Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146895
D. Laqua, Nikolaos Papadogiannis
ABSTRACT This essay introduces a special issue on the complex and contradictory ways in which young activists and youth organisations have encountered and experienced internationalism. It argues for the need to pay greater attention to the ambiguous encounters – involving seemingly benevolent aims but also blind spots and prejudices – that were created by transnational youth mobilities and by young people’s participation in international ventures. We first consider meanings of ‘youth’ within different twentieth-century contexts and comment on the transnational mobilities in which young people participated. We then outline how youth-based internationalism took different shapes, discussing its left-wing and Christian manifestations in particular, and noting how internationalism was articulated through different forms of collective action. The essay makes a case for combining perspectives from social and transnational history to demonstrate the complex character of internationalism, which different groups of young people experienced as both empowering and exclusionary.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146915
Heather A. Vrana
ABSTRACT During El Salvador’s civil war, the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) developed infrastructure and expertise to improve medical attention for combatants and rural and poor Salvadorans alike. This expansive popular health system included Salvadoran nurses, foreign physicians and community health promotors. However, hundreds of wounded combatants required more intensive rehabilitation. This article discusses the FMLN’s approach to youth and disability through a trio of documentary films that examine the popular health system, the 26 July rehabilitation camp outside of Havana and the work of German physician Christa Baatz. These films fused youth, disability and transnational solidarity to appeal to a spirit of revolutionary love. They not only spoke of transnational solidarity but were also transnational texts that circulated in order to build support for the FMLN. Most importantly, they conveyed the voices of young disabled combatants whose understandings of loss, sacrifice and revolution are otherwise forgotten. The films suggest the formation of an identity as lisiados de guerra grounded in the mutualist principles of the popular health system. However, the signing of the Peace Accords in 1992 ensured that human rights would become the dominant framework for disability politics, sidelining the solidarity that guided popular health.
{"title":"All the love: transnational youth and disability in El Salvador’s civil war","authors":"Heather A. Vrana","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2023.2146915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2023.2146915","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During El Salvador’s civil war, the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) developed infrastructure and expertise to improve medical attention for combatants and rural and poor Salvadorans alike. This expansive popular health system included Salvadoran nurses, foreign physicians and community health promotors. However, hundreds of wounded combatants required more intensive rehabilitation. This article discusses the FMLN’s approach to youth and disability through a trio of documentary films that examine the popular health system, the 26 July rehabilitation camp outside of Havana and the work of German physician Christa Baatz. These films fused youth, disability and transnational solidarity to appeal to a spirit of revolutionary love. They not only spoke of transnational solidarity but were also transnational texts that circulated in order to build support for the FMLN. Most importantly, they conveyed the voices of young disabled combatants whose understandings of loss, sacrifice and revolution are otherwise forgotten. The films suggest the formation of an identity as lisiados de guerra grounded in the mutualist principles of the popular health system. However, the signing of the Peace Accords in 1992 ensured that human rights would become the dominant framework for disability politics, sidelining the solidarity that guided popular health.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81238360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146903
Nikolaos Papadogiannis
ABSTRACT This article shows that organised youth mobility programmes from West Germany to Israel in the late 1950s and 1960s were a testing ground for the internationalist visions of federal state institutions, diverse organisers and various young visitors. Such programmes largely helped reproduce an uneven internationalism, which prioritised contact between West Germans and Israeli Jews, while sidelining Arabs living in Israel and stereotyping them through an Orientalist lens. However, the way in which West German subjects framed such programmes was far from fixed. Shifting Cold War dynamics led Christian Democratic youth organisations in particular to develop contacts with Arabs in the Middle East even before the Six-Day War of 1967. Moreover, some participants began to think, albeit in a fragmented manner, about the context in which the Holocaust had emerged or about individual guilt. The article adds to the emerging literature on internationalism, which explores both its benevolent aspects and its blind spots. Moreover, in studying a broad array of youth subjects – including the secular left, Protestant youth and young Christian Democrats – the article helps enrich the study of internationalism and youth in West Germany both in relation to and beyond the New Left.
{"title":"An uneven internationalism? West German youth and organised travel to Israel, c.1958–c.1967","authors":"Nikolaos Papadogiannis","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2023.2146903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2023.2146903","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article shows that organised youth mobility programmes from West Germany to Israel in the late 1950s and 1960s were a testing ground for the internationalist visions of federal state institutions, diverse organisers and various young visitors. Such programmes largely helped reproduce an uneven internationalism, which prioritised contact between West Germans and Israeli Jews, while sidelining Arabs living in Israel and stereotyping them through an Orientalist lens. However, the way in which West German subjects framed such programmes was far from fixed. Shifting Cold War dynamics led Christian Democratic youth organisations in particular to develop contacts with Arabs in the Middle East even before the Six-Day War of 1967. Moreover, some participants began to think, albeit in a fragmented manner, about the context in which the Holocaust had emerged or about individual guilt. The article adds to the emerging literature on internationalism, which explores both its benevolent aspects and its blind spots. Moreover, in studying a broad array of youth subjects – including the secular left, Protestant youth and young Christian Democrats – the article helps enrich the study of internationalism and youth in West Germany both in relation to and beyond the New Left.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78263262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146900
Robert Hornsby
ABSTRACT Following the death of Stalin in 1953, the Soviet Union under Nikita Khrushchev again began to embrace internationalism not just with rhetoric but also in practice. Much as in the West, Soviet authorities used higher education as a means to build influence and strengthen relationships. This article explores the ways in which the USSR’s Communist Youth League (Komsomol) worked with and responded to incoming students from the developing world, both in mainstream universities and at the Central Komsomol School in Moscow. It shows that key dynamics of the Cold War contest both shaped and undermined this facet of internationalist activity, and that institutional interests and competencies remained important in understanding the idiosyncrasies of Soviet internationalism.
