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The quiet violence of colonialism and the uncertainty of illegibility: emotions and experiences of the deportable in Mandate Palestine 殖民主义的无声暴力和难以辨认的不确定性:托管巴勒斯坦中被驱逐者的情感和经历
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2044213
Lauren Banko
ABSTRACT Deportations of socio-economically marginal migrants are a form of quiet, non-brutal violence. This violence is not spectacular nor does it typically cause immediate injury or death. Building on histories of immigration and deportation, research on structural violence in colonial settings and critical studies of affect and emotion, this article considers how the deportation regime in the interwar Middle East and specifically in Palestine affected precarious migrants. During the interwar years in mandate Palestine, quiet colonial violence came to guide emotional and affective encounters between the British-run administration and the migrants it deemed illegible. Focusing on the condition of deportability, inscribed upon migrants who could not present identity documents or prove their legible existence in Palestine, this article foregrounds the framing of the colonial state as an object of emotional investment for these migrants. For refugees, the displaced, orphans, single women and labour migrants who were in Palestine without permission, deportability was an embodied and affectively charged condition of being. The article argues that existence in the colonial state was entirely contingent on being legible. Being illegible, then, was to be open to the quiet violence of colonialism. It considers how the archive presents the voices of deportable migrants and their often ordinary cross-border trajectories.
驱逐社会经济边缘移民是一种安静的、非野蛮的暴力形式。这种暴力并不引人注目,也通常不会立即造成伤害或死亡。基于移民和驱逐出境的历史,对殖民环境中结构性暴力的研究以及对情感和情感的批判性研究,本文考虑了两次世界大战之间中东,特别是巴勒斯坦的驱逐制度如何影响不稳定的移民。在两次世界大战之间的巴勒斯坦托管时期,安静的殖民暴力开始引导英国政府与它认为难以辨认的移民之间的情感和情感接触。这篇文章关注的是那些无法出示身份证件或证明自己在巴勒斯坦存在的移民被驱逐出境的情况,并将殖民国家的框架作为这些移民情感投资的对象。对于未经许可进入巴勒斯坦的难民、流离失所者、孤儿、单身妇女和劳工移徙者来说,驱逐出境是一种具体和实际的存在条件。这篇文章认为,殖民地国家的生存完全取决于字迹是否清晰。因此,难以辨认就意味着对殖民主义的无声暴力持开放态度。它考虑了档案如何呈现被驱逐移民的声音以及他们通常的跨境轨迹。
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引用次数: 1
Celebrities, Heroes and Champions: Popular politicians in the age of reform, 1810–67 名人、英雄与冠军:改革时代的大众政治家,1810-67
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2045746
M. Roberts
continually made the same point using slightly different language. Tighter editing would have addressed these issues. This is a decent book and is worth a read, but those approaching it should be aware that the central thesis so self-confidently presented in the author’s introduction sounds more exciting and interesting than the reality that has been delivered. Maladies of Empire will not transform understandings of the roots of modern epidemiology. It remains, nonetheless, an important, if incremental, step in the journey of broadening our contextual understanding of the topic. Downs presents a reminder, timely if not original, that historians will be well served to apply in other historical contexts, namely that it was the victims on ‘slave ships, plantations and battlefields’ (4) who too often unwittingly provided the data and experiences that underpinned the development of modern Western knowledge.
