After 2003 in Iraq and due to the appropriate environment came to being and due to the American invasion and intervention from regional counties, and bad governmentship, several terrorist groups from different perspectives appeared and functioned the presence through different scenarios about the future of terrorist groups in Iraq, this study is supposed to answer that question in which future terror is heading to and the future of terror is open some possibilities, including get weakened until fading out of continuing like present, overall the case scenario of regrouping is likely its worth mentioned we used analytic method for the depicting terror phrase. And also description method is used for recognizing the subject of the study in such academic way, as well as exploring method or generalizing to figure out the future of terror in Iraq, depending on gathering the information’s that our case scenario needs. The first subject is under tittle the emergence of terror in Iraq after 2003. Which consisted of two subjects, the first one titled with terror terminology, the second one tittle with terror emergence in Iraq after 2003. The second object of our study is under the tittle the future of terror in Iraq in which subdivided into three branches, each separate branch is dedicated for depicting a case scenario from the other scenarios of future of terror besides showing some results
{"title":"The Future of Terrorism in Iraq","authors":"عابد رسول, جەزا فارس","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10065","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10065","url":null,"abstract":"After 2003 in Iraq and due to the appropriate environment came to being and due to the American invasion and intervention from regional counties, and bad governmentship, several terrorist groups from different perspectives appeared and functioned the presence through different scenarios about the future of terrorist groups in Iraq, this study is supposed to answer that question in which future terror is heading to and the future of terror is open some possibilities, including get weakened until fading out of continuing like present, overall the case scenario of regrouping is likely its worth mentioned we used analytic method for the depicting terror phrase. And also description method is used for recognizing the subject of the study in such academic way, as well as exploring method or generalizing to figure out the future of terror in Iraq, depending on gathering the information’s that our case scenario needs. The first subject is under tittle the emergence of terror in Iraq after 2003. Which consisted of two subjects, the first one titled with terror terminology, the second one tittle with terror emergence in Iraq after 2003. The second object of our study is under the tittle the future of terror in Iraq in which subdivided into three branches, each separate branch is dedicated for depicting a case scenario from the other scenarios of future of terror besides showing some results","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121426834","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This After the end of the Cold War and the emergence of internal problems such as the division of societies on the basis of ethnicity and nationalism، the escalation of terrorism، the increase in drug abuse and illegal immigration... etc. ، It became clear that security is not only limited to the external security of countries and the national interests. In fact، internal problems، might pose a fundamental threat to the security of societies، the emergence of internal security threat coincided with the emergence of new security schools and theories. The new theories worked to expand the concept of security when they linked between internal and external security. They considered the security of people and communities as a security reference object، alongside state security. One of the main school that give importance to the internal security as a referent object is the Copenhagen school. The concept of community security is one of its main theses. This study examines the causes of insecurity in the societies and examines how the security might be achieved according to the main thesis of Copenhagen school.
{"title":"The Community Security according to the theses of the Copenhagen School","authors":"هیمن سلام, رشيد ياس","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10063","url":null,"abstract":"This After the end of the Cold War and the emergence of internal problems such as the division of societies on the basis of ethnicity and nationalism، the escalation of terrorism، the increase in drug abuse and illegal immigration... etc. ، It became clear that security is not only limited to the external security of countries and the national interests. In fact، internal problems، might pose a fundamental threat to the security of societies، the emergence of internal security threat coincided with the emergence of new security schools and theories. The new theories worked to expand the concept of security when they linked between internal and external security. They considered the security of people and communities as a security reference object، alongside state security. One of the main school that give importance to the internal security as a referent object is the Copenhagen school. The concept of community security is one of its main theses. This study examines the causes of insecurity in the societies and examines how the security might be achieved according to the main thesis of Copenhagen school.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127719913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Neoclassical realism as a theoretical model belongs to the Realism School of Thought. It has its own vision about the state’s foreign policy analysis. This model’s assumption is interesting for scholars because it simplifies for the researchers in terms of how they analyze the different types of foreign policy decision-making. This model also is a result of its previous models in the same school such as classical realism and neorealism or structural realism. This work is a scientific effort for the sake of depicting the basic ideas behind the theory by showing and explaining the systemic and intervening variables on which this theory is working on them. The importance of this research is: the writer through using the original sources has made a precise explanation for the different assumptions of the theory, for this purpose, the study takes benefits from the comparison as well as the content analysis methods. In conclusion, the author concludes that Neoclassical realism theory has powerful theoretical assumptions for analyzing the state’s foreign policy because this model from two different levels of analysis is explaining foreign policy, internal and external factors, while the classical theory focuses on the internal issues, the neorealism focuses on the systemic factors.
