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Plague hospitals and poor relief in late medieval and early modern France 中世纪晚期和近代早期法国的瘟疫医院和穷人救济
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2112859
Neil Murphy
ABSTRACT Plague hospitals played a key role in the provision of poor relief in late medieval and early modern France. As the poor came to be identified as the principal carriers of plague, they were singled out for attention and special measures were imposed upon them – controls that were justified by the claim that they were being taken in the wider interests of public health. Yet plague hospitals were not just institutions for the confinement of the poor. Municipal councils developed these institutions as places where the poor could gain access to medical treatment and care. This article shows that plague hospitals played a formative role in the grand renfermement of the poor in seventeenth-century France. As places where the poor were confined and received care, it became natural for such hospitals to be used to house the poor outside of plague times. This article argues that municipal governments rather than the crown took the lead in the provision of welfare to the poor before the mid-seventeenth century, following which both the systems used to combat plague and wider poor relief schemes came increasingly under royal control.
在中世纪晚期和近代早期的法国,鼠疫医院在提供穷人救济方面发挥了关键作用。当穷人被认为是鼠疫的主要携带者时,他们被挑出来关注,并对他们施加特殊措施,这些控制被认为是为了更广泛的公共卫生利益而采取的。然而,鼠疫医院不仅仅是隔离穷人的机构。市政委员会发展了这些机构,作为穷人获得医疗和护理的场所。本文表明,鼠疫医院在17世纪法国穷人大解放中发挥了形成作用。作为穷人被限制和接受治疗的地方,在瘟疫时期之外,这些医院被用来安置穷人是很自然的。本文认为,在17世纪中叶之前,市政府而不是王室主导了向穷人提供福利的工作,此后,用于抗击瘟疫的制度和更广泛的贫困救济计划越来越受到王室的控制。
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引用次数: 0
London’s Working-Class Youth and the Making of Post-Victorian Britain, 1958–1971 伦敦的工人阶级青年与后维多利亚时代英国的形成,1958-1971
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2113244
Sarah Kenny
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引用次数: 0
The social origins of democracy in Sweden: the role of agrarian politics 瑞典民主的社会起源:农业政治的作用
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2112865
Erik Bengtsson
ABSTRACT In discussions of Scandinavian democratisation, it is commonplace to argue that long-standing farmer representation in parliament and a lack of feudalism facilitated early democratisation. The present essay questions this interpretation in the Swedish case. It centres on a re-interpretation of farmer politics at the national level from the 1866 two-chamber parliament reform to the alliance between the farmers’ party and Social Democrats in 1933. It is shown that democratisation was late and rapid; the 1866 reform was profoundly undemocratic. Swedish farmers did not organise themselves independently of nobles and landowners until the 1920s, and did not play the role of an independent pro-democratic force. The broad-based organisations of farmers in the 1920s and 1930s, with their democratic, participatory culture, were heavily influenced by the political culture of liberals and the labour movement. The implication for analyses of democratisation is that deep roots are less decisive than often supposed, and that modern political agency and organisation conversely, in contrast to influential research traditions and theories of democracy, can reverse undemocratic traditions.
在关于斯堪的纳维亚民主化的讨论中,人们普遍认为,长期以来农民在议会中的代表权和封建制度的缺乏促进了早期的民主化。本文在瑞典的案例中对这种解释提出质疑。从1866年的两院议会改革到1933年农民党与社会民主党的联盟,在国家层面对农民政治进行了重新解读。这表明,民主化是晚而迅速的;1866年的改革是极不民主的。直到20世纪20年代,瑞典农民才独立于贵族和地主组织起来,也没有发挥独立的亲民主力量的作用。20世纪20年代和30年代的基础广泛的农民组织,以其民主、参与的文化,深受自由主义者和工人运动的政治文化的影响。对民主化分析的暗示是,根深蒂固的根源并不像人们通常认为的那样具有决定性,相反,与有影响力的研究传统和民主理论相比,现代政治机构和组织可以扭转非民主的传统。
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引用次数: 2
Atlantic Transformations: Empire, Politics, and Slavery during the Nineteenth Century and Rethinking Atlantic Empire: Christopher Schmidt-Nowara’s histories of nineteenth-century Spain and the Antilles 《大西洋转型:19世纪的帝国、政治和奴隶制》和《重新思考大西洋帝国:克里斯托弗·施密特-诺瓦拉关于19世纪西班牙和安的列斯群岛的历史》
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2113208
C. Castilho
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引用次数: 0
London Presbyterians and the British Revolutions, 1638–64 伦敦长老会与英国革命(1638 - 1664
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2113213
James Mawdesley
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引用次数: 1
The Winding Road to the Welfare State: Economic insecurity and social welfare policy in Britain 通往福利国家的曲折之路:英国的经济不安全感与社会福利政策
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2075589
S. Shave
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引用次数: 4
Deviance, marginality and the Highland bandit in seventeenth-century Scotland 越轨行为,边缘化和17世纪苏格兰的高地土匪
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2077465
A. Kennedy
ABSTRACT Eric Hobsbawm’s thesis of ‘social banditry’ has stimulated a great deal of discussion about the nature of bandit activity. This discussion has shed much light not just upon banditry as a historical problem, but on its capacity to offer wider insights into social structures. This article seeks to contribute to the ongoing discussion by bringing to bear the hitherto largely ignored Scottish evidence. Assessing the origins and nature of Highland banditry in its seventeenth-century ‘heyday’, the article contends that brigandage, in this case, should be understood less as a structural issue and more as a form of individual social marginality. From that basis, the article suggests that banditry, both in Scotland and more generally, can be understood as a ‘stress test’ of the society around it, helping to delineate the boundaries of social acceptability while also shedding light on the way early modern societies handled and accommodated the problem of deviance.