不断地用稍微不同的语言表达同样的观点。更严格的编辑可以解决这些问题。这是一本不错的书,值得一读,但那些接近它的人应该意识到,作者在引言中如此自信地提出的中心论点听起来比所传达的现实更令人兴奋和有趣。《帝国之病》不会改变对现代流行病学根源的理解。尽管如此,在扩大我们对这一主题的背景理解的过程中,它仍然是重要的一步,即使是渐进的一步。唐斯及时地提醒我们,即使不是原创的,历史学家也可以很好地应用于其他历史背景,即“奴隶船、种植园和战场”上的受害者(4)往往无意中提供了支撑现代西方知识发展的数据和经验。
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引用次数: 0
Dogopolis: How dogs and humans made modern New York, London, and Paris 狗都:狗和人类是如何造就现代纽约、伦敦和巴黎的
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2045752
Helen Cowie
Dogopolis eloquently reveals how interactions with dogs, and ideas about our canine cohabi-tors, are powerful – they have shaped cityscapes and feelings, legislation
《狗都》雄辩地揭示了与狗的互动,以及我们对狗的同居伴侣的看法是多么强大——它们塑造了城市景观、情感和立法
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引用次数: 1
The Story of Work: A new history of humankind 工作的故事:一部新的人类历史
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2045759
E. Loomis
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引用次数: 1
Kinship, conflict and transnational coordination: the Siemens family’s globalisation strategies in the nineteenth century 亲属关系、冲突与跨国协调:19世纪西门子家族的全球化战略
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2044206
Martin Lutz, D. Sabean
ABSTRACT This article analyses the dynamic and frequently conflictual dimension of establishing transnational coordination in the Siemens kin group during an age of nationalism and imperialism. Recent historiography has emphasised the role of kinship in nineteenth-century globalisation. Scholars point to the role of entrepreneurial families in establishing transnational networks as a means to expand their business beyond regional or national settings. However, this literature considers kinship a priori as a foundation of entrepreneurial success and does not take the constructed character of kin relations into account. Three brothers and their families are at the core of this study: Werner in Berlin, William in London and Carl in St Petersburg. The analysis shows how the vast transnational Siemens enterprise was built on distinctly modern notions of kinship, when the originally Berlin-based firm expanded into a complex transnational entity united by a shared identity of familial connection. In this process, notions of kin were constantly reassessed and renegotiated, centring around the question of how ‘German’ the Siemens family and their enterprises were perceived to be. We argue that the ability to mediate these conflicts was crucial to the persistence, expansion and intergenerational continuity of Siemens’s globalisation strategy, where family and business logics were deeply intertwined.
本文分析了在民族主义和帝国主义时代,西门子家族集团建立跨国协调的动态和频繁的冲突维度。近代史学强调了亲属关系在19世纪全球化中的作用。学者们指出,创业家族在建立跨国网络方面的作用,是将其业务扩展到地区或国家以外的一种手段。然而,这篇文献认为亲属关系是先天的,是创业成功的基础,并没有考虑到亲属关系的构建特征。三个兄弟和他们的家庭是这项研究的核心:维尔纳在柏林,威廉在伦敦,卡尔在圣彼得堡。分析显示了庞大的跨国西门子企业是如何建立在鲜明的现代亲属概念之上的,当最初总部位于柏林的公司扩展成一个复杂的跨国实体时,家族关系的共同身份将其团结在一起。在这个过程中,亲属的概念不断被重新评估和重新谈判,围绕着西门子家族和他们的企业在多大程度上被视为“德国”的问题。我们认为,调解这些冲突的能力对于西门子全球化战略的持续、扩展和代际连续性至关重要,在这种战略中,家族和企业逻辑深深交织在一起。
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引用次数: 0
State socialist women’s organizations within Yugoslav factories: a case study of local activism in the Duga Resa cotton mill 南斯拉夫工厂内的国家社会主义妇女组织:杜加雷萨棉纺厂当地激进主义的个案研究
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2009693
C. Bonfiglioli
ABSTRACT State socialist women’s organizations were particularly active in Yugoslav industrial towns with a significant female workforce, as in the case of the Croatian mill town of Duga Resa. By exploring the local activities of the Conference for the Social Activity of Women (KDAŽ), this article contributes to historiographical debates regarding state socialist women’s organizations and women’s agency as well as to the recent revival of interest in the social history of the post-Yugoslav region. An analysis of reflexive and representative archival sources, namely minutes of party and municipal meetings as well as official publications, shows that working women’s double burden was not silenced but was frequently discussed by socialist authorities, women’s organizations and female workers themselves. Through the Yugoslav politics of self-management, local KDAŽ activists often lobbied for better working and welfare rights, especially the provision of housing and childcare facilities for working mothers. While KDAŽ activists’ agency was shaped by dominant social norms, the possibilities for voicing open criticism in socialist Yugoslavia meant that a certain degree of bottom-up initiative was possible. The archives of municipal and socio-political organizations, therefore, are of fundamental importance in understanding working women’s position at the intersection of gender and labour history.