{"title":"Engineering friendship? Komsomol work with students from the developing world inside the USSR in the 1950s and 1960s","authors":"Robert Hornsby","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2023.2146900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2023.2146900","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Following the death of Stalin in 1953, the Soviet Union under Nikita Khrushchev again began to embrace internationalism not just with rhetoric but also in practice. Much as in the West, Soviet authorities used higher education as a means to build influence and strengthen relationships. This article explores the ways in which the USSR’s Communist Youth League (Komsomol) worked with and responded to incoming students from the developing world, both in mainstream universities and at the Central Komsomol School in Moscow. It shows that key dynamics of the Cold War contest both shaped and undermined this facet of internationalist activity, and that institutional interests and competencies remained important in understanding the idiosyncrasies of Soviet internationalism.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86776393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146899
Isabella Löhr
ABSTRACT This article explores the political and social contexts in which Protestant student internationalism gave rise to a particular vision of students’ basic needs and responsibilities that was closely entwined with the violent disruption of the continental empires in the context of the First World War. To this end, it focuses on European Student Relief (ESR), a branch of the World Student Christian Federation. ESR was founded in 1920 to provide humanitarian assistance to students in Central and Eastern Europe. From 1922 onwards, it gradually transformed into International Student Service, an interconfessional movement with global ambitions. The article focuses on this transformation process during which the denominational aspect of pre-war Protestant student internationalism gave way to an earthly vision of educational mobility that sought to counterbalance the political upheavals of the early post-war years – the violent emergence of the ethnically defined nation state and the continuance of colonial hierarchies and differences. The article makes the case for a global social history of higher education that conceptualises student activism from the perspective of Central and Eastern Europe, that discusses the entanglement of political transformations and social issues in terms of distress, ethnicity and ‘race’, and that connects humanitarianism with educational mobility.
{"title":"Coping with a post-war world: Protestant student internationalism and humanitarian work in Central and Eastern Europe during the 1920s","authors":"Isabella Löhr","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2023.2146899","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2023.2146899","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores the political and social contexts in which Protestant student internationalism gave rise to a particular vision of students’ basic needs and responsibilities that was closely entwined with the violent disruption of the continental empires in the context of the First World War. To this end, it focuses on European Student Relief (ESR), a branch of the World Student Christian Federation. ESR was founded in 1920 to provide humanitarian assistance to students in Central and Eastern Europe. From 1922 onwards, it gradually transformed into International Student Service, an interconfessional movement with global ambitions. The article focuses on this transformation process during which the denominational aspect of pre-war Protestant student internationalism gave way to an earthly vision of educational mobility that sought to counterbalance the political upheavals of the early post-war years – the violent emergence of the ethnically defined nation state and the continuance of colonial hierarchies and differences. The article makes the case for a global social history of higher education that conceptualises student activism from the perspective of Central and Eastern Europe, that discusses the entanglement of political transformations and social issues in terms of distress, ethnicity and ‘race’, and that connects humanitarianism with educational mobility.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91249501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146902
D. Laqua
ABSTRACT This article examines the political agendas, practical challenges and personal aspirations that informed different forms of transnational student mobility in the 1950s and 1960s. It does so by focusing on a variety of initiatives that involved Ghana during the period of Kwame Nkrumah’s rule (1957–1966). The article considers schemes that enabled Ghanaian students to attend universities in the United States and the communist bloc, but it also traces the operation of ‘Freedom Fighters’ scholarships that brought young people from different parts of Africa to Ghana. Moreover, it shows how involvement in student organisations connected Ghanaian student leaders to an international community of activists. Notwithstanding the importance of Cold War dynamics and Pan-African ambitions, the article argues that these multidirectional mobilities can be understood within the broader framework of internationalism. In examining this phenomenon from different perspectives, the piece traces the tensions between official designs on the one side and students’ experiences, discord and contention on the other.
{"title":"The politics of transnational student mobility: youth, education and activism in Ghana, 1957–1966","authors":"D. Laqua","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2023.2146902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2023.2146902","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the political agendas, practical challenges and personal aspirations that informed different forms of transnational student mobility in the 1950s and 1960s. It does so by focusing on a variety of initiatives that involved Ghana during the period of Kwame Nkrumah’s rule (1957–1966). The article considers schemes that enabled Ghanaian