艾瑞克·霍布斯鲍姆的“社会土匪”理论引发了大量关于土匪活动本质的讨论。这一讨论不仅揭示了土匪作为一个历史问题,而且揭示了其提供对社会结构更广泛见解的能力。本文试图通过提出迄今为止基本上被忽视的苏格兰证据,为正在进行的讨论做出贡献。文章评估了17世纪“全盛时期”高地土匪的起源和性质,认为在这种情况下,土匪不应被理解为一个结构性问题,而应更多地被理解为个人社会边缘化的一种形式。在此基础上,文章认为,无论是在苏格兰还是在更广泛的范围内,盗匪行为都可以被理解为对周围社会的“压力测试”,有助于界定社会可接受性的界限,同时也有助于揭示早期现代社会处理和容纳越轨行为问题的方式。
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引用次数: 0
‘Die Mauer war doch richtig!’ Warum so viele DDR-Bürger den Mauerbau widerstandslos hinnahmen 他不是这么说的吗?为何这么多东德人不抵抗墙壁
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2075599
Matthew Stibbe
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引用次数: 0
Under the landlord’s thumb: municipalities and local elites in Sweden 1862–1900 在地主的控制下:瑞典的市政当局和地方精英1862-1900
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2077478
Carolina Uppenberg, M. Olsson
ABSTRACT The Swedish Municipality Act, issued in 1862, consolidated a plutocratic system in which ownership and income, and the resulting level of taxation, translated into political power. However, as a measure to hinder large landowners from holding a majority of the votes, the Act guaranteed voting rights for tenants. The aim of this article is to analyse how power relations played out after this challenge to landlords’ hegemony. Through an analysis of tenants’ contracts, appeals to the King in Council and minutes from municipal board meetings, we show how landlords did not trust a political culture of deference to secure power, even if they had demanded subservience in contracts. In a deliberate and specific way, they also reserved voting rights for themselves, which we find to have been a widespread pattern, although it was repeatedly pointed out as unlawful by the King in Council. However, through the analysis of the board meetings, it becomes clear that the position of manorial landlords in these municipalities was so obvious that they rarely had to confront their tenants with their illegitimate contractual restrictions. The results empirically challenge a narrative of slow but steady democratisation and theoretically challenge the alleged reciprocity of landlord–tenant relations.
1862年颁布的《瑞典市政法》巩固了一种财阀制度,在这种制度下,所有权和收入以及由此产生的税收水平转化为政治权力。但是,作为阻止大地主拥有多数投票权的措施,该法案保障了佃户的投票权。本文的目的是分析在这场对地主霸权的挑战之后,权力关系是如何发挥作用的。通过对租户合同的分析,对国王议事会的上诉和市政委员会会议的记录,我们展示了房东如何不相信尊重的政治文化来确保权力,即使他们在合同中要求服从。他们还以慎重和具体的方式为自己保留投票权,我们发现这是一种普遍的模式,尽管国王御前会议一再指出这是非法的。然而,通过对董事会会议的分析,很明显,这些市政当局的庄园地主的地位是如此明显,以至于他们很少不得不面对他们的租户的非法合同限制。研究结果从经验上挑战了缓慢但稳定的民主化叙事,从理论上挑战了所谓的房东-房客关系的互惠性。
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引用次数: 1
The public health question and mortuary politics in colonial Ghana 加纳殖民地的公共卫生问题和太平间政治
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2077513
Akwasi Kwarteng Amoako-Gyampah
ABSTRACT British colonial rule in Ghana profoundly affected the interment of corpses. The practice of home burials was widespread in nineteenth-century Ghana. Guided by prevailing Euro-Western discourses on sanitation and public health, colonial officials banned home interment and introduced cemeteries. This article examines the imposition of cemetery burials in colonial Ghana, the responses of the local population, its impact on indigenous burial practices, and its ramifications beyond the public health imperative. I argue that, despite initial opposition, the colonial administration succeeded in imposing cemeteries and this reoriented the people’s beliefs and practices regarding burial rituals, with spiritual and pragmatic implications for health, identity and the use of space; it also reoriented the people’s perceptions of the relationship between the living and the dead. The widespread acceptance of cemeteries was accompanied by a penchant by chiefs and other notables to create private cemeteries exclusively for their families. This threatened the spatial planning policies of the colonial administration, especially in urban areas, forcing them to strictly regulate the creation of cemeteries, limiting burials to public cemeteries, and closing already demarcated ones. Chiefs exploited cemeteries to flex power by imposing customary fees and sanctions, and by forcing their opponents to exhume their buried relatives.
英国在加纳的殖民统治深刻地影响了尸体的埋葬。在家下葬的习俗在19世纪的加纳很普遍。在欧洲-西方关于卫生和公共卫生的主流话语的指导下,殖民地官员禁止家庭埋葬,并引入了墓地。本文考察了加纳殖民地强制实行墓地埋葬的情况,当地居民的反应,对土著埋葬习俗的影响,以及超出公共卫生要求的后果。我认为,尽管最初遭到反对,殖民政府还是成功地修建了墓地,这改变了人们对丧葬仪式的信仰和做法,对健康、身份和空间利用产生了精神和实际影响;它也重新定位了人们对生与死之间关系的看法。随着对墓地的广泛接受,酋长和其他名人也倾向于为他们的家人建造私人墓地。这威胁到殖民政府的空间规划政策,特别是在城市地区,迫使他们严格规范墓地的建立,将埋葬限制在公共墓地,并关闭已经划定的墓地。酋长们利用墓地来展示自己的权力,他们按惯例收取费用,施加制裁,强迫对手挖出他们埋葬的亲人。
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