After eight years of a moderate cabinet, the Iran government has come under the control of the conservatives in its five decades rule. In a complicated process of filtering the candidates and in the 2021 election, Ibrahim Raisi became the new Iranian president. When Raisi takes charge, Iran is going through a plethora of regional and international challenges and unresolved issues. Handling any of those issues will not just have internal but also regional implications for the whole region too. This research aims to provide answers for the questions: who are the main figures in Raisi’s cabinet and what are the local and international challenges awaiting this cabinet along with the possible scenarios? The method used in the research is descriptive analysis; it has used electronic references, Raisi’s agenda speech, analyses and briefings. It also analyses the discourse of decision-makers who are related to the research.
{"title":"Iran during Ibrahim Raisi’s administration: the cabinet structure and the challenges","authors":"هەردى میکە, ئەژی ئەبوبەکر","doi":"10.31271/10055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10055","url":null,"abstract":"After eight years of a moderate cabinet, the Iran government has come under the control of the conservatives in its five decades rule. In a complicated process of filtering the candidates and in the 2021 election, Ibrahim Raisi became the new Iranian president. When Raisi takes charge, Iran is going through a plethora of regional and international challenges and unresolved issues. Handling any of those issues will not just have internal but also regional implications for the whole region too. This research aims to provide answers for the questions: who are the main figures in Raisi’s cabinet and what are the local and international challenges awaiting this cabinet along with the possible scenarios? The method used in the research is descriptive analysis; it has used electronic references, Raisi’s agenda speech, analyses and briefings. It also analyses the discourse of decision-makers who are related to the research.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117003417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In contemporary societies, security is no longer a narrow and one-dimensional concept, it has become a broad subject that can be tolerated in many dimensions and aspects, with an impact on different areas and sectors, at the same time, there are a range of factors that change the structure and components of this security and its continuity. Especially national security, which occupies a wide area influenced by many different issues and variables, especially if we look at it from an institutional perspective and examine it. In this sense, social security is a prominent dimension of national security, due to many influential factors, the most prominent of which are those institutions that have a permanent presence and take care of the course of community action. In this theoretical study, we tried to link one of the most important institutions in modern societies to the different dimensions of national security, and social security in particular, which relates to private affairs and good governance. In that study, by talking about university institutions and their supporting role for national security, including social security, and then linking the university as an important institution within society to social security, the theoretical framework was studied to link that relationship and find its effects. As a result, we have come to the conclusion that universities, through their basic functions, either directly or indirectly, will have a positive impact on the provision of social security in society.
{"title":"The role of university institutions in establishing national security (Social security as a case)","authors":"هۆگر حهكیم","doi":"10.31271/10054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10054","url":null,"abstract":"In contemporary societies, security is no longer a narrow and one-dimensional concept, it has become a broad subject that can be tolerated in many dimensions and aspects, with an impact on different areas and sectors, at the same time, there are a range of factors that change the structure and components of this security and its continuity. Especially national security, which occupies a wide area influenced by many different issues and variables, especially if we look at it from an institutional perspective and examine it. In this sense, social security is a prominent dimension of national security, due to many influential factors, the most prominent of which are those institutions that have a permanent presence and take care of the course of community action. In this theoretical study, we tried to link one of the most important institutions in modern societies to the different dimensions of national security, and social security in particular, which relates to private affairs and good governance. In that study, by talking about university institutions and their supporting role for national security, including social security, and then linking the university as an important institution within society to social security, the theoretical framework was studied to link that relationship and find its effects. As a result, we have come to the conclusion that universities, through their basic functions, either directly or indirectly, will have a positive impact on the provision of social security in society.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125349978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The structure of political opportunity is often defined as those dimensions of the political climate that provide the incentives for the victory of protests about political power and its societal policies, which generates pressure on the political elite and forces it to openness and transition to the democracy. The theory of the structure of political opportunity appeared in the seventies of the last century, and the theory focused on: that the structure of political opportunity depends on certain variables in order to create a societal transformation at the level of politics, culture and economy, such as: the opening of political entrances to reach participation at the legislative and executive level, instability of the arrangement the political, influential alliances about political power and the authority itself with some of the forces that see it revolving in its orbit, the emergence of divisions among the ruling political elite. There were positive influences in the structure of political opportunity in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in the period 2003-2013 in the field, such as: time, awareness, welfare, openness, weakness of party affiliation, the rise of social movements and civil society organizations, the revolutionary elite, media and political communication available to all, Supporting national and international equations, change in the political map. However, until now, it faces the political opportunity structure for many internal and external challenges at all levels, and among these challenges are: the party-dominated formation of society, limiting transformations in partisan convergence, flexible repression and in the name of democracy, the monopoly of power, the response of power to the demands of citizens, the absence of the constitution, and the external interventions.
