Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2112862
J. Miller
ABSTRACT This article sheds new light on social relations in early eighteenth-century Britain through a case study of three parish elections held in Chelsea between 1708 and 1723. The results of these elections were disputed in the ecclesiastical courts, generating over 400 folio pages of witness depositions. These depositions reveal a sustained conflict between the local gentry and the middling sort over control of parish offices. At the heart of this conflict was a contest over who could be considered an independent voter. Independence was the central quality required for participation in parish politics and was thought to belong exclusively to heads of household who contributed to local taxes. In election disputes, each side claimed that their opponents’ supporters failed to meet these criteria and that they had benefited from the votes of people who were too poor to make independent political choices. By arguing over voter independence, Chelsea residents contested the boundary between ‘parishioners’ with a right to participate in local government and the poor who were excluded by their dependence on others. Parish elections were both manifestations of social hierarchy and key sites of social conflict.
{"title":"Patricians, plebeians and parishioners: parish elections and social conflict in eighteenth-century Chelsea","authors":"J. Miller","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2112862","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2112862","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article sheds new light on social relations in early eighteenth-century Britain through a case study of three parish elections held in Chelsea between 1708 and 1723. The results of these elections were disputed in the ecclesiastical courts, generating over 400 folio pages of witness depositions. These depositions reveal a sustained conflict between the local gentry and the middling sort over control of parish offices. At the heart of this conflict was a contest over who could be considered an independent voter. Independence was the central quality required for participation in parish politics and was thought to belong exclusively to heads of household who contributed to local taxes. In election disputes, each side claimed that their opponents’ supporters failed to meet these criteria and that they had benefited from the votes of people who were too poor to make independent political choices. By arguing over voter independence, Chelsea residents contested the boundary between ‘parishioners’ with a right to participate in local government and the poor who were excluded by their dependence on others. Parish elections were both manifestations of social hierarchy and key sites of social conflict.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"12 1","pages":"372 - 394"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80896657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2113244
Sarah Kenny
{"title":"London’s Working-Class Youth and the Making of Post-Victorian Britain, 1958–1971","authors":"Sarah Kenny","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2113244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2113244","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"7 1","pages":"446 - 447"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86124787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2112865
Erik Bengtsson
ABSTRACT In discussions of Scandinavian democratisation, it is commonplace to argue that long-standing farmer representation in parliament and a lack of feudalism facilitated early democratisation. The present essay questions this interpretation in the Swedish case. It centres on a re-interpretation of farmer politics at the national level from the 1866 two-chamber parliament reform to the alliance between the farmers’ party and Social Democrats in 1933. It is shown that democratisation was late and rapid; the 1866 reform was profoundly undemocratic. Swedish farmers did not organise themselves independently of nobles and landowners until the 1920s, and did not play the role of an independent pro-democratic force. The broad-based organisations of farmers in the 1920s and 1930s, with their democratic, participatory culture, were heavily influenced by the political culture of liberals and the labour movement. The implication for analyses of democratisation is that deep roots are less decisive than often supposed, and that modern political agency and organisation conversely, in contrast to influential research traditions and theories of democracy, can reverse undemocratic traditions.