国家社会主义妇女组织在拥有大量女性劳动力的南斯拉夫工业城镇尤其活跃,例如克罗地亚的工业城镇杜加雷萨。通过探索妇女社会活动会议(KDAŽ)的当地活动,本文有助于关于国家社会主义妇女组织和妇女机构的史学辩论,以及最近对后南斯拉夫地区社会史的兴趣的复兴。对反映性和代表性的档案资料,即党和市政会议的记录以及官方出版物的分析表明,社会主义当局、妇女组织和女工本身并没有对劳动妇女的双重负担闭口不谈,而是经常加以讨论。通过南斯拉夫的自我管理政治,当地的KDAŽ积极分子经常游说争取更好的工作和福利权利,特别是为职业母亲提供住房和儿童保育设施。虽然KDAŽ活动人士的机构受到主流社会规范的影响,但在社会主义的南斯拉夫,公开表达批评的可能性意味着某种程度的自下而上的主动性是可能的。因此,市政和社会政治组织的档案对于了解职业妇女在性别和劳工历史交汇处的地位具有根本的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
We Are the Land: a history of Native California 我们是土地:加州原住民的历史
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2009698
Jeremiah Sladeck
and its favouring of free settlers; displacement and genocidal mass slaughter of the native population became the rule. Modern Australia as we know it began not in 1788, but in the third decade of the nineteenth century. Karskens describes many occasions when aborigines and settlers hunted, worked and lived together, native children were adopted, and aborigines worked for wages in kind on settlers’ farms. Until the 1820s, governors frequently pardoned (‘emancipated’) suitably qualified convicts and granted them land. But within three decades the rights of convicts had been reduced to those related to their condition as people in servitude. As Alan Atkinson put it, the status of convicts became more strictly defined than had been the case, first in the American colonies and then, after the American Revolution, in New South Wales and other Australian colonies (‘The free-born Englishman transported: convict rights as a measure of eighteenth-century empire’, Past and Present, 144, (1994) 88–115). Karskens’ learned, lucid book is an inspiring example of how history should be written.
以及对自由移民的支持;对当地居民的流离失所和种族灭绝式的大规模屠杀成为常态。我们所知道的现代澳大利亚不是在1788年开始的,而是在19世纪的第三个十年。卡斯肯斯描述了许多土著居民和定居者一起打猎、工作和生活的场景,土著儿童被收养,土著居民在定居者的农场里以实物工资工作。直到19世纪20年代,州长们经常赦免(“解放”)适当合格的罪犯,并授予他们土地。但在三十年之内,囚犯的权利已经减少到与他们作为奴隶的状况有关的权利。正如艾伦·阿特金森(Alan Atkinson)所说,囚犯的地位变得比以往更加严格,首先是在美国殖民地,然后,在美国独立战争之后,在新南威尔士和其他澳大利亚殖民地(“自由出生的英国人运送:囚犯权利作为18世纪帝国的衡量标准”,《过去与现在》,144,(1994)88-115)。卡斯肯斯这本学识渊博、思路清晰的书是一个鼓舞人心的例子,说明历史应该如何书写。
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引用次数: 7
‘Their proper place’: women, work and the marriage bar in independent Ireland, c. 1924–1973 “她们应有的地位”:大约1924-1973年,独立后的爱尔兰,妇女、工作和婚姻酒吧
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2009692
Deirdre J Foley
ABSTRACT Until 1973, women in the Irish civil service were legally required to retire from employment after marriage. Certain lower grades were female only, and pay grades were demarked by both marital status and gender. The marriage bar was also observed informally in teaching and in the private sector. For women who remained single, it was difficult and unusual to achieve promotion in most fields. This article explores the complex history of the civil service marriage bar in independent Ireland, and in relation to marriage bars in teaching and certain spheres of private employment. It argues that the Catholic social concept of a ‘family wage’ was central to the prevalence of the marriage bar in twentieth-century Ireland. A single-income household was seen as the ideal, with female workers often viewed by a patriarchal government and religious hierarchy as a threat to male breadwinners. While protest and opposition to the marriage bar was not always widespread, the ‘family wage’ model of employment, although idealized from Irish independence, did not fit with economic reality and the lived experience of many women. Finally, this article highlights female activism associated with the marriage bar, its eventual abrogation, and its problematic legacy for women in Ireland.