{"title":"Foreign Policy Analysis from the Perspective of Neoclassical Realism","authors":"دانا ساڵح, كارزان عەلی","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10059","url":null,"abstract":"Neoclassical realism as a theoretical model belongs to the Realism School of Thought. It has its own vision about the state’s foreign policy analysis. This model’s assumption is interesting for scholars because it simplifies for the researchers in terms of how they analyze the different types of foreign policy decision-making. This model also is a result of its previous models in the same school such as classical realism and neorealism or structural realism. This work is a scientific effort for the sake of depicting the basic ideas behind the theory by showing and explaining the systemic and intervening variables on which this theory is working on them. The importance of this research is: the writer through using the original sources has made a precise explanation for the different assumptions of the theory, for this purpose, the study takes benefits from the comparison as well as the content analysis methods. In conclusion, the author concludes that Neoclassical realism theory has powerful theoretical assumptions for analyzing the state’s foreign policy because this model from two different levels of analysis is explaining foreign policy, internal and external factors, while the classical theory focuses on the internal issues, the neorealism focuses on the systemic factors.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122930091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Federalism as a most modern type of states in the world has been investigated and so many researches have been made about it. But less investigation have been made about the nature of conflicts and the mechanism of their settlement, especially when federal states as a whole other types of states have their issues and problems which they need to be solved by a suitable mechanism. The most important issues which become causes to raise those conflicts includes the desire to empower authority by the central government and increasing the authority and independence of ingredients. Also, the distribution of incomes and financial resources is another issue which causes conflict because usually the central government hold a huge part of powers in his grip. The final issue of the conflict is the frame of the state identity while the majority of federal states in the world have a plural and diverse community, so federal states can’t properly manage that diversity , finally they face ethnic, national, and regional conflict. This research ends by the conclusion that those conflicts can be solved by two types of mechanisms which are: the permanent mechanisms and temporary mechanism. The most important mechanisms include: (federal constitution, the second legislative council, federal court), and the temporary mechanisms include: (negotiation and agreement, declaration of state of emergency, separation and declaration of independence). The use and effect of each of these mechanisms varies from a federal state to another federal state.
{"title":"The Nature of Disputes and its Resolve Mechanisms in the Federal States","authors":"عابد رسول","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10061","url":null,"abstract":"Federalism as a most modern type of states in the world has been investigated and so many researches have been made about it. But less investigation have been made about the nature of conflicts and the mechanism of their settlement, especially when federal states as a whole other types of states have their issues and problems which they need to be solved by a suitable mechanism. The most important issues which become causes to raise those conflicts includes the desire to empower authority by the central government and increasing the authority and independence of ingredients. Also, the distribution of incomes and financial resources is another issue which causes conflict because usually the central government hold a huge part of powers in his grip. The final issue of the conflict is the frame of the state identity while the majority of federal states in the world have a plural and diverse community, so federal states can’t properly manage that diversity , finally they face ethnic, national, and regional conflict. This research ends by the conclusion that those conflicts can be solved by two types of mechanisms which are: the permanent mechanisms and temporary mechanism. The most important mechanisms include: (federal constitution, the second legislative council, federal court), and the temporary mechanisms include: (negotiation and agreement, declaration of state of emergency, separation and declaration of independence). The use and effect of each of these mechanisms varies from a federal state to another federal state.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130723141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Qatar presents an impressive case by demonstrating its role as a small country with a major role in international relations theories and practices. This paper examines Qatar's role as a small state, in particular its quest for a high security position in international relations. It also illustrates the security role of the State of Qatar in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, especially after the emergence of a conflict between Qatar and the rest of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, especially (Saudi Arabia, the Emirates, Bahrain...) in 2017.In the international relations literature, small states rarely feature prominently in diplomatic relations due to their alleged lack of global power and importance. But Qatar, by virtue of its strategic geographical location and its great economic power that depends on oil and natural gas, has been able to play a prominent role in regional security and stability, and has made its region in the calculations of the major countries. This paper also argues that the Qatari leadership's refusal to remain in the shadows of its allies or rivals within the Gulf Cooperation Council has given it a single and influential position in foreign policy within the Middle East and beyond. Finally, this paper analyzes the important role that Qatar plays in terms of security and destabilization in the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council.
