Realism has been the dominant theory on the both academic and practice realms. And later version of realism developed in the late of 1970s called neo-realism. Neo-realism has been able to generate an accurate assessment of international issues. However, the question which remains, is neo-realism applicable for describing and explaining current events especially terrorist groups? Because, in recent years, terrorist groups have achieved recognition as an important actor at international level, and many theorists in the field of international relations have been devoted to this topic. For neo-realists unanimously does not accept that terrorist groups are prosperous main actor in the international arena, because they are not able to change structure of international system or counter state position and power. Moreover, neo-realists have not agreed about suggesting unify strategic for preventing the spread of terrorist groups and implement restrict policies for challenging terrorist threat. Thus, neo-realist thought has come and attack of critiques by other theories including neo-liberalism and constructivism. The purpose of this essay is to provide an evaluation of terrorist groups' argument to prove that neo-realism has been failed to describe and explain terrorist groups; this is conducted through the use of an example referring to ISIS.
{"title":"Neorealist Theory and Terrorist Groups: A Comparative Study of Descriptive and Explanatory Capacity of Theory","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/jopss.100311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.100311","url":null,"abstract":"Realism has been the dominant theory on the both academic and practice realms. And later version of realism developed in the late of 1970s called neo-realism. Neo-realism has been able to generate an accurate assessment of international issues. However, the question which remains, is neo-realism applicable for describing and explaining current events especially terrorist groups? Because, in recent years, terrorist groups have achieved recognition as an important actor at international level, and many theorists in the field of international relations have been devoted to this topic. For neo-realists unanimously does not accept that terrorist groups are prosperous main actor in the international arena, because they are not able to change structure of international system or counter state position and power. Moreover, neo-realists have not agreed about suggesting unify strategic for preventing the spread of terrorist groups and implement restrict policies for challenging terrorist threat. Thus, neo-realist thought has come and attack of critiques by other theories including neo-liberalism and constructivism. The purpose of this essay is to provide an evaluation of terrorist groups' argument to prove that neo-realism has been failed to describe and explain terrorist groups; this is conducted through the use of an example referring to ISIS.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114665238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research attempts to explain the permanent conflict in the region of Middle East since the beginning of the Twentieth century. Hence, the Middle East has a complex regional system consisting of countries whose borders were formed by the international powers to serve their interests without regard to the interests of its peoples. Consequently this region has become the focus of non-ending conflict in the past, present and perhaps in the future. Since the theory of realism is one of the most theories of international relations, the foundations of which are not complicated to explain the international conflicts and have a clear and specific vision for international actors and how to interact between them. We have made an effort to add them to explain the permanent conflict in the Middle East and through it is clear that the Middle East in general is divided into three dimensions of conflicts of the countries which are having contradictory interests: the Iranian-Saudi conflict, the Turkish-Middle East policies, and the Israeli’s conflict in the Middle East. Each of these interactions, based on regional hegemony and domination of the major states in the Middle East, has brought this region in line with the direction of its foreign policy. The consequences of these regional interactions, the region is on a consistent of a state of permanent instability.
{"title":"Regional Interactions and issues in the Middle East from a perspective of realistic theory","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/10025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10025","url":null,"abstract":"This research attempts to explain the permanent conflict in the region of Middle East since the beginning of the Twentieth century. Hence, the Middle East has a complex regional system consisting of countries whose borders were formed by the international powers to serve their interests without regard to the interests of its peoples. Consequently this region has become the focus of non-ending conflict in the past, present and perhaps in the future. Since the theory of realism is one of the most theories of international relations, the foundations of which are not complicated to explain the international conflicts and have a clear and specific vision for international actors and how to interact between them. We have made an effort to add them to explain the permanent conflict in the Middle East and through it is clear that the Middle East in general is divided into three dimensions of conflicts of the countries which are having contradictory interests: the Iranian-Saudi conflict, the Turkish-Middle East policies, and the Israeli’s conflict in the Middle East. Each of these interactions, based on regional hegemony and domination of the major states in the Middle East, has brought this region in line with the direction of its foreign policy. The consequences of these regional interactions, the region is on a consistent of a state of permanent instability.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131234110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the emerging security, political, and economic dynamics in Iraq’s Internally Disputed Boundaries (DIBs) following the defeat of Islamic State (IS) and the withdrawal of the Kurdish security forces from those areas. The research focuses on two vital but unappreciated areas of the DIBs: Tuz Khurmatu and northern Diyala. As the vast majority of the media and policy attention is directed towards either Kirkuk, due to oil interests, or the Nineveh Plains, due to the presence of vulnerable ethnic minorities, the other centres of the DIBs receive insufficient consideration among scholars, policy makers and development practitioners. Some NGOs have gone so far as to make a policy of avoiding Tuz and northern Diyala altogether due to the difficulty of local conditions and the ever-present potential for violence. This is a grave error. The DIBs cannot be resolved without engaging these two regions, as they are strategically important for commercial and political reasons, and any final deal on the status of the DIBs between Baghdad and Erbil will have to include them.
