This research entitled (Freedom of Journalism in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region: A Study under the Laws in Force) deals with a legal knowledge topic related to the essence of the press and its freedom and its implications for the laws in force in the Iraqi Kurdistan region. It also identified (the limits of this freedom in the body of those laws) a problem for him. This research’s importance stems from the importance of the topic for which it has been identified as a structural axis, i.e., the press and its freedom, and its importance is due to several scientific, practical, and legal considerations related to the state, society and its individuals. The research aims to know the limits of journalism freedom in the Iraqi Kurdistan region regarding the laws related to journalism and their situation. This research is one of the (descriptive) research in which we try to discover the limits of press freedom in the Iraqi Kurdistan region, using the (case study) approach to reach accurate scientific results. Finally, the conclusions, which include the essential conclusions stemming from the researcher’s understanding of the content of the material analyzes and the legal provisions contained and the facts that have been realized, as well as the recommendations consistent with the procedures that ensure the correction and evaluation of the abnormal paths in this regard.
{"title":"Freedom of Journalism in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region: A Study under the Laws in Force","authors":"هيرش مراد","doi":"10.31271/10049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10049","url":null,"abstract":"This research entitled (Freedom of Journalism in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region: A Study under the Laws in Force) deals with a legal knowledge topic related to the essence of the press and its freedom and its implications for the laws in force in the Iraqi Kurdistan region. It also identified (the limits of this freedom in the body of those laws) a problem for him. This research’s importance stems from the importance of the topic for which it has been identified as a structural axis, i.e., the press and its freedom, and its importance is due to several scientific, practical, and legal considerations related to the state, society and its individuals. The research aims to know the limits of journalism freedom in the Iraqi Kurdistan region regarding the laws related to journalism and their situation. This research is one of the (descriptive) research in which we try to discover the limits of press freedom in the Iraqi Kurdistan region, using the (case study) approach to reach accurate scientific results. Finally, the conclusions, which include the essential conclusions stemming from the researcher’s understanding of the content of the material analyzes and the legal provisions contained and the facts that have been realized, as well as the recommendations consistent with the procedures that ensure the correction and evaluation of the abnormal paths in this regard.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"80 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124851129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Just war is a theory that contains moral and legal justifications, and governs the time and circumstances in which states are allowed to enter the war. Therefore, just war theory and the laws of war are reflecting to each other. The first has a long history of legitimizing war and its appearance possibly goes back to the Greek and Roman civilisation as the public interest was a reasoning for their wars. In the Middle-Ages, religious authority played a significant role in legitimizing the use of force by political authority. In the modern era, the nature of war and the principles of intervention have undergone changes, so that the implementation of that theory built and established the nation-state in the West. In contemporary times, Michael Walzer developed the theory so that individual rights became a central principle of just war. The main question of this study is whether war can be legitimized and reasonable or when intervention is legitimate? As well as how the forces are used? This study examines and explains the mentioned questions by presenting the roots and principles of that theory. Thus, it is assumed that a war is just when it is decided through the principles of a just war theory. This theory deals with the justification of how and why wars are fought. It can be concluded that Just war is a last resort and that its essential aim is always peace and Justice.
{"title":"تیۆرى جهنگى ڕەوا له سیاسەتی نێودهوڵهتیدا “لێکۆڵینەوەیەکی تیۆری","authors":"زانا کاکەامین, ئومێد فتاح","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10039","url":null,"abstract":"Just war is a theory that contains moral and legal justifications, and governs the time and circumstances in which states are allowed to enter the war. Therefore, just war theory and the laws of war are reflecting to each other. The first has a long history of legitimizing war and its appearance possibly goes back to the Greek and Roman civilisation as the public interest was a reasoning for their wars. In the Middle-Ages, religious authority played a significant role in legitimizing the use of force by political authority. In the modern era, the nature of war and the principles of intervention have undergone changes, so that the implementation of that theory built and established the nation-state in the West. In contemporary times, Michael Walzer developed the theory so that individual rights became a central principle of just war. The main question of this study is whether war can be legitimized and reasonable or when intervention is legitimate? As well as how the forces are used? This study examines and explains the mentioned questions by presenting the roots and principles of that theory. Thus, it is assumed that a war is just when it is decided through the principles of a just war theory. This theory deals with the justification of how and why wars are fought. It can be concluded that Just war is a last resort and that its essential aim is always peace and Justice.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125860478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Soviet increasing hegemony in Iraq after the second coup d’état of Baa’th party in 1968, pushed the Americans to interfere more in domestic politics in Iraq. As the Americans considered that as a threat against their interest. The US implemented some strategies in order to counter the Soviet threat such as; reducing and confronting the Soviet hegemony in Iraq, and weakening the Baa’th party authority in Iraq. For that reason, the Kurdish factor was used against the both sides in order to weaken their position. The research methodology of this paper is historical analyses. The content is consists of five chapters, the first chapter deals with the Baa’th coup d’état between the Soviet hegemony and US reaction, the second provided the foundation of Iraqi-Kurdish peace deal in the era of Soviet-US rivalry, while the third chapter focuses on the US foreign policy towards Iraqi-Soviet friendship agreement in April 9th of 1972, the fourth chapter is about the nationalization of Iraqi oil and the liberation front of Iraq in Soviet US conflict, and finally, chapter fife discusses the Soviet factor in the US backing the Kurdish revolution in 1972-1974, in conclusion the findings are explained.
