The process of politicization of the army one of the most important factors for the stability in Iraq since establishing modern state in 1921, the army had been used to determine the disputes among the political elites, then, it became an instrument the hand of authority to achieve the political goals, that was responsibility of both the political and military elites, particularly in wars, Like one with the Kurdish peoples, or with Iran and invasion Kuwait, all that led lag the Political System institutions increased erosion especially the army, till the American occupation the Iraq in 2003.
{"title":"The impact of politicization of the army in political stability in Iraq after 2003","authors":"كمال الدين حسن, الناصر سعيد","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10017","url":null,"abstract":"The process of politicization of the army one of the most important factors for the stability in Iraq since establishing modern state in 1921, the army had been used to determine the disputes among the political elites, then, it became an instrument the hand of authority to achieve the political goals, that was responsibility of both the political and military elites, particularly in wars, Like one with the Kurdish peoples, or with Iran and invasion Kuwait, all that led lag the Political System institutions increased erosion especially the army, till the American occupation the Iraq in 2003.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130056520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the Kurdistan region, prior to the establishment of Kurdish de-facto autonomy in 1991, Kurdish political parties’ duties mainly included armed insurrection against the Iraqi government to procure rights for Kurds. After the 1991 uprising against the Baathist state, the Kurdish people hoped for a new start for the region which would bring about freedom, development, and participation in a new democratic process. However, shortly after the founding of the first Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), civil war broke out in Iraqi Kurdistan between the PUK and KDP. After hostilities ended in 1994, the two parties decided to divide power among them both equally without the need for elections. As they were heavily armed and had established partimonial networks with smaller, supporting parties, there was no possibility of challenging the new system in place. This situation lasted until 2008-2009 with the emergence of Gorran, a newly established political party which aimed to be the region’s first true democratic opposition. Gorran participated in the third KRG parliament between 2009-2013. In coalition with the Kurdistan Islamic Group (KIG) and Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) parties, they formed the first official parliamentary opposition bloc. For the four years that the coalition lasted, there was a noticable change in quality of debates and legislative work in Parliament. Despite the good start to the their existence, in the fourth parliament in 2013, the opposition decided to join the government and made several strategic and tactical mistakes. The stated goal of joining the grand coalition government was to hold the government accountable internally. This, however, did not materialise and slowly opposition as a political entity became increasingly weak. This study attempts to study all the causes of this failure, In particular the reasons that led to the weakening of Gorran, as the previously main opposition power, wich was not only became weaker, but also lost their effectiveness as a political movement.
{"title":"The Pathway of the Opposition in the Kurdistan Region: Gorran as a Model","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/10020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10020","url":null,"abstract":"In the Kurdistan region, prior to the establishment of Kurdish de-facto autonomy in 1991, Kurdish political parties’ duties mainly included armed insurrection against the Iraqi government to procure rights for Kurds. After the 1991 uprising against the Baathist state, the Kurdish people hoped for a new start for the region which would bring about freedom, development, and participation in a new democratic process. However, shortly after the founding of the first Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), civil war broke out in Iraqi Kurdistan between the PUK and KDP. After hostilities ended in 1994, the two parties decided to divide power among them both equally without the need for elections. As they were heavily armed and had established partimonial networks with smaller, supporting parties, there was no possibility of challenging the new system in place. This situation lasted until 2008-2009 with the emergence of Gorran, a newly established political party which aimed to be the region’s first true democratic opposition. Gorran participated in the third KRG parliament between 2009-2013. In coalition with the Kurdistan Islamic Group (KIG) and Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) parties, they formed the first official parliamentary opposition bloc. For the four years that the coalition lasted, there was a noticable change in quality of debates and legislative work in Parliament. Despite the good start to the their existence, in the fourth parliament in 2013, the opposition decided to join the government and made several strategic and tactical mistakes. The stated goal of joining the grand coalition government was to hold the government accountable internally. This, however, did not materialise and slowly opposition as a political entity became increasingly weak. This study attempts to study all the causes of this failure, In particular the reasons that led to the weakening of Gorran, as the previously main opposition power, wich was not only became weaker, but also lost their effectiveness as a political movement.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127356349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The term of power has been explained and analyzed in many ways and sides, it has been spoken about by several intellectuals. But differ from many of the previous ones, (Michel Foucault) analysis the term and indicates its forms and perceptions. (Foucault) analysis the power in its own connections whose cover all the tiny corners and forgotten edges in the community that are extending over all the humans life. This research has been concluded that, in general Michel Foucault’s point of view, besides being selfish and practicing its selfishness in its own nature so as to capitulate and govern the community members, power’s working strategies are changing according to its available connection types and forms, those are holding different typical directions.