{"title":"Actors, Conflict, and Comeptition in Iraq’s Disputed Territories After the Islamic State The Cases of Northren Diyala and Eastern Salahaddin","authors":"Zmkan Ali Saleem, Mac Skelton","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10030","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the emerging security, political, and economic dynamics in Iraq’s Internally Disputed Boundaries (DIBs) following the defeat of Islamic State (IS) and the withdrawal of the Kurdish security forces from those areas. The research focuses on two vital but unappreciated areas of the DIBs: Tuz Khurmatu and northern Diyala. As the vast majority of the media and policy attention is directed towards either Kirkuk, due to oil interests, or the Nineveh Plains, due to the presence of vulnerable ethnic minorities, the other centres of the DIBs receive insufficient consideration among scholars, policy makers and development practitioners. Some NGOs have gone so far as to make a policy of avoiding Tuz and northern Diyala altogether due to the difficulty of local conditions and the ever-present potential for violence. This is a grave error. The DIBs cannot be resolved without engaging these two regions, as they are strategically important for commercial and political reasons, and any final deal on the status of the DIBs between Baghdad and Erbil will have to include them.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122899759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Due to their power and capacity within the political system of the political elites have taken up a privileged position among the other various elites. Yet the first-ever threat to civil peace and coexistence in any society comes from the political system and the prevailing elites. In the post-2003 situation, the major changes in the Iraqi political system have come from the situation in which the one-party system was ended in favor of adopting a democratic system that is based on elections and a multi-party style that is reflected in the new political landscape of the country. Furthermore, the political elites are considered to be the main pillar of the Iraqi political system who have promoted the most important changes that strongly influenced the course of social and political, economic and social life in the country.
{"title":"The role of the political elite in aggravating civil peace in Iraq after 2003","authors":"فاروق عبدول, رشيد عمارة","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10024","url":null,"abstract":"Due to their power and capacity within the political system of the political elites have taken up a privileged position among the other various elites. Yet the first-ever threat to civil peace and coexistence in any society comes from the political system and the prevailing elites. In the post-2003 situation, the major changes in the Iraqi political system have come from the situation in which the one-party system was ended in favor of adopting a democratic system that is based on elections and a multi-party style that is reflected in the new political landscape of the country.\u0000Furthermore, the political elites are considered to be the main pillar of the Iraqi political system who have promoted the most important changes that strongly influenced the course of social and political, economic and social life in the country.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115341358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the great importance of the economic, administrative and political fundamentals of state-building, many countries, including Iraq, suffer from the weakness of the mentioned fundamentals. Hence, the research adopted the scientific methodology to analyze the subject by setting the conceptual and applied frameworks based on several hypothesis, including that the economic and administrative fundamentals have a significant role, even it determines the level of state –building and the levels of these fundamentals mentioned in Iraq are very weak, which made the level of state-building in Iraq very weak. This research reached several conclusions confirming the validity of the hypothesis among them is that there is a significant relationship between the above-mentioned fundamentals and state-building through international indicators for this field. The level of good governance in Iraq reached (8.9%) in 2017 and it is among the unstable countries and rank (3) globally in terms of instability and lack of peace as well as among the failed countries ranking (11) globally.
{"title":"The Economic, Administrative and Political Fundamentals of State-building: Iraq as a Case Study for the period (2013-2017)","authors":"","doi":"10.31271/10026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10026","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the great importance of the economic, administrative and political fundamentals of state-building, many countries, including Iraq, suffer from the weakness of the mentioned fundamentals. Hence, the research adopted the scientific methodology to analyze the subject by setting the conceptual and applied frameworks based on several hypothesis, including that the economic and administrative fundamentals have a significant role, even it determines the level of state –building and the levels of these fundamentals mentioned in Iraq are very weak, which made the level of state-building in Iraq very weak.\u0000This research reached several conclusions confirming the validity of the hypothesis among them is that there is a significant relationship between the above-mentioned fundamentals and state-building through international indicators for this field. The level of good governance in Iraq reached (8.9%) in 2017 and it is among the unstable countries and rank (3) globally in terms of instability and lack of peace as well as among the failed countries ranking (11) globally.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130059044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Assuming the importance of negotiation in political life, the political process, and the negotiating strategies and tactics in the framework of negotiations, this research, in addition to providing a theoretical summary of negotiating strategies and tactics, addresses the most prominent negotiation strategies and tactics employed by the two main parties in the Kurdistan region (the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union Kurdistan) in their negotiations on the formation of the Ninth Cabinet of the Kurdistan Regional Government. These negotiations were complicated, prolonged, and witnessed rounds and surprises. The parties used all their capabilities to implement strategic and, sometimes cooperative, approaches. However, the nature of the conflict was often about negotiating strategies and tactics and assisted by their (KDP and PUK) common historical connections and experience in negotiating with each other. On the other hand, the negotiations resulted from their need for joint action and their fear from becoming part of the opposition front. That was the consequence of their lack of mutual confidence and the fear of losing influence. All this led to not abiding by the timelines in the formation of the government and its formation delay, and consequently not caring for the democratic rules in this field.