{"title":"The Structure of the Political Opportunity in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq – a study of the popular protests during 2003-2013","authors":"سردار محى الدين, فرهاد مصطفى","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10051","url":null,"abstract":"The structure of political opportunity is often defined as those dimensions of the political climate that provide the incentives for the victory of protests about political power and its societal policies, which generates pressure on the political elite and forces it to openness and transition to the democracy. The theory of the structure of political opportunity appeared in the seventies of the last century, and the theory focused on: that the structure of political opportunity depends on certain variables in order to create a societal transformation at the level of politics, culture and economy, such as: the opening of political entrances to reach participation at the legislative and executive level, instability of the arrangement the political, influential alliances about political power and the authority itself with some of the forces that see it revolving in its orbit, the emergence of divisions among the ruling political elite. There were positive influences in the structure of political opportunity in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in the period 2003-2013 in the field, such as: time, awareness, welfare, openness, weakness of party affiliation, the rise of social movements and civil society organizations, the revolutionary elite, media and political communication available to all, Supporting national and international equations, change in the political map. However, until now, it faces the political opportunity structure for many internal and external challenges at all levels, and among these challenges are: the party-dominated formation of society, limiting transformations in partisan convergence, flexible repression and in the name of democracy, the monopoly of power, the response of power to the demands of citizens, the absence of the constitution, and the external interventions.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129654547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Civil society carries different and multifaceted meanings and also changes according to historical progress and different philosophical views, the political meaning of the concept is the political development of societies and institutions and relations. Opinions are varying on the meaning of different civil society; the liberal mind emphasizes freedom and individuality in the development of civil society for the sake of individual well-being. But as the worldview of the liberal mind changes according to the differences in the direction of liberalism, conservative liberal intellectual thinkers believe in civil development of communities towards welfare by the condition of preserving civil values and norms, Liberal thinkers, who are governors of how and how to preserve those values and norms, are also different. (Edmund Burke) believes in the preservation of the natural aristocracy, (Alexis de Tocqueville) sees individualism as the basis of democracy in the spirit of the growth of civil society, and (Michael Oakeshott) believes that active liberal individual on the basis of adherence to behavior for the sake of harmony between law and behavior, shortening of the law interference, and daily individual activities can be the main factors of civil society which forgiveness and social harmony have been guaranteed.
{"title":"The thought of (Edmund Burke, Alexis de Tocqueville and Michael Oakeshott) as a model – an analytical comparative study","authors":"جبار احمد","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10056","url":null,"abstract":"Civil society carries different and multifaceted meanings and also changes according to historical progress and different philosophical views, the political meaning of the concept is the political development of societies and institutions and relations. Opinions are varying on the meaning of different civil society; the liberal mind emphasizes freedom and individuality in the development of civil society for the sake of individual well-being. But as the worldview of the liberal mind changes according to the differences in the direction of liberalism, conservative liberal intellectual thinkers believe in civil development of communities towards welfare by the condition of preserving civil values and norms, Liberal thinkers, who are governors of how and how to preserve those values and norms, are also different. (Edmund Burke) believes in the preservation of the natural aristocracy, (Alexis de Tocqueville) sees individualism as the basis of democracy in the spirit of the growth of civil society, and (Michael Oakeshott) believes that active liberal individual on the basis of adherence to behavior for the sake of harmony between law and behavior, shortening of the law interference, and daily individual activities can be the main factors of civil society which forgiveness and social harmony have been guaranteed.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134080327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The geographical review of those areas needs academic and scientific research. The national and geographical identity of the cutoff areas Kurdistan regions was an obscure issue in the relations between the Kurds and the Iraqi government in the stages of history. In fact, the region in terms of national and geographical identity faced many crises, and the efforts and attempts to distort the national, ethnic and geographical identity of that region were many and varied, including: ethnic cleansing, displacement and Arabization, and with all that they also tried from a cultural, linguistic and ideological perspective to obliterate the historical reality of that region and its Kurdistan. Therefore, in this research, I refer to the history of these areas in terms of the national identity of those areas, with a precise indication of the geographical borders of Southern Kurdistan, and a definition of the national, ethnic and religious minorities in it. The research consists of six axes: In it, the Kurdish regions located in the areas of Mosul, Kirkuk, Diyala and Wasit were precisely identified and defined. We also referred to scientific sources and academic research, and mentioned writers and travelers interested in Kurdish studies, official documents related to the region, and documents that confirm the truth and entitlement of nationalism, geography and national identity. and geography of that region. All of this is analyzed in this research.
