand against a political figure, as happened with Donald Trump, with the decision of social media companies to close Trump's accounts and fight him in the media, which has never happened with any former president in the United States of America.
{"title":"The nature of the relationship between media and politics in the United States of America (Donald Trump's treatment of social networking as a model)","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/10073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10073","url":null,"abstract":"This study: (The nature of the relationship between media and politics - former US President Donald Trump's dealings with social media as a model) deals with an important topic, which is the interactive nature between the fields of politics and the media, and the aim of this study is to know the nature of this relationship in the United States of America since the inception of this country, and the study focused on the nature of former US President Donald Trump’s dealings with social media.\u0000This relationship and the nature of dealing with the media were explained by political leaders in the United States of America through this study, and the researcher reached several results, including: that both media and politics occupy a large area of the history of the United States of America, And that this pattern of dealing with the space of social media has embarrassed the traditional media such as news agencies, satellite channels and famous newspapers in the United States of America and the world. and this relationship emerged through Donald Trump's use of social networking sites and his controversial handling of the media, the nature of this relationship with social networking sites by Trump has resulted in widespread controversy in political and media circles in the United States of America and the world during the spread of corona disease. Just as the media contribute to raising the profile of a political figure, it may stand against a political figure, as happened with Donald Trump, with the decision of social media companies to close Trump's accounts and fight him in the media, which has never happened with any former president in the United States of America.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116908598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the Abbasid reign, compared to the previous eras, women had more freedom and came forward in many fields. As a result of that, they were able to play their roles politically. One of the movements which were in strong conflict with Abbasid authority was the Kharijites movement. On both eastern and western Islamic sides, women carried out their activities publicly and secretly and supported the movement considerably. Due to their easy comings and goings and lack of censuring on them, they had the task of transferring political and military messages. The Alawites, as an opposition movement of the Abbasid authority, since the beginning of the establishment of the state stood against the authority and considered themselves worthy of the Caliphate. In this arena, Alawite women had a remarkable role in politics and in delivering political messages among Alawite leaders, and consequently, they encountered imprisonment and violence. Another opponent group of the Abbasids was the Barmakids. Although they were initially supporters of the Abbasid authority and held high positions, eventually, due to a lot of interference and some wrong steps, for instance; secret marriages with girls in the Abbasid family, their relations deteriorated, and this is known as the disaster of the Barmakids fall. Regarding the Zandiqs, after their leader’smurder, some Zandiqi women were threatened by the Abbasids, and even the sources have talked about how some relatives of Zandiq leaders died as a result of their intimidation. Another prominent role of women in the conflicts between the authorities and the opposition was the action of spying by women. Even during the reign of Caliph Al-Ma'mun, about 1,700 old women were used for being aware of people’s conditions. Despite that, women were sent, in the guise of business people, employers, and doctors, to areas where opposition parties had hegemony to be aware of the movements and activities of the Abbasid opposition movements.