{"title":"America’s position on Soviet influence in Iraq (1969-1974)","authors":"هاوار عبدالله, گۆران صالح","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10042","url":null,"abstract":"The Soviet increasing hegemony in Iraq after the second coup d’état of Baa’th party in 1968, pushed the Americans to interfere more in domestic politics in Iraq. As the Americans considered that as a threat against their interest. The US implemented some strategies in order to counter the Soviet threat such as; reducing and confronting the Soviet hegemony in Iraq, and weakening the Baa’th party authority in Iraq. For that reason, the Kurdish factor was used against the both sides in order to weaken their position. The research methodology of this paper is historical analyses. The content is consists of five chapters, the first chapter deals with the Baa’th coup d’état between the Soviet hegemony and US reaction, the second provided the foundation of Iraqi-Kurdish peace deal in the era of Soviet-US rivalry, while the third chapter focuses on the US foreign policy towards Iraqi-Soviet friendship agreement in April 9th of 1972, the fourth chapter is about the nationalization of Iraqi oil and the liberation front of Iraq in Soviet US conflict, and finally, chapter fife discusses the Soviet factor in the US backing the Kurdish revolution in 1972-1974, in conclusion the findings are explained.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131584133","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the long relationship between Russia and Kurds, there relations have not crossed the tactical and short-term lines. The key question in this study is to examine the bases of Russia and KRG relations, through asking what Russia-KRG relations are based on? This study has concluded that Russia-KRG relations have always been linked with other issues. The Kurdish question has always been used as a political pressure card against Russia’s rivals in the region for special reasons. Although, the economic factor has been added to Russia-Kurdish relations after 2003, especially energy deals, in fact their relations have not crocs its tactical and realistic boundaries. The history of Russia-Kurdish relations tells us that Mosco has never stayed with Kurdish demands till the end. Furthermore, this study has found that two main drivers influenced the Russia-Kurdish relations. The first factor is Turkey factor, in which Russia had always considered it in its relation with the Kurds. Second, is an energy factor which is a new factor and only emerged after 2003 through Russian oil and natural gas companies working in KRG. It is true that keeping relations with Russia is important for KRG, however over-reliance on these relations is not riskless.
{"title":"The Foundation of Russia-KRG Relations","authors":"زوبیر ئەحمەد","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10041","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the long relationship between Russia and Kurds, there relations have not crossed the tactical and short-term lines. The key question in this study is to examine the bases of Russia and KRG relations, through asking what Russia-KRG relations are based on? This study has concluded that Russia-KRG relations have always been linked with other issues. The Kurdish question has always been used as a political pressure card against Russia’s rivals in the region for special reasons. Although, the economic factor has been added to Russia-Kurdish relations after 2003, especially energy deals, in fact their relations have not crocs its tactical and realistic boundaries. The history of Russia-Kurdish relations tells us that Mosco has never stayed with Kurdish demands till the end. Furthermore, this study has found that two main drivers influenced the Russia-Kurdish relations. The first factor is Turkey factor, in which Russia had always considered it in its relation with the Kurds. Second, is an energy factor which is a new factor and only emerged after 2003 through Russian oil and natural gas companies working in KRG. It is true that keeping relations with Russia is important for KRG, however over-reliance on these relations is not riskless.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125138516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Neorealism Theory and Terrorist Groups: A Study of Descriptive and Explanatory Capacity of Theory and its criticism","authors":"باخان نجم الدين, انور محمد","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10031","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124417206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research is entitled ( the effects of misinformation of electronic media on social security in kurdistan region- the outbreak of (COVID_19) as an example. It is a qualitative research based on Grounded theory attempts to discuss the effects of misinformation that is spread through the formal electronic media in the time of CORONA VIRUS in Kurdistan Region. The first part of the research is about Methodology, the second part is on the effects of electronic misinformation in six different aspects of social security which are ( individuals, social state, politcal, ethics and treatment, economical and financial and the enviornment). Examples are taken from electronic websites such as ( Rudaw, xandan, and NRT)during (1st of febeuary till 30th of April). In the practical part, based on Grounded theory and interviewing 10 individuals relevant to this case, a suital model to deal with CORONA VIRUS is presented. the results and recommendations of the research are presented in bullet points to the academics and officials in order to resolve the main problem of the resesrch.