{"title":"The National and Geographical Identity of the Cut-Off Areas from Kurdistan Region of Iraq","authors":"پشکۆ عبدالرحمن, ماجید فەتاح","doi":"10.31271/10052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10052","url":null,"abstract":"The geographical review of those areas needs academic and scientific research. The national and geographical identity of the cutoff areas Kurdistan regions was an obscure issue in the relations between the Kurds and the Iraqi government in the stages of history. In fact, the region in terms of national and geographical identity faced many crises, and the efforts and attempts to distort the national, ethnic and geographical identity of that region were many and varied, including: ethnic cleansing, displacement and Arabization, and with all that they also tried from a cultural, linguistic and ideological perspective to obliterate the historical reality of that region and its Kurdistan. Therefore, in this research, I refer to the history of these areas in terms of the national identity of those areas, with a precise indication of the geographical borders of Southern Kurdistan, and a definition of the national, ethnic and religious minorities in it. The research consists of six axes: In it, the Kurdish regions located in the areas of Mosul, Kirkuk, Diyala and Wasit were precisely identified and defined. We also referred to scientific sources and academic research, and mentioned writers and travelers interested in Kurdish studies, official documents related to the region, and documents that confirm the truth and entitlement of nationalism, geography and national identity. and geography of that region. All of this is analyzed in this research.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127728985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The concept of criticism and critical philosophy takes up a significant position in Western political thought, particularly after the emergence of the rational trend connected with the Age of Enlightenment and its principles of emancipation and progress. Also, it has become the spirit of civilization, the essential stimulus of creativity, and an effective manifestation of the awakening of individual and social consciousness, aimed at realizing the world, and altering it through the uncovering of human beings potentiality of strength and weakness, and the challenge of all that shackles one’s freedom and impedes one’s development and progress. Given that, enlightenment is a cultural trend that has disseminated in Europe and made the mind the sole source of knowledge. Thus, the German Illuminati strove for the success of reason and defended the legitimacy of scientific criticism by calling for social equality of individuals before reasons. The German Enlightenment went through several stages, beginning with Leibniz, Wolfe Welsung, up to Kant, being the founder of critical philosophy.
{"title":"The Age of Enlightenment and the establishment of critical trends in German political thought","authors":"م.م ياسمين بديع أحمد, إحسان النائب","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10045","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of criticism and critical philosophy takes up a significant position in Western political thought, particularly after the emergence of the rational trend connected with the Age of Enlightenment and its principles of emancipation and progress. Also, it has become the spirit of civilization, the essential stimulus of creativity, and an effective manifestation of the awakening of individual and social consciousness, aimed at realizing the world, and altering it through the uncovering of human beings potentiality of strength and weakness, and the challenge of all that shackles one’s freedom and impedes one’s development and progress. Given that, enlightenment is a cultural trend that has disseminated in Europe and made the mind the sole source of knowledge. Thus, the German Illuminati strove for the success of reason and defended the legitimacy of scientific criticism by calling for social equality of individuals before reasons. The German Enlightenment went through several stages, beginning with Leibniz, Wolfe Welsung, up to Kant, being the founder of critical philosophy.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"101 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133333079","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main idea behind writing this research is Britain’s increased interest in the area which was because of having East India Company that had caused Iran to impose its policy in the surrounding area, on top of all Iran, especially after finding oil in the area increasing Iran’s value. Also, the aftermath of October’s 1917 revolution and the spread of communism in the area and Iran caused Britain to attempt to strengthen a stronger Iran in order to make it a barrier against Soviet and keep its interests safe. Therefore, they thought about enthroning someone who could both stand against Soviet and keep their interests, and that person was Raza khan. To analyze the data, the research has taken advantage of both analysis and history methods. It comprises four chapters. The first chapter deals with the beginnings of Britain’s entrance into Iran up until World War I. The second chapter discusses Britain’s politics from 1918 to 1920. The second chapter deals with the influence and role of Britain in Iran. The fourth chapter talks about the 1921 coup d’état and the reactions to the coup d’état.