{"title":"The role of women in the conflict between the opposition factions and the Abbasid authority (132-232 AH)","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/10075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10075","url":null,"abstract":"During the Abbasid reign, compared to the previous eras, women had more freedom and came forward in many fields. As a result of that, they were able to play their roles politically. One of the movements which were in strong conflict with Abbasid authority was the Kharijites movement. On both eastern and western Islamic sides, women carried out their activities publicly and secretly and supported the movement considerably. Due to their easy comings and goings and lack of censuring on them, they had the task of transferring political and military messages. The Alawites, as an opposition movement of the Abbasid authority, since the beginning of the establishment of the state stood against the authority and considered themselves worthy of the Caliphate. In this arena, Alawite women had a remarkable role in politics and in delivering political messages among Alawite leaders, and consequently, they encountered imprisonment and violence. Another opponent group of the Abbasids was the Barmakids. Although they were initially supporters of the Abbasid authority and held high positions, eventually, due to a lot of interference and some wrong steps, for instance; secret marriages with girls in the Abbasid family, their relations deteriorated, and this is known as the disaster of the Barmakids fall. Regarding the Zandiqs, after their leader’smurder, some Zandiqi women were threatened by the Abbasids, and even the sources have talked about how some relatives of Zandiq leaders died as a result of their intimidation. Another prominent role of women in the conflicts between the authorities and the opposition was the action of spying by women. Even during the reign of Caliph Al-Ma'mun, about 1,700 old women were used for being aware of people’s conditions. Despite that, women were sent, in the guise of business people, employers, and doctors, to areas where opposition parties had hegemony to be aware of the movements and activities of the Abbasid opposition movements.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"405 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133539928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Oil and gas as the essential primary sources of energy have been critical factors in the lives of states in the past and modern times. Some oil-producing states had left part of their oil companies privatised, while some others nationalised them. Iraq as one of the global crude oil producers had nationalised its oil industry in the early 1970s. The research issue stems from the historical consideration of whether oil industry could support Iraq's economy if it was not nationalized. The research addresses the question why the oil industry was nationalised in Iraq, and what were the advantages and disadvantages of this nationalization to the coutry in general. The research objectives are to examine whether it depended on political or economic reasons, and what is learnt from the nationalisation outcome. The research outline starts with the literature on the historical perspective of why was the oil industry nationalised in Iraq. This will be followed by examining the concept of nationalization and the reasons behind them. The research then addresses the benefits and drawbacks of state ownership, which will be the subject of two separate sections. The research comes to conclusions that the nationalisation of oil industry in Iraq in early 1970s brought advantages to the country and its population, but was not problem free.
{"title":"The Role of Nationalised Oil Industry to the Economic Developments in Iraq: What is learnt from history?","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/10076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10076","url":null,"abstract":"Oil and gas as the essential primary sources of energy have been critical factors in the lives of states in the past and modern times. Some oil-producing states had left part of their oil companies privatised, while some others nationalised them. Iraq as one of the global crude oil producers had nationalised its oil industry in the early 1970s. The research issue stems from the historical consideration of whether oil industry could support Iraq's economy if it was not nationalized. The research addresses the question why the oil industry was nationalised in Iraq, and what were the advantages and disadvantages of this nationalization to the coutry in general. The research objectives are to examine whether it depended on political or economic reasons, and what is learnt from the nationalisation outcome. The research outline starts with the literature on the historical perspective of why was the oil industry nationalised in Iraq. This will be followed by examining the concept of nationalization and the reasons behind them. The research then addresses the benefits and drawbacks of state ownership, which will be the subject of two separate sections. The research comes to conclusions that the nationalisation of oil industry in Iraq in early 1970s brought advantages to the country and its population, but was not problem free.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"464 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129579426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Reaction of the 1991 exodus at the level of official and informal institutes in outside the Iraqi Kurdistan Region ، this study presents the reactions to the 1991 uprising in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region at the formal and informal levels. The reactions of the Kurdish Diaspora abroad and the Arab countries, as well as the reflection of the mass exodus on the international media and international decisions has been demonstrated. Such a study highlights the importance of the event that is related to the fate of the legitimate cause of the Kurdish nation in contemporary history. The most important source mentioned in this study is the analysis of witnesses, politicians, intellectuals and academic figures who were involved in the events. We believe that this is the first study with a scientific significance that focuses on the rumors of the exodus event at various official and informal levels abroad.