{"title":"The social origins of democracy in Sweden: the role of agrarian politics","authors":"Erik Bengtsson","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2112865","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2112865","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In discussions of Scandinavian democratisation, it is commonplace to argue that long-standing farmer representation in parliament and a lack of feudalism facilitated early democratisation. The present essay questions this interpretation in the Swedish case. It centres on a re-interpretation of farmer politics at the national level from the 1866 two-chamber parliament reform to the alliance between the farmers’ party and Social Democrats in 1933. It is shown that democratisation was late and rapid; the 1866 reform was profoundly undemocratic. Swedish farmers did not organise themselves independently of nobles and landowners until the 1920s, and did not play the role of an independent pro-democratic force. The broad-based organisations of farmers in the 1920s and 1930s, with their democratic, participatory culture, were heavily influenced by the political culture of liberals and the labour movement. The implication for analyses of democratisation is that deep roots are less decisive than often supposed, and that modern political agency and organisation conversely, in contrast to influential research traditions and theories of democracy, can reverse undemocratic traditions.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"32 1","pages":"419 - 445"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88647398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2113213
James Mawdesley
{"title":"London Presbyterians and the British Revolutions, 1638–64","authors":"James Mawdesley","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2113213","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2113213","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"19 1","pages":"452 - 453"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91093484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2113208
C. Castilho
{"title":"Atlantic Transformations: Empire, Politics, and Slavery during the Nineteenth Century and Rethinking Atlantic Empire: Christopher Schmidt-Nowara’s histories of nineteenth-century Spain and the Antilles","authors":"C. Castilho","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2113208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2113208","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"74 4","pages":"448 - 452"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72455873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2075589
S. Shave
{"title":"The Winding Road to the Welfare State: Economic insecurity and social welfare policy in Britain","authors":"S. Shave","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2075589","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2075589","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"1 1","pages":"341 - 342"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79792616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2075599
Matthew Stibbe
{"title":"‘Die Mauer war doch richtig!’ Warum so viele DDR-Bürger den Mauerbau widerstandslos hinnahmen","authors":"Matthew Stibbe","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2075599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2075599","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"29 1","pages":"345 - 346"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80820093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2077465
A. Kennedy
ABSTRACT Eric Hobsbawm’s thesis of ‘social banditry’ has stimulated a great deal of discussion about the nature of bandit activity. This discussion has shed much light not just upon banditry as a historical problem, but on its capacity to offer wider insights into social structures. This article seeks to contribute to the ongoing discussion by bringing to bear the hitherto largely ignored Scottish evidence. Assessing the origins and nature of Highland banditry in its seventeenth-century ‘heyday’, the article contends that brigandage, in this case, should be understood less as a structural issue and more as a form of individual social marginality. From that basis, the article suggests that banditry, both in Scotland and more generally, can be understood as a ‘stress test’ of the society around it, helping to delineate the boundaries of social acceptability while also shedding light on the way early modern societies handled and accommodated the problem of deviance.
{"title":"Deviance, marginality and the Highland bandit in seventeenth-century Scotland","authors":"A. Kennedy","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2077465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2077465","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Eric Hobsbawm’s thesis of ‘social banditry’ has stimulated a great deal of discussion about the nature of bandit activity. This discussion has shed much light not just upon banditry as a historical problem, but on its capacity to offer wider insights into social structures. This article seeks to contribute to the ongoing discussion by bringing to bear the hitherto largely ignored Scottish evidence. Assessing the origins and nature of Highland banditry in its seventeenth-century ‘heyday’, the article contends that brigandage, in this case, should be understood less as a structural issue and more as a form of individual social marginality. From that basis, the article suggests that banditry, both in Scotland and more generally, can be understood as a ‘stress test’ of the society around it, helping to delineate the boundaries of social acceptability while also shedding light on the way early modern societies handled and accommodated the problem of deviance.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"67 1","pages":"239 - 264"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83701170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2077478
Carolina Uppenberg, M. Olsson
ABSTRACT The Swedish Municipality Act, issued in 1862, consolidated a plutocratic system in which ownership and income, and the resulting level of taxation, translated into political power. However, as a measure to hinder large landowners from holding a majority of the votes, the Act guaranteed voting rights for tenants. The aim of this article is to analyse how power relations played out after this challenge to landlords’ hegemony. Through an analysis of tenants’ contracts, appeals to the King in Council and minutes from municipal board meetings, we show how landlords did not trust a political culture of deference to secure power, even if they had demanded subservience in contracts. In a deliberate and specific way, they also reserved voting rights for themselves, which we find to have been a widespread pattern, although it was repeatedly pointed out as unlawful by the King in Council. However, through the analysis of the board meetings, it becomes clear that the position of manorial landlords in these municipalities was so obvious that they rarely had to confront their tenants with their illegitimate contractual restrictions. The results empirically challenge a narrative of slow but steady democratisation and theoretically challenge the alleged reciprocity of landlord–tenant relations.