{"title":"Negotiating strategies and tactics of the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan in the negotiations to form the ninth ministerial cabinet","authors":"دانا صالح, محمد عبد احمد","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10027","url":null,"abstract":"Assuming the importance of negotiation in political life, the political process, and the negotiating strategies and tactics in the framework of negotiations, this research, in addition to providing a theoretical summary of negotiating strategies and tactics, addresses the most prominent negotiation strategies and tactics employed by the two main parties in the Kurdistan region (the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union Kurdistan) in their negotiations on the formation of the Ninth Cabinet of the Kurdistan Regional Government. These negotiations were complicated, prolonged, and witnessed rounds and surprises. The parties used all their capabilities to implement strategic and, sometimes cooperative, approaches. However, the nature of the conflict was often about negotiating strategies and tactics and assisted by their (KDP and PUK) common historical connections and experience in negotiating with each other. On the other hand, the negotiations resulted from their need for joint action and their fear from becoming part of the opposition front. That was the consequence of their lack of mutual confidence and the fear of losing influence. All this led to not abiding by the timelines in the formation of the government and its formation delay, and consequently not caring for the democratic rules in this field.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129891440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this research we have tried to gain that truth which what are the impacts of good governance on the functions of political system, and what is the difference between the country who implement the characteristics of good governance and who are not, and then through this going to discover that which the political system how much influence by characteristics that show as indicator of good governance, when we are just Explanation, analysis of the Performance functions of political system, that consist of Extractive, Distributive and Redistributive, Regulation, and Symbolic function, and we have used the data and reports of international organization who are specialized in good governance filed as scientific mishear to selected the impact good governance characteristics on political system and then gain the target of our research.
{"title":"The impact of Good Governance on the Performance Functions of the Political System","authors":"پێشڕەو محمد امين, عابد رسول","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10028","url":null,"abstract":"In this research we have tried to gain that truth which what are the impacts of good governance on the functions of political system, and what is the difference between the country who implement the characteristics of good governance and who are not, and then through this going to discover that which the political system how much influence by characteristics that show as indicator of good governance, when we are just Explanation, analysis of the Performance functions of political system, that consist of Extractive, Distributive and Redistributive, Regulation, and Symbolic function, and we have used the data and reports of international organization who are specialized in good governance filed as scientific mishear to selected the impact good governance characteristics on political system and then gain the target of our research.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115435760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the present time, Oil has become the world’s most important source of energy. It is considered as one of the most important economic sources of energy throughout the world. That is why, many regions that owned oil resources, always faced with External ambitions. Moreover, in some cases it is the result of the occupation and dividing their lands. Kurdistan is the best example as a case study. After finding the largest reserves of oil in Iraqi Kurdistan especially in Kirkuk province. It was motivated to divide Kurdistan among four countries by great power countries in contemporary history. Thus, Kirkuk oil has become main motive to carry out this scientific research by title of “The role of Kirkuk oil for the re-division of Kurdistan in contemporary history 1914-1972”. This research is divided into an introduction, two sections and conclusion. First section is dedicated to Kirkuk oil from 1914 to 1926. in this section was mentioned to find oil in Kirkuk and the role it to re division the region. Second section is dedicated to other stages from 1926 to 1972. In this stages, the process of using oil and not to use for citizens. Also, without accepting Kurdish people was divided by countries.