{"title":"The Essence of Power and its Forms in the Political Thought of (Michel Foucault)","authors":"جبار احمد, عابد رسول","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10022","url":null,"abstract":"The term of power has been explained and analyzed in many ways and sides, it has been spoken about by several intellectuals. But differ from many of the previous ones, (Michel Foucault) analysis the term and indicates its forms and perceptions. (Foucault) analysis the power in its own connections whose cover all the tiny corners and forgotten edges in the community that are extending over all the humans life. This research has been concluded that, in general Michel Foucault’s point of view, besides being selfish and practicing its selfishness in its own nature so as to capitulate and govern the community members, power’s working strategies are changing according to its available connection types and forms, those are holding different typical directions.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"211 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122911931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Economic activities have gained a central role in diplomatic agendas in International Relations, particularly after the second World war, This is because today states are largely motivated in economic welfare and trade. Many states in the world especially liberal states depend on economic diplomacy to achieve political and also economic interests. This research discusses economic diplomacy concepts, its rise and its differences with the classic diplomacy in terms of missions and roles. The research demonstrates the scope of using economic diplomacy with all mechanisms and resources exploited to achieve economic and political interests beyond state’s border. The research conclusion is: Economic diplomacy contributes to international conflict and cooperation processes, either through depending on economics instruments like trade and foreign assistance or depending on economic sanctions or smart sanctions in case of international conflicts study deals with a secret German operation of an intelligence nature called Operation Mammut that dates back to 1943 during World War II. The importance of this study stems from scrutinizing an historical fact related to the efforts made previously in the framework of seeking to resolve the Kurdish issue and the independence of Kurdistan by means of intelligence and military. The study adopted an historical approach in order to draw political and security lessons that could be a light for a more accurate scientific understanding of the Kurdish issue in Iraq and its resolution in the future.
{"title":"The Role of Economic Diplomacy in International Cooperation and Conflict \"Theoretical study\"","authors":"يعقوب عارف, دانا صالح","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10018","url":null,"abstract":"Economic activities have gained a central role in diplomatic agendas in International Relations, particularly after the second World war, This is because today states are largely motivated in economic welfare and trade. Many states in the world especially liberal states depend on economic diplomacy to achieve political and also economic interests. This research discusses economic diplomacy concepts, its rise and its differences with the classic diplomacy in terms of missions and roles. The research demonstrates the scope of using economic diplomacy with all mechanisms and resources exploited to achieve economic and political interests beyond state’s border. The research conclusion is: Economic diplomacy contributes to international conflict and cooperation processes, either through depending on economics instruments like trade and foreign assistance or depending on economic sanctions or smart sanctions in case of international conflicts study deals with a secret German operation of an intelligence nature called Operation Mammut that dates back to 1943 during World War II. The importance of this study stems from scrutinizing an historical fact related to the efforts made previously in the framework of seeking to resolve the Kurdish issue and the independence of Kurdistan by means of intelligence and military. The study adopted an historical approach in order to draw political and security lessons that could be a light for a more accurate scientific understanding of the Kurdish issue in Iraq and its resolution in the future.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"87 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131821858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The concept of public sphere is of great importance in the political philosophy and philosophy of German philosopher (Jürgen Habermas), especially after the Second World War when democratic values and principles spread throughout the world. (Habermas) one of the theorists of “consultative democracy” wants in the space of public sphere to develop this kind of democracy, so rationality public sphere is a prerequisite for any society to develop “consultative democracy”, because all citizens in public sphere equal in free and rational debate without Compression, coercion and coercion around the issue, subject, problem, and phenomena involved so that a kind of consensus and agreement can be formed between them through the communicative act, produced by the words of the pilgrims and the Hermeneutics, to reach the truth and reveal the hidden and mysterious meaning behind the words and actions of the persons among themselves. We divided the subjects of this research into two axes; in the first axis we explained the term public sphere in (Habermas). In the second axis we talked about the rational dimensions that (Habermas) is developing in the public sphere in order to expand and advance the area of public sphere in the form of (Habermas), which is believed to be one of the most important individuals in the public sphere. In the discourse, in order to understand the path of the Hermeneutic Science, the perception is attempted in the sense of the content of the discourse and record the highest level of rationality in the communicative action.