{"title":"Britains’ Political And Strategic Influence in Iran","authors":"ئاشنا محەمەد","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10050","url":null,"abstract":"The main idea behind writing this research is Britain’s increased interest in the area which was because of having East India Company that had caused Iran to impose its policy in the surrounding area, on top of all Iran, especially after finding oil in the area increasing Iran’s value. Also, the aftermath of October’s 1917 revolution and the spread of communism in the area and Iran caused Britain to attempt to strengthen a stronger Iran in order to make it a barrier against Soviet and keep its interests safe. Therefore, they thought about enthroning someone who could both stand against Soviet and keep their interests, and that person was Raza khan. To analyze the data, the research has taken advantage of both analysis and history methods. It comprises four chapters. The first chapter deals with the beginnings of Britain’s entrance into Iran up until World War I. The second chapter discusses Britain’s politics from 1918 to 1920. The second chapter deals with the influence and role of Britain in Iran. The fourth chapter talks about the 1921 coup d’état and the reactions to the coup d’état.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117011409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the existence of international and regional instruments, and national legislation, devoted to organizing and protecting freedom of opinion and expression, they witness many violations and restrictions on their practice. This is after internal developments in many countries revealed the deterioration of political, economic, social and cultural conditions, which constitutes a major topic for studies in both international human rights law and national law, in order to address these violations and set rules and controls that guarantee the preservation of freedom of opinion and expression within its legitimate framework, without exceeding it to harm others or society. Iraq constitutes a prominent case for study in this regard, with regard to the protection of freedom of opinion and expression in Iraq since the establishment of the Iraqi state until today, as the paradigm shift that the Iraqi political system has witnessed since 2003 has contributed to the consecration of many rights and freedoms, including freedom of opinion and expression, which is the starting point for the rest of the freedoms and one of the mainstays of building an edifice Democracy. For the purpose of studying this topic, it has been distributed on two axes: The first axis deals with the concept of freedom of opinion and expression and its protection at the international and regional levels. The second axis is devoted to freedom of opinion and expression in Iraqi legislation.
{"title":"The Legal Framework for Protecting Freedom of Opinion and Expression (The Case of Iraq as a Model)","authors":"محمد أمين الميداني, هەلاله محمدأمين","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10048","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the existence of international and regional instruments, and national legislation, devoted to organizing and protecting freedom of opinion and expression, they witness many violations and restrictions on their practice. This is after internal developments in many countries revealed the deterioration of political, economic, social and cultural conditions, which constitutes a major topic for studies in both international human rights law and national law, in order to address these violations and set rules and controls that guarantee the preservation of freedom of opinion and expression within its legitimate framework, without exceeding it to harm others or society. Iraq constitutes a prominent case for study in this regard, with regard to the protection of freedom of opinion and expression in Iraq since the establishment of the Iraqi state until today, as the paradigm shift that the Iraqi political system has witnessed since 2003 has contributed to the consecration of many rights and freedoms, including freedom of opinion and expression, which is the starting point for the rest of the freedoms and one of the mainstays of building an edifice Democracy. For the purpose of studying this topic, it has been distributed on two axes: The first axis deals with the concept of freedom of opinion and expression and its protection at the international and regional levels. The second axis is devoted to freedom of opinion and expression in Iraqi legislation.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"221 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116417484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After a long debate and a wide political debate about the proposed draft Iraqi Parliament elections law for the year 2020 AD, submitted by the President of the Republic, and under the pressure of the demonstrators in the sit-in squares, the parliament approved it and Iraq turned into multiple constituencies, and thus the electoral system was changed in effect through the division of Iraq Singles into small circles. Among the most important changes that this law brought about is Article 15 and 16. It considered that the number of electoral districts in each governorate should be equal to the number of seats allocated to women in those governorates, and the nomination is individual within the electoral district, which is what the Kurdish political forces objected to, and the reason for that is that this change will effect On the seats for representing the Kurdish nationalism in the regions, Article 140 of the constitution or the so-called disputed areas that were and are still the subject of political and administrative debate between the Kurdistan Region and the central government, and we see this article is the steel of the electoral system on the basis of which each seat will be considered a quota of one electoral district in the governorate And it has a direct impact in that area.. Therefore, this study deals with the most important influences of the new law for the House of Representatives elections in the disputed areas. Soon, these regions undergo continuous changes, so the study focuses on answering the basic question represented by the impact of the new law on organizing the electoral process for these regions. In order to reach this, the changes taking place and the factors affecting them for the study area were studied, the problems that occur in it and the and put the proposed solution to it.