1973年以前,爱尔兰法律规定女性在结婚后必须退休。某些较低的等级仅限女性,工资等级由婚姻状况和性别来划分。在教学和私营部门也非正式地遵守婚姻禁令。对于保持单身的妇女来说,在大多数领域获得晋升是困难和不寻常的。本文探讨了独立后的爱尔兰公务员婚姻酒吧的复杂历史,以及与教学和某些私人就业领域的婚姻酒吧的关系。它认为,天主教的“家庭工资”的社会观念是20世纪爱尔兰婚姻酒吧盛行的核心。单一收入家庭被认为是理想的,女性工人通常被父权政府和宗教等级视为对男性养家糊口者的威胁。虽然对婚姻禁令的抗议和反对并不总是很普遍,但“家庭工资”的就业模式虽然是爱尔兰独立后理想化的,但并不符合经济现实和许多女性的生活经历。最后,这篇文章强调了与婚姻酒吧相关的女性激进主义,它的最终废除,以及它对爱尔兰妇女的问题遗产。
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引用次数: 5
Do shopkeepers have their own moral economy? Profiteering, unfair competition and the black market in Greece, 1916–1945 店主有自己的道德经济吗?1916-1945年,希腊的暴利、不公平竞争和黑市
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2009691
Nikos Potamianos
ABSTRACT Moral economy has been conceived by E.P. Thompson as being inextricably linked to popular reactions to the emergence of the free market and the government policies promoting it. How useful can the concept be in the study of social groups that form an organic part of the capitalist market and benefit from its expansion – while simultaneously being part of the popular classes? In focusing on the small shopkeeper, can we identify elements of moral economy in their views that are contrary to the logic of the market and the conventional wisdom of liberal political economy? This article offers a thorough examination of the case of Greek shopkeepers between 1916 and 1945. It presents their views regarding issues of profiteering and fair profit; unfair competition and licensed professions; and black markets and the relationship of shopkeepers to the community. The main conclusion is that a broader definition of moral economy than Thompson’s is needed in order to incorporate shopkeepers’ perceptions, freed from the obligatory reference to customary practice and tradition and the element of direct action of the crowd. Therefore, a novel distinction is proposed between a narrow and a broad definition of the moral economy.
汤普森认为,道德经济学与公众对自由市场的反应以及政府促进自由市场的政策有着密不可分的联系。这一概念在研究构成资本主义市场有机组成部分并从其扩张中受益的社会群体——同时又是大众阶级的一部分——时能有多大用处?在关注小店主时,我们能否在他们的观点中找出与市场逻辑和自由主义政治经济学的传统智慧相反的道德经济要素?这篇文章对1916年至1945年间希腊店主的案例进行了全面的考察。它提出了他们对暴利和公平利润问题的看法;不正当竞争和持牌行业;黑市和店主与社区的关系。主要结论是,需要一个比汤普森的更广泛的道德经济定义,以纳入店主的看法,摆脱对习惯做法和传统的强制性参考以及人群直接行动的因素。因此,在道德经济的狭义定义和广义定义之间提出了一种新颖的区分。
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引用次数: 0
Regulating Homosexuality in Soviet Russia, 1956–1991: a different history 1956-1991年苏联对同性恋的管制:一段不同的历史
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2009703
N. Mayhew
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引用次数: 0
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Social History
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