{"title":"Qatar's role in the security of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries after 2017","authors":"شاڵاو محمد","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10060","url":null,"abstract":"Qatar presents an impressive case by demonstrating its role as a small country with a major role in international relations theories and practices. This paper examines Qatar's role as a small state, in particular its quest for a high security position in international relations. It also illustrates the security role of the State of Qatar in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, especially after the emergence of a conflict between Qatar and the rest of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, especially (Saudi Arabia, the Emirates, Bahrain...) in 2017.In the international relations literature, small states rarely feature prominently in diplomatic relations due to their alleged lack of global power and importance. But Qatar, by virtue of its strategic geographical location and its great economic power that depends on oil and natural gas, has been able to play a prominent role in regional security and stability, and has made its region in the calculations of the major countries. This paper also argues that the Qatari leadership's refusal to remain in the shadows of its allies or rivals within the Gulf Cooperation Council has given it a single and influential position in foreign policy within the Middle East and beyond. Finally, this paper analyzes the important role that Qatar plays in terms of security and destabilization in the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133724353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Transitional justice is one of the most important factors for the political stability of countries. Especially in countries whose political system is going through a stage of transition from a state of grave violations of human rights to a stage of commitment to the protection of human rights, or countries that are exposed to political and economic crises that force them to go through transitional stages. Among these experiences stands out the experience of transitional justice in Iraq, which began since the United States occupied Iraq in 2003, passed through several stages, adopted several mechanisms, and established many institutions and laws that took upon themselves the achievement of the goals of transitional justice, and were directly or indirectly reflected on the political process in Iraq. In view of the above, a number of questions are raised, perhaps the most prominent of which are: What are the mechanisms of transitional justice that were applied in Iraq after 2003? Were these mechanisms able to achieve the goals of transitional justice? In order to study this problem, The research stems from the hypothesis that “the implementation of transitional justice mechanisms in Iraq after 2003 was carried out in a selective manner that lacks transitional justice standards, and the achievement of national reconciliation, due to the different goals and orientations of the political elites in Iraq and their external connections, which led to the failure of transitional justice in Iraq.” The most important results of this study were; It is not to benefit from the international experiences of transitional justice, especially the models closest to Iraq, such as South Africa, and to seek the assistance of experts in the field from those countries that share with Iraq the past of dictatorial rule and division on racial grounds.
{"title":"Evaluating the mechanisms of transitional justice in Iraq (a critical study)","authors":"پەریان زوردەشت","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10057","url":null,"abstract":"Transitional justice is one of the most important factors for the political stability of countries. Especially in countries whose political system is going through a stage of transition from a state of grave violations of human rights to a stage of commitment to the protection of human rights, or countries that are exposed to political and economic crises that force them to go through transitional stages. Among these experiences stands out the experience of transitional justice in Iraq, which began since the United States occupied Iraq in 2003, passed through several stages, adopted several mechanisms, and established many institutions and laws that took upon themselves the achievement of the goals of transitional justice, and were directly or indirectly reflected on the political process in Iraq. In view of the above, a number of questions are raised, perhaps the most prominent of which are: What are the mechanisms of transitional justice that were applied in Iraq after 2003? Were these mechanisms able to achieve the goals of transitional justice? In order to study this problem, The research stems from the hypothesis that “the implementation of transitional justice mechanisms in Iraq after 2003 was carried out in a selective manner that lacks transitional justice standards, and the achievement of national reconciliation, due to the different goals and orientations of the political elites in Iraq and their external connections, which led to the failure of transitional justice in Iraq.” The most important results of this study were; It is not to benefit from the international experiences of transitional justice, especially the models closest to Iraq, such as South Africa, and to seek the assistance of experts in the field from those countries that share with Iraq the past of dictatorial rule and division on racial grounds.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"38 9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115706702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Federalism as a most modern type of states in the world has been investigated and so many researches have been made about it. But less investigation have been made about the nature of conflicts and the mechanism of their settlement, especially when federal states as a whole other types of states have their issues and problems which they need to be solved by a suitable mechanism. The most important issues which become causes to raise those conflicts includes the desire to empower authority by the central government and increasing the authority and independence of ingredients. Also, the distribution of incomes and financial resources is another issue which causes conflict because usually the central government hold a huge part of powers in his grip. The final issue of the conflict is the frame of the state identity while the majority of federal states in the world have a plural and diverse community, so federal states can’t properly manage that diversity , finally they face ethnic, national, and regional conflict. This research ends by the conclusion that those conflicts can be solved by two types of mechanisms which are: the permanent mechanisms and temporary mechanism. The most important mechanisms include: (federal constitution, the second legislative council, federal court), and the temporary mechanisms include: (negotiation and agreement, declaration of state of emergency, separation and declaration of independence). The use and effect of each of these mechanisms varies from a federal state to another federal state.