{"title":"Reflection of the 1991 Mass Exodus in South Kurdistan on the Level of Formal and Informal foreign Institutions","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/10072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10072","url":null,"abstract":"Reaction of the 1991 exodus at the level of official and informal institutes in outside the Iraqi Kurdistan Region ، this study presents the reactions to the 1991 uprising in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region at the formal and informal levels. The reactions of the Kurdish Diaspora abroad and the Arab countries, as well as the reflection of the mass exodus on the international media and international decisions has been demonstrated. Such a study highlights the importance of the event that is related to the fate of the legitimate cause of the Kurdish nation in contemporary history. The most important source mentioned in this study is the analysis of witnesses, politicians, intellectuals and academic figures who were involved in the events. We believe that this is the first study with a scientific significance that focuses on the rumors of the exodus event at various official and informal levels abroad.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130514320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study discusses the assignment of spending responsibilities in federal countries, taking into account both economic and constitutional considerations. According to the theory of fiscal federalism, the economic functions of governments contain resource allocation, stabilization, and redistribution. However, it is also important to consider constitutional considerations, as federal systems are based on constitutions and the distribution of power between government levels is influenced by political and historical variables. While economic considerations are vital for achieving efficiency and equity, constitutional considerations are crucial for determining functions and responsibilities and safeguarding the distribution of power consistent with federalism principles. Therefore, this study begins by questioning the best allocation of spending responsibilities in light of economic and constitutional considerations, and what methods can be used to solve conflicts that arise in government financial relationships. We assume that economic considerations alone are not enough to design the financial system, especially in federal countries. While they theoretically explain what needs to be done to achieve economic equity and efficiency, constitutional considerations explain the types of constitutions in terms of details of power distribution in general, including financial matters and functional responsibilities for both central and regional governments. We concluded that there is no one-size-fits-all approach for all federal countries to distribute powers, as federal states operate in different political and historical settings, and the nature of intergovernmental fiscal relations are constantly changing.
{"title":"The Economic and Constitutional Considerations in Allocating Spending Responsibilities in Federal Countries","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/10070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10070","url":null,"abstract":"This study discusses the assignment of spending responsibilities in federal countries, taking into account both economic and constitutional considerations. According to the theory of fiscal federalism, the economic functions of governments contain resource allocation, stabilization, and redistribution. However, it is also important to consider constitutional considerations, as federal systems are based on constitutions and the distribution of power between government levels is influenced by political and historical variables. While economic considerations are vital for achieving efficiency and equity, constitutional considerations are crucial for determining functions and responsibilities and safeguarding the distribution of power consistent with federalism principles. Therefore, this study begins by questioning the best allocation of spending responsibilities in light of economic and constitutional considerations, and what methods can be used to solve conflicts that arise in government financial relationships. We assume that economic considerations alone are not enough to design the financial system, especially in federal countries. While they theoretically explain what needs to be done to achieve economic equity and efficiency, constitutional considerations explain the types of constitutions in terms of details of power distribution in general, including financial matters and functional responsibilities for both central and regional governments. We concluded that there is no one-size-fits-all approach for all federal countries to distribute powers, as federal states operate in different political and historical settings, and the nature of intergovernmental fiscal relations are constantly changing.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122050689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this research is to identify the political thought of two main ideological groups in Islamic history, namely; Kharijites and Shiites that share the near timing of the emergence. The research attempts, in the light of the historical and cultural research method, to investigate the reasons, how and the date of the arrival of the two sects to the Kurdish areas, and the relationship of the people of these areas with them. The disclosure of these questions constitutes the main axes of the research, especially in issues related to the imamate and the caliphate that are included in the investigations of the political thought of the two sects. The study presents the beginnings of Kurdish acquaintance with foreign and Shiite ideas and the motives for the participation of the Kurdish regions in the activities and ideological theses of both groups between the 2st-5th centuries AH / 8th-11th centuries AD. This period coincides with the Abbasid Caliphate's control of the reins of affairs and the intellectual development of Kurdish societies and their influence on the currents emanating from the center of government.