{"title":"The role of oil in the division of Kurdistan in contemporary history 1914-1972","authors":"پشكۆ عەبدولرەحمان","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10029","url":null,"abstract":"At the present time, Oil has become the world’s most important source of energy. It is considered as one of the most important economic sources of energy throughout the world. That is why, many regions that owned oil resources, always faced with External ambitions. Moreover, in some cases it is the result of the occupation and dividing their lands. Kurdistan is the best example as a case study.\u0000After finding the largest reserves of oil in Iraqi Kurdistan especially in Kirkuk province.\u0000It was motivated to divide Kurdistan among four countries by great power countries in contemporary history. Thus, Kirkuk oil has become main motive to carry out this scientific research by title of “The role of Kirkuk oil for the re-division of Kurdistan in contemporary history 1914-1972”.\u0000This research is divided into an introduction, two sections and conclusion. First section is dedicated to Kirkuk oil from 1914 to 1926. in this section was mentioned to find oil in Kirkuk and the role it to re division the region. Second section is dedicated to other stages from 1926 to 1972. In this stages, the process of using oil and not to use for citizens. Also, without accepting Kurdish people was divided by countries.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127893865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The researcher, in his study, has tried to present some significant questions: How much does (Awene) newspaper pay attention to the financial crisis in the Kurdistan Region during (1st of February 2016 to 30th of June 2016)? How pressure has (Awene) newspaper exerted on the Regional Government and institutions to solve the financial crisis? The objectives of this research are: To show the level of (Awene) newspaper interest in the financial crisis in Kurdistan Region through analyzing the contents of the newspaper in the specified period of the research (1st of February 2016 to 30th of June 2016). This research which is considered as a qualitative research based on (Grounded Theory) method, tried to present a suitable approach to the Kurdish press policy in dealing with the crisis. The research consists of there parts: First part: It is a research methodology. Second part: It is about theoretical background, the concept of the press policy and its effects during the financial crisis. Third part: It is about practical side and the analysis of (Awene) newspaper subjects during the financial crisis. Based on (Ground theory), a suitable approach for the Kurdish press on the financial crises is organized. Finally, conclusions, suggestions and recommendations of the study are presented.
{"title":"Kurdish press policy towards the crisis in the Kurdistan Region (Weekly Awene) as a model","authors":"كارزان ئەحمەد","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10021","url":null,"abstract":"The researcher, in his study, has tried to present some significant questions: How much does (Awene) newspaper pay attention to the financial crisis in the Kurdistan Region during (1st of February 2016 to 30th of June 2016)? How pressure has (Awene) newspaper exerted on the Regional Government and institutions to solve the financial crisis? The objectives of this research are: To show the level of (Awene) newspaper interest in the financial crisis in Kurdistan Region through analyzing the contents of the newspaper in the specified period of the research (1st of February 2016 to 30th of June 2016). This research which is considered as a qualitative research based on (Grounded Theory) method, tried to present a suitable approach to the Kurdish press policy in dealing with the crisis. The research consists of there parts: First part: It is a research methodology. Second part: It is about theoretical background, the concept of the press policy and its effects during the financial crisis. Third part: It is about practical side and the analysis of (Awene) newspaper subjects during the financial crisis. Based on (Ground theory), a suitable approach for the Kurdish press on the financial crises is organized. Finally, conclusions, suggestions and recommendations of the study are presented.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126855546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Signing Iran’s nuclear deal in 2015, was a hope to solve the problem of Iran’s nuclear program – a disputed issue between Iran and the west for more than a decade. After three years, this issue has again become a controversial subject between the United States (US) and other signatories of the deal as the result of the US president Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw from the deal unilaterally on 8 May 2018. This step was a beginning of tensions between the US and Iran and paved the way to renew economic sanctions on Iran – even the US placed the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) into foreign terrorist organizations list and deployed military forces in the Middle East as a preparation for a conflict. These events put Iran’s nuclear deal into uncertain future and brought a wide International and regional reaction against the Trump’s act. Following the US withdrawing from the deal, Iran maintained its obligation with the deal, but finally after a year decided to suspend some part of its commitment to the deal. This paper aims at studying the reasons behind the US decision to withdraw from Iran’s nuclear deal and examining the future of Iran’s nuclear deal, and finally proposing some scenarios to the future of US –Iranian relations.
{"title":"The US withdrawal from Iran's nuclear deal: reasons and consequences","authors":"بێستون عارف","doi":"10.31271/JOPSS.10019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/JOPSS.10019","url":null,"abstract":"Signing Iran’s nuclear deal in 2015, was a hope to solve the problem of Iran’s nuclear program – a disputed issue between Iran and the west for more than a decade. After three years, this issue has again become a controversial subject between the United States (US) and other signatories of the deal as the result of the US president Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw from the deal unilaterally on 8 May 2018. This step was a beginning of tensions between the US and Iran and paved the way to renew economic sanctions on Iran – even the US placed the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) into foreign terrorist organizations list and deployed military forces in the Middle East as a preparation for a conflict. These events put Iran’s nuclear deal into uncertain future and brought a wide International and regional reaction against the Trump’s act. Following the US withdrawing from the deal, Iran maintained its obligation with the deal, but finally after a year decided to suspend some part of its commitment to the deal. This paper aims at studying the reasons behind the US decision to withdraw from Iran’s nuclear deal and examining the future of Iran’s nuclear deal, and finally proposing some scenarios to the future of US –Iranian relations.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125069063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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