{"title":"The nature of disputes and their resolve mechanism within federal states","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/10061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10061","url":null,"abstract":"Federalism as a most modern type of states in the world has been investigated and so many researches have been made about it. But less investigation have been made about the nature of conflicts and the mechanism of their settlement, especially when federal states as a whole other types of states have their issues and problems which they need to be solved by a suitable mechanism. The most important issues which become causes to raise those conflicts includes the desire to empower authority by the central government and increasing the authority and independence of ingredients. Also, the distribution of incomes and financial resources is another issue which causes conflict because usually the central government hold a huge part of powers in his grip. The final issue of the conflict is the frame of the state identity while the majority of federal states in the world have a plural and diverse community, so federal states can’t properly manage that diversity , finally they face ethnic, national, and regional conflict. This research ends by the conclusion that those conflicts can be solved by two types of mechanisms which are: the permanent mechanisms and temporary mechanism. The most important mechanisms include: (federal constitution, the second legislative council, federal court), and the temporary mechanisms include: (negotiation and agreement, declaration of state of emergency, separation and declaration of independence). The use and effect of each of these mechanisms varies from a federal state to another federal state.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130475810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research presents the media image of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, on (Aljazeera net) website. This study uses content analysis methodology to reveal the content of topics concern to the Kurdistan region. The study reachs with a set of conclusions such as; the main focus of the news has been on issues of problems and conflicts, whether political, military or economic. The editorial policies of Aljazeera.net sites reflect their selection and formulation of news content. The study also proposes a number of recommendations, such as working on diversification of news topics concerning the Kurdistan Region, not being limited to frames the conflicts and problems, and moving towards news that serve the culture of communication between the Iraqi people, in particular between Arabs and Kurds.
{"title":"The media image of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in Arabic Satellite News Channels Sites: Analysis Study (Aljazeera net)","authors":"ابراهيم فتح الله, ابتسام قادر","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10058","url":null,"abstract":"This research presents the media image of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, on (Aljazeera net) website. This study uses content analysis methodology to reveal the content of topics concern to the Kurdistan region. The study reachs with a set of conclusions such as; the main focus of the news has been on issues of problems and conflicts, whether political, military or economic. The editorial policies of Aljazeera.net sites reflect their selection and formulation of news content. The study also proposes a number of recommendations, such as working on diversification of news topics concerning the Kurdistan Region, not being limited to frames the conflicts and problems, and moving towards news that serve the culture of communication between the Iraqi people, in particular between Arabs and Kurds.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"45 2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121203451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The meaning of (Conservatism) as a political thought, is opposition to Change and defending the Status quo, the (conservatives) are emphasizing the respect for religions and traditions and considering the Status quo as an accumulated traditions result of history, so its maintenance is required. (Conservatism) is rejecting the notion of Social Contract, and consider the State as a result of man’s attempt to improve his life, in this regard they look significantly at the human action, and reject any actions which is not derived from human’s attempt. Thus, they assist practical politics and consider the politics as a result of human actions, not obstruct mind. The book of (Edmond Burke) (the reflection of the revolution of French) is consideed as a starting point of (conservatism) thoughts. (Burke) criticize (French revolution) that it was a devastated revolution and derived from an obstruct reason. (Conservatism) is moving through two historical stages: (Traditional conservatism), defends the liberal free market, but simultaneously demands a strong State to protect the security of Society. (new conservatism) at the twenty century: the first half of the century had a Left view, supported the welfare State, but at the second half under the title of (new right) inclined towards free marked economic notion. (Edmond Burk) as a representative of (traditional conservatism) and (miechel oaqshat), (Roger Scruton) as representatives of (modern conservatism), despite their disputes in some issues, they all agree in depending on religion and tradition in reforming Societies, and they consider radical changes as a danger for Society security and safety, and individual freedom and security.