{"title":"Under the landlord’s thumb: municipalities and local elites in Sweden 1862–1900","authors":"Carolina Uppenberg, M. Olsson","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2077478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2077478","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Swedish Municipality Act, issued in 1862, consolidated a plutocratic system in which ownership and income, and the resulting level of taxation, translated into political power. However, as a measure to hinder large landowners from holding a majority of the votes, the Act guaranteed voting rights for tenants. The aim of this article is to analyse how power relations played out after this challenge to landlords’ hegemony. Through an analysis of tenants’ contracts, appeals to the King in Council and minutes from municipal board meetings, we show how landlords did not trust a political culture of deference to secure power, even if they had demanded subservience in contracts. In a deliberate and specific way, they also reserved voting rights for themselves, which we find to have been a widespread pattern, although it was repeatedly pointed out as unlawful by the King in Council. However, through the analysis of the board meetings, it becomes clear that the position of manorial landlords in these municipalities was so obvious that they rarely had to confront their tenants with their illegitimate contractual restrictions. The results empirically challenge a narrative of slow but steady democratisation and theoretically challenge the alleged reciprocity of landlord–tenant relations.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"7 1","pages":"265 - 289"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72531348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2077513
Akwasi Kwarteng Amoako-Gyampah
ABSTRACT British colonial rule in Ghana profoundly affected the interment of corpses. The practice of home burials was widespread in nineteenth-century Ghana. Guided by prevailing Euro-Western discourses on sanitation and public health, colonial officials banned home interment and introduced cemeteries. This article examines the imposition of cemetery burials in colonial Ghana, the responses of the local population, its impact on indigenous burial practices, and its ramifications beyond the public health imperative. I argue that, despite initial opposition, the colonial administration succeeded in imposing cemeteries and this reoriented the people’s beliefs and practices regarding burial rituals, with spiritual and pragmatic implications for health, identity and the use of space; it also reoriented the people’s perceptions of the relationship between the living and the dead. The widespread acceptance of cemeteries was accompanied by a penchant by chiefs and other notables to create private cemeteries exclusively for their families. This threatened the spatial planning policies of the colonial administration, especially in urban areas, forcing them to strictly regulate the creation of cemeteries, limiting burials to public cemeteries, and closing already demarcated ones. Chiefs exploited cemeteries to flex power by imposing customary fees and sanctions, and by forcing their opponents to exhume their buried relatives.
{"title":"The public health question and mortuary politics in colonial Ghana","authors":"Akwasi Kwarteng Amoako-Gyampah","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2077513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2077513","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT British colonial rule in Ghana profoundly affected the interment of corpses. The practice of home burials was widespread in nineteenth-century Ghana. Guided by prevailing Euro-Western discourses on sanitation and public health, colonial officials banned home interment and introduced cemeteries. This article examines the imposition of cemetery burials in colonial Ghana, the responses of the local population, its impact on indigenous burial practices, and its ramifications beyond the public health imperative. I argue that, despite initial opposition, the colonial administration succeeded in imposing cemeteries and this reoriented the people’s beliefs and practices regarding burial rituals, with spiritual and pragmatic implications for health, identity and the use of space; it also reoriented the people’s perceptions of the relationship between the living and the dead. The widespread acceptance of cemeteries was accompanied by a penchant by chiefs and other notables to create private cemeteries exclusively for their families. This threatened the spatial planning policies of the colonial administration, especially in urban areas, forcing them to strictly regulate the creation of cemeteries, limiting burials to public cemeteries, and closing already demarcated ones. Chiefs exploited cemeteries to flex power by imposing customary fees and sanctions, and by forcing their opponents to exhume their buried relatives.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"45 1","pages":"290 - 314"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89060411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：