{"title":"The Impact of Electronic Media Rumors on the Community Security of the Kurdistan Region: a pandemic (COVID-19) as a model","authors":"كارزان ئەحمەد","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10034","url":null,"abstract":"This research is entitled ( the effects of misinformation of electronic media on social security in kurdistan region- the outbreak of (COVID_19) as an example. It is a qualitative research based on Grounded theory attempts to discuss the effects of misinformation that is spread through the formal electronic media in the time of CORONA VIRUS in Kurdistan Region. The first part of the research is about Methodology, the second part is on the effects of electronic misinformation in six different aspects of social security which are ( individuals, social state, politcal, ethics and treatment, economical and financial and the enviornment). Examples are taken from electronic websites such as ( Rudaw, xandan, and NRT)during (1st of febeuary till 30th of April). In the practical part, based on Grounded theory and interviewing 10 individuals relevant to this case, a suital model to deal with CORONA VIRUS is presented. the results and recommendations of the research are presented in bullet points to the academics and officials in order to resolve the main problem of the resesrch.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123637262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Elections for the fifth round of Kurdistan Parliament were held in 2018. Relying on information (election results and MPs’ backgrounds) published by the Independent High Elections and Referendum Commission (IHERC) in the Kurdistan Region, electoral results have created inequality among Kurdistan Region’s governorates in terms of obtaining parliamentary seats when the number of valid voters is considered. The question to be tackled in this article is how to minimize this injustice to its minimum. In its search for an answer to this question, this article needs to excavate some issues. In the beginning, the researcher will briefly present the current electoral system in force in the Kurdistan Region. Then, and by relying on the information published by the IHERC in the Kurdistan Region, the researcher tries to explore what led to the presence of the injustice in the governorates’ share of parliamentary seats. Hence, as part of a solution to this problem, an electoral system (the non-proportional system, majority or plurality) is presented that can reduce the injustice to a large extent. Despite this, each electoral system, although appropriate in a context, may have its own shortcomings and thus a solution is needed. Thus, the last part of the research is devoted to the problems caused by the adoption of a non-proportional electoral system and the ways they can be solved.
{"title":"The Parliamentary Elections of 2018 in Kurdistan Region: unfairness in representation and its solution","authors":"جلال مصطفی","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10036","url":null,"abstract":"Elections for the fifth round of Kurdistan Parliament were held in 2018. Relying on information (election results and MPs’ backgrounds) published by the Independent High Elections and Referendum Commission (IHERC) in the Kurdistan Region, electoral results have created inequality among Kurdistan Region’s governorates in terms of obtaining parliamentary seats when the number of valid voters is considered. The question to be tackled in this article is how to minimize this injustice to its minimum. In its search for an answer to this question, this article needs to excavate some issues. In the beginning, the researcher will briefly present the current electoral system in force in the Kurdistan Region. Then, and by relying on the information published by the IHERC in the Kurdistan Region, the researcher tries to explore what led to the presence of the injustice in the governorates’ share of parliamentary seats. Hence, as part of a solution to this problem, an electoral system (the non-proportional system, majority or plurality) is presented that can reduce the injustice to a large extent. Despite this, each electoral system, although appropriate in a context, may have its own shortcomings and thus a solution is needed. Thus, the last part of the research is devoted to the problems caused by the adoption of a non-proportional electoral system and the ways they can be solved.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"137 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115298922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The importance of this research, lies in the fact that Iraq is passing through a difficult stage in it’s constitutional and legal history, because the constitution and many legislations in it today are semi-defective, but many of the provisions of the constitution and the texts of laws have become ink on paper because of the lack of commitment of rulers and the authorities today in Iraq to its texts and clauses, so we divided this research into Two basic chapters, the first of which was devoted to dealing with what is constitutional obstruction and the legitimate constitutional disruption to the formation of regions in Iraq, while in the second chapter of the research we touched on the illegal constitutional disruption of the formation of regions in Iraq, And then we ended the research with the conclusion of our presentation of the most important results that were reached, in addition to the recommendations that we saw the necessity to be take.