{"title":"The Political change in The Conservatism Thought: from Traditional Conservatism to New right","authors":"ئاریان شریف, کەنعان عبدللە","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10062","url":null,"abstract":"The meaning of (Conservatism) as a political thought, is opposition to Change and defending the Status quo, the (conservatives) are emphasizing the respect for religions and traditions and considering the Status quo as an accumulated traditions result of history, so its maintenance is required. (Conservatism) is rejecting the notion of Social Contract, and consider the State as a result of man’s attempt to improve his life, in this regard they look significantly at the human action, and reject any actions which is not derived from human’s attempt. Thus, they assist practical politics and consider the politics as a result of human actions, not obstruct mind. The book of (Edmond Burke) (the reflection of the revolution of French) is consideed as a starting point of (conservatism) thoughts. (Burke) criticize (French revolution) that it was a devastated revolution and derived from an obstruct reason. (Conservatism) is moving through two historical stages: (Traditional conservatism), defends the liberal free market, but simultaneously demands a strong State to protect the security of Society. (new conservatism) at the twenty century: the first half of the century had a Left view, supported the welfare State, but at the second half under the title of (new right) inclined towards free marked economic notion. (Edmond Burk) as a representative of (traditional conservatism) and (miechel oaqshat), (Roger Scruton) as representatives of (modern conservatism), despite their disputes in some issues, they all agree in depending on religion and tradition in reforming Societies, and they consider radical changes as a danger for Society security and safety, and individual freedom and security.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134415836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Kurdistan Region has been suffering for several years from economic instability and successive economic and financial crises. The deep economic problems and the various imbalances in its economic structure that have accumulated over the past several decades, especially the weakness of the non-oil economic sectors to produce and generate income and absorb employment, and the Imbalances in the structures of public finance, foreign trade, and the labor market among the main reasons why the region’s economy is constantly exposed to major economic crises and problems, These problems and imbalances in general are among the most important justifications that make economic reform in the Kurdistan Region an urgent need. There have been attempts and efforts to reform the economy by the Kurdistan Regional Government during the past years, but they did not succeed in achieving its goals. The economy’s fall into a rentier closed cycle and weak institutions are among the main reasons that have led to the failure of these attempts. Exiting the rentier closed cycle in which the economy of Iraq and the Kurdistan Region has continued for more than fifty years is an essential step and a necessary condition for the success of any attempt in this direction. This can only be achieved under qualified institutions.
{"title":"Economic Reform in the Kurdistan Region, its Justifications and Obstructions during (2005-2019)","authors":"جهانگیر احمد","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10053","url":null,"abstract":"The Kurdistan Region has been suffering for several years from economic instability and successive economic and financial crises. The deep economic problems and the various imbalances in its economic structure that have accumulated over the past several decades, especially the weakness of the non-oil economic sectors to produce and generate income and absorb employment, and the Imbalances in the structures of public finance, foreign trade, and the labor market among the main reasons why the region’s economy is constantly exposed to major economic crises and problems, These problems and imbalances in general are among the most important justifications that make economic reform in the Kurdistan Region an urgent need. There have been attempts and efforts to reform the economy by the Kurdistan Regional Government during the past years, but they did not succeed in achieving its goals. The economy’s fall into a rentier closed cycle and weak institutions are among the main reasons that have led to the failure of these attempts. Exiting the rentier closed cycle in which the economy of Iraq and the Kurdistan Region has continued for more than fifty years is an essential step and a necessary condition for the success of any attempt in this direction. This can only be achieved under qualified institutions.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132445207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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