{"title":"Impact of the Iraqi Council of Representatives Elections Act No. (9) of 2020 on the Representation of Disputed Areas (an Analytical Study)","authors":"دلشاد محمود, ياسين جوهر","doi":"10.31271/jopss.10047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10047","url":null,"abstract":"After a long debate and a wide political debate about the proposed draft Iraqi Parliament elections law for the year 2020 AD, submitted by the President of the Republic, and under the pressure of the demonstrators in the sit-in squares, the parliament approved it and Iraq turned into multiple constituencies, and thus the electoral system was changed in effect through the division of Iraq Singles into small circles. Among the most important changes that this law brought about is Article 15 and 16. It considered that the number of electoral districts in each governorate should be equal to the number of seats allocated to women in those governorates, and the nomination is individual within the electoral district, which is what the Kurdish political forces objected to, and the reason for that is that this change will effect On the seats for representing the Kurdish nationalism in the regions, Article 140 of the constitution or the so-called disputed areas that were and are still the subject of political and administrative debate between the Kurdistan Region and the central government, and we see this article is the steel of the electoral system on the basis of which each seat will be considered a quota of one electoral district in the governorate And it has a direct impact in that area.. Therefore, this study deals with the most important influences of the new law for the House of Representatives elections in the disputed areas. Soon, these regions undergo continuous changes, so the study focuses on answering the basic question represented by the impact of the new law on organizing the electoral process for these regions. In order to reach this, the changes taking place and the factors affecting them for the study area were studied, the problems that occur in it and the and put the proposed solution to it.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"106 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124934542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The issue of societal pluralism has become one of the controversial topics nowadays and the focus of many researchers, particularly since the last decade of the twentieth century. This study aims to clarify one of the dimensions of this topic, which is how societal pluralism affects the political system of countries distinguished by ethnic, national, linguistic, religious or sectarian diversity. Accordingly, the problem of this study revolves around a main question, which is: What is the impact of societal pluralism on the structures and functions of the political system? The study came to the conclusion that societal pluralism represents a major motive of many aspects of political, social, economic and cultural life in countries whose societies are characterized by ethnic, national, linguistic, religious or sectarian diversity, which casts a shadow on how the structures of the political system of those countries are formed and how it performs its functions, especially in developing countries or newly emerging ones, which may suffer as a result of their failure to manage this pluralism from conflicts, turmoil and civil wars that not only threaten the stability of the political system, but also the fate of some of those countries as well. Accordingly, the study was divided into an introduction and three sections: the first section deals with; a theoretical framework for the concepts of societal pluralism and the political system, while the second section deals with; how does societal pluralism affect the formation of the structures of the political system, while the third section deals with; how does societal pluralism affect the performance of the functions of the political system. The study ends with a conclusion that includes the most important conclusions we reached, with a list of the study’s sources.
{"title":"The Impact of Social Pluralism on the Structures and Functions of the Political System (An analytical study)","authors":"عابد رسول, سامان سمين","doi":"10.31271/10046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31271/10046","url":null,"abstract":"The issue of societal pluralism has become one of the controversial topics nowadays and the focus of many researchers, particularly since the last decade of the twentieth century. This study aims to clarify one of the dimensions of this topic, which is how societal pluralism affects the political system of countries distinguished by ethnic, national, linguistic, religious or sectarian diversity. Accordingly, the problem of this study revolves around a main question, which is: What is the impact of societal pluralism on the structures and functions of the political system? The study came to the conclusion that societal pluralism represents a major motive of many aspects of political, social, economic and cultural life in countries whose societies are characterized by ethnic, national, linguistic, religious or sectarian diversity, which casts a shadow on how the structures of the political system of those countries are formed and how it performs its functions, especially in developing countries or newly emerging ones, which may suffer as a result of their failure to manage this pluralism from conflicts, turmoil and civil wars that not only threaten the stability of the political system, but also the fate of some of those countries as well. Accordingly, the study was divided into an introduction and three sections: the first section deals with; a theoretical framework for the concepts of societal pluralism and the political system, while the second section deals with; how does societal pluralism affect the formation of the structures of the political system, while the third section deals with; how does societal pluralism affect the performance of the functions of the political system. The study ends with a conclusion that includes the most important conclusions we reached, with a list of the study’s sources.","PeriodicalId":201792,"journal":{"name":"Journal for Political and Security Studies","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128297858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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