{"title":"The Constitutional Disruption to the Formation of Regions in Iraq during (2005-2015) “An Analytical Study”","authors":"هلال حسن, نيكولا نامق","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10032","url":null,"abstract":"The importance of this research, lies in the fact that Iraq is passing through a difficult stage in it’s constitutional and legal history, because the constitution and many legislations in it today are semi-defective, but many of the provisions of the constitution and the texts of laws have become ink on paper because of the lack of commitment of rulers and the authorities today in Iraq to its texts and clauses, so we divided this research into Two basic chapters, the first of which was devoted to dealing with what is constitutional obstruction and the legitimate constitutional disruption to the formation of regions in Iraq, while in the second chapter of the research we touched on the illegal constitutional disruption of the formation of regions in Iraq, And then we ended the research with the conclusion of our presentation of the most important results that were reached, in addition to the recommendations that we saw the necessity to be take.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114411147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main objective of this research is to explore the effects of the COVID_19 pandemic on the level of production, advertising and income of Kurdish TV channels, especially during the global spread of this epidemic and the internal decisions and measures to prevent roaming in the Kurdistan region of Iraq from March 14th to May 01st 2020. To reach this goal, the research relies on gathering the information necessary to conduct descriptive research methods (the questionnaire and the interview). In this context, the opinion poll and the questionnaire were used with 98 media workers and journalists, an interview with four advertising companies and three Kurdish satellite and local channels as a model for the research community. According to the research results, COVID_19 and the results of maintaining and protecting the pandamic in the curfew period, there is a direct impact on the relationship between the citizen movement and the market movement in the Kurdistan region, and its impact on journalists more than Kurdish channels and advertising production companies. It also had a negative impact on the level of production of video projects for companies, such as (Suli Media, Ed Media, Unique Engine, and Start Center). At the same time, with other sources of revenue through ownership and financial support by political parties and their companies, with different proportions and levels; its effects on advertising revenue for satellite channels; such as (NRT and Payam) less than local channels like (Falcon TVs). Contrary to the prevailing attitudes of most media workers and journalists from various media channels who have “agreed” that the negative effects of the COVID_19 pandamic and its consequences will become a threat to the survival and continuity of the Kurdish media outlets.
{"title":"The effects of COVID-19 on advertising production and revenue reducing; Kurdish televisions during curfew of Iraqi Kurdistan Region","authors":"شوان ەیڤەس, نەزاكەت سەعید, هەرێم غەفور","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10035","url":null,"abstract":"The main objective of this research is to explore the effects of the COVID_19 pandemic on the level of production, advertising and income of Kurdish TV channels, especially during the global spread of this epidemic and the internal decisions and measures to prevent roaming in the Kurdistan region of Iraq from March 14th to May 01st 2020. To reach this goal, the research relies on gathering the information necessary to conduct descriptive research methods (the questionnaire and the interview). In this context, the opinion poll and the questionnaire were used with 98 media workers and journalists, an interview with four advertising companies and three Kurdish satellite and local channels as a model for the research community. According to the research results, COVID_19 and the results of maintaining and protecting the pandamic in the curfew period, there is a direct impact on the relationship between the citizen movement and the market movement in the Kurdistan region, and its impact on journalists more than Kurdish channels and advertising production companies. It also had a negative impact on the level of production of video projects for companies, such as (Suli Media, Ed Media, Unique Engine, and Start Center). At the same time, with other sources of revenue through ownership and financial support by political parties and their companies, with different proportions and levels; its effects on advertising revenue for satellite channels; such as (NRT and Payam) less than local channels like (Falcon TVs). Contrary to the prevailing attitudes of most media workers and journalists from various media channels who have “agreed” that the negative effects of the COVID_19 pandamic and its consequences will become a threat to the survival and continuity of the Kurdish media outlets.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128107478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study looked on social media usage by the internet users in the Kurdistan region pf Iraq during Coronavirus pandemic (Covid 19), which became a global crisis for several months. This study examines the perception of people about the health awareness campaign, which started during the quarantine in the region from March14 to April 10, 2020. The study adopted a survey method through an online questionnaire using ‘google forms’ (N= 524) with responses from adults aged 18 and over. The research found that the majority of the respondents trust the preventive instructions regarding the disease and these instructions affected them to alter their daily health behavior, however, a small percentage of them believe that the government is completely capable to face the crisis. The findings also revealed that social media platforms’ users were not engaged in the campaign actively since only a small minority of them have contributed in “liking, posting, and sharing relevant information on these platforms.
{"title":"The Social Media Usage by Citizens of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region During Coronavirus pandemic (Covid-19)","authors":"كاروان قادر, هيرش موراد, احمد بلي","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10033","url":null,"abstract":"This study looked on social media usage by the internet users in the Kurdistan region pf Iraq during Coronavirus pandemic (Covid 19), which became a global crisis for several months. This study examines the perception of people about the health awareness campaign, which started during the quarantine in the region from March14 to April 10, 2020. The study adopted a survey method through an online questionnaire using ‘google forms’ (N= 524) with responses from adults aged 18 and over. The research found that the majority of the respondents trust the preventive instructions regarding the disease and these instructions affected them to alter their daily health behavior, however, a small percentage of them believe that the government is completely capable to face the crisis. The findings also revealed that social media platforms’ users were not engaged in the campaign actively since only a small minority of them have contributed in “liking, posting, and sharing relevant information on these platforms.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"123 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123175801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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