{"title":"The Status of Rationality in the Public Sphere in the perspective of (Jürgen Habermas)","authors":"ناودار رضا, عابد رسول","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10023","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of public sphere is of great importance in the political philosophy and philosophy of German philosopher (Jürgen Habermas), especially after the Second World War when democratic values and principles spread throughout the world. (Habermas) one of the theorists of “consultative democracy” wants in the space of public sphere to develop this kind of democracy, so rationality public sphere is a prerequisite for any society to develop “consultative democracy”, because all citizens in public sphere equal in free and rational debate without Compression, coercion and coercion around the issue, subject, problem, and phenomena involved so that a kind of consensus and agreement can be formed between them through the communicative act, produced by the words of the pilgrims and the Hermeneutics, to reach the truth and reveal the hidden and mysterious meaning behind the words and actions of the persons among themselves. We divided the subjects of this research into two axes; in the first axis we explained the term public sphere in (Habermas). In the second axis we talked about the rational dimensions that (Habermas) is developing in the public sphere in order to expand and advance the area of public sphere in the form of (Habermas), which is believed to be one of the most important individuals in the public sphere. In the discourse, in order to understand the path of the Hermeneutic Science, the perception is attempted in the sense of the content of the discourse and record the highest level of rationality in the communicative action.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124998059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Opposition in Kurdistan Region","authors":"شیلان روستم","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10020","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133724230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An article presented to the Faculty of Political Science and journalism – University of Adam Mickiewicz – Poland, in the framework of the second academic conference of the faculty under the title (Beyond Europe), which included many topics (Methodology of Political Science and International Relations, Global Terrorism and Asymmetrical Challenges, democracy, globalization, international economic relations, International Conflicts, Geopolitics and Natural, US-EU-China Between Economic Cooperation and Rivalry, MENA Region and its Contemporary Dynamics, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Regional and Global Perspectives and Challenges), during 24th to 25th October 2018, in the Polish city of Poznan([1]). ([1]) Beyond Europe, Faculty of Political Science and Journalism at Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan, 23rd – 24th October 2018, available at: http://beyondeurope.amu.edu.pl/ https://drive.google.com/file/d/1NuHOlmXRWJDw7Ng0ubNARUgXXV-PkNfo/view
{"title":"Towards a new vision of international terrorism","authors":"N. Ismail","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10013","url":null,"abstract":"An article presented to the Faculty of Political Science and journalism – University of Adam Mickiewicz – Poland, in the framework of the second academic conference of the faculty under the title (Beyond Europe), which included many topics (Methodology of Political Science and International Relations, Global Terrorism and Asymmetrical Challenges, democracy, globalization, international economic relations, International Conflicts, Geopolitics and Natural, US-EU-China Between Economic Cooperation and Rivalry, MENA Region and its Contemporary Dynamics, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Regional and Global Perspectives and Challenges), during 24th to 25th October 2018, in the Polish city of Poznan([1]).\u0000\u0000([1]) Beyond Europe, Faculty of Political Science and Journalism at Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan, 23rd – 24th October 2018, available at:\u0000\u0000http://beyondeurope.amu.edu.pl/\u0000\u0000https://drive.google.com/file/d/1NuHOlmXRWJDw7Ng0ubNARUgXXV-PkNfo/view","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125259746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The initial aim of the research is to explain the level and efforts of the process of construction and institutionalization of the Peshmerga forces within one professional national force based on national and military principle. Because without this national force and its reconstruction within national establishment the process of democracy transference and political stability would not be achieved on one hand, on the other hand without an institutionalized defenses capability and Kurdistan security would be difficult to achieve. This research studies the local, Iraqi, and international attempts that made in order to institutionalize the Peshmerga, as well as it studies the difficulties and obstacles that hinder this process at the both levels of Kurdistan Region and Iraq.