{"title":"The Impact of the Political Thought of the Kharijites and Shia on the Kurds: The Islamic Middle Ages 2-5 AH / 8-11 AD","authors":"ياسين محمد, صلاح إسماعيل","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10068","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this research is to identify the political thought of two main ideological groups in Islamic history, namely; Kharijites and Shiites that share the near timing of the emergence. The research attempts, in the light of the historical and cultural research method, to investigate the reasons, how and the date of the arrival of the two sects to the Kurdish areas, and the relationship of the people of these areas with them. The disclosure of these questions constitutes the main axes of the research, especially in issues related to the imamate and the caliphate that are included in the investigations of the political thought of the two sects. The study presents the beginnings of Kurdish acquaintance with foreign and Shiite ideas and the motives for the participation of the Kurdish regions in the activities and ideological theses of both groups between the 2st-5th centuries AH / 8th-11th centuries AD. This period coincides with the Abbasid Caliphate's control of the reins of affairs and the intellectual development of Kurdish societies and their influence on the currents emanating from the center of government.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130340237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The importance of electronic newspapers has emerged as an inevitable, realistic and indispensable necessity in various fields. electronic newspapers are distinguished by their ability to influence and interact quickly as a new method in the field of media and communication and play an important and prominent role in the transfer of news and information in various fields and follow-up on what is broadcast on these sites, in monitoring what is happening in the internal and external environment, satisfying the psychological need and social. Our research topic talks about the role of social networking sites in spreading the concept of genocide among the Aezidis. This study aims to identify the role of social networking sites in spreading the concept of genocide among the Aezidis. The current study relied on the survey method through the questionnaire and statistical methods and test correlations. The main conclusions of the study were summarized as follows: 1. A large proportion of the respondents trust electronic newspapers to obtain information and news about the concept of genocide, and we conclude that the use of social media has become a daily necessity for different segments of society, especially the Aezidis. 2. The study proved the validity of the alternative hypothesis. There is a correlation of statistical significance between the demographic variables of the Aezidis and their use and their confidence in what social networking sites publish. 3. The study proved a significant direct correlation between the use and trust of the Aezidis on news and published materials to increase their knowledge ambition about the events and their utilitarian motives as a result of this trust and use.
{"title":"The effect of electronic newspapers on spreading the concept of genocide among the Aezidis","authors":"شيماء صادق, علي جهاد رمضان","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10064","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10064","url":null,"abstract":"The importance of electronic newspapers has emerged as an inevitable, realistic and indispensable necessity in various fields. electronic newspapers are distinguished by their ability to influence and interact quickly as a new method in the field of media and communication and play an important and prominent role in the transfer of news and information in various fields and follow-up on what is broadcast on these sites, in monitoring what is happening in the internal and external environment, satisfying the psychological need and social. Our research topic talks about the role of social networking sites in spreading the concept of genocide among the Aezidis. This study aims to identify the role of social networking sites in spreading the concept of genocide among the Aezidis. The current study relied on the survey method through the questionnaire and statistical methods and test correlations. The main conclusions of the study were summarized as follows: 1. A large proportion of the respondents trust electronic newspapers to obtain information and news about the concept of genocide, and we conclude that the use of social media has become a daily necessity for different segments of society, especially the Aezidis. 2. The study proved the validity of the alternative hypothesis. There is a correlation of statistical significance between the demographic variables of the Aezidis and their use and their confidence in what social networking sites publish. 3. The study proved a significant direct correlation between the use and trust of the Aezidis on news and published materials to increase their knowledge ambition about the events and their utilitarian motives as a result of this trust and use.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"79 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114376943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of the study is to find out to what extent Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) monitoring centres rely on the reports from Kurdish news channels in fighting financial corruption. We have chossen members of the Kurdistan Parliament to fill out the surveys drafted for this purpose. While the parliament is the highest legislative and supervisory authority, one of main duties of its members is to monitor government activities and its defects. Therefore, news reports on financial corruption could have an impact to make them more active in fighting it. After collecting the data from conducted surveys, we found out that the impact of news reports on financial corruption from news channels on parliament members is at a moderate rate, that means the news reports could not have any impact on cases of financial corruption. Thus, the study suggests to the news channels to pay more attention to those types of news and double check the data and information with different sources so that increase trust among receivers
{"title":"Adoption of Members of the Kurdistan Region Parliament on the News at the Kurdish Televisions in the Fight against Financial Corruption","authors":"کاروخ رەزا, ئیبراهیم فەتحوڵا","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10067","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the study is to find out to what extent Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) monitoring centres rely on the reports from Kurdish news channels in fighting financial corruption. We have chossen members of the Kurdistan Parliament to fill out the surveys drafted for this purpose. While the parliament is the highest legislative and supervisory authority, one of main duties of its members is to monitor government activities and its defects. Therefore, news reports on financial corruption could have an impact to make them more active in fighting it. After collecting the data from conducted surveys, we found out that the impact of news reports on financial corruption from news channels on parliament members is at a moderate rate, that means the news reports could not have any impact on cases of financial corruption. Thus, the study suggests to the news channels to pay more attention to those types of news and double check the data and information with different sources so that increase trust among receivers","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133006446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：