{"title":"Institutionalizing the Peshmerga Forces: steps and obstructions","authors":"عابد رسول, ئومێد فتاح","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10012","url":null,"abstract":"The initial aim of the research is to explain the level and efforts of the process of construction and institutionalization of the Peshmerga forces within one professional national force based on national and military principle. Because without this national force and its reconstruction within national establishment the process of democracy transference and political stability would not be achieved on one hand, on the other hand without an institutionalized defenses capability and Kurdistan security would be difficult to achieve. This research studies the local, Iraqi, and international attempts that made in order to institutionalize the Peshmerga, as well as it studies the difficulties and obstacles that hinder this process at the both levels of Kurdistan Region and Iraq.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129645625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The phenomenon of ethnic conflict is one of the important issues that have emerged not only at the internal level but also in the international arena in recent decades, due to the increase of ethnicities and conflicts over many economic, political, social and cultural issues and demands.. especially in countries that chose federalism as a form of co-existence. Hence, the introduction of federalism seems at first sight to be a model or logical solution to the problem of ethnicity in multiple societies. And has contributed to the inclusion of the issue of ethnicity as a global issue on the top priorities of the issues of the international community because of the effects not only at the internal level of States, but also at the global level. Although the application of the federal system in Iraq has become possible from a constitutional and legal point of law The Iraqi State Administration for the transitional phase and the end of the Constitution of the Republic of Iraq for the year 2005, but from the political side and realistic attempts to form the provinces in Iraq, many of the fears and obstacles led to the failure of more than a legal and constitutional attempt by the province of And the failure to address the problem of ethnicities in Iraq even after the entry into force of the 2005 Constitution and the adoption of the federal system, necessarily requires us to search for alternative solutions to the problem of ethnicities in Iraq, the most important of which is the thesis on the possibility of forming a federal province in Iraq on purely ethnic grounds. This study attempts to study the ethnic exclusion of the formation of these territories in Iraq.
{"title":"The Ethnic Dimension in the Formations of Federal Regions: an analytical study of the Iraqi model","authors":"زانا حمەکریم","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10009","url":null,"abstract":"The phenomenon of ethnic conflict is one of the important issues that have emerged not only at the internal level but also in the international arena in recent decades, due to the increase of ethnicities and conflicts over many economic, political, social and cultural issues and demands.. especially in countries that chose federalism as a form of co-existence. Hence, the introduction of federalism seems at first sight to be a model or logical solution to the problem of ethnicity in multiple societies. And has contributed to the inclusion of the issue of ethnicity as a global issue on the top priorities of the issues of the international community because of the effects not only at the internal level of States, but also at the global level. Although the application of the federal system in Iraq has become possible from a constitutional and legal point of law The Iraqi State Administration for the transitional phase and the end of the Constitution of the Republic of Iraq for the year 2005, but from the political side and realistic attempts to form the provinces in Iraq, many of the fears and obstacles led to the failure of more than a legal and constitutional attempt by the province of And the failure to address the problem of ethnicities in Iraq even after the entry into force of the 2005 Constitution and the adoption of the federal system, necessarily requires us to search for alternative solutions to the problem of ethnicities in Iraq, the most important of which is the thesis on the possibility of forming a federal province in Iraq on purely ethnic grounds. This study attempts to study the ethnic exclusion of the formation of these territories in Iraq.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131876736","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper will focus on the influence of international forces in the Syrian conflict, illustrating and analyzing their agendas, and will try to locate where the Kurdish issue fits into the overlapping motivations and strategies of international actors. Furthermore, it will also analyze how the Kurds have responded to Turkish and US interventions into the conflict. The researcher reached conclusions that without setting common ground and mutual understanding among the influential powers whose armies and policies involved in the war, there would be no stopping bloodshed in Syria. Concerning the Kurdish future, the Kurds cannot gain any advantage from the conflict without being cooperated and assisted by the west, especially the United States while they are facing the threats of the regional powers. That is why they need to align their interests according to the western interests. If they do not, their future will remain uncertain and unstable in the region.
{"title":"US- Turkey Strategic rivalry in Syria and its effects on the future of the Kurds in Syria","authors":"K. Ali","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10014","url":null,"abstract":"This paper will focus on the influence of international forces in the Syrian conflict, illustrating and analyzing their agendas, and will try to locate where the Kurdish issue fits into the overlapping motivations and strategies of international actors. Furthermore, it will also analyze how the Kurds have responded to Turkish and US interventions into the conflict. The researcher reached conclusions that without setting common ground and mutual understanding among the influential powers whose armies and policies involved in the war, there would be no stopping bloodshed in Syria. Concerning the Kurdish future, the Kurds cannot gain any advantage from the conflict without being cooperated and assisted by the west, especially the United States while they are facing the threats of the regional powers. That is why they need to align their interests according to the western interests. If they do not, their future will remain uncertain and unstable in the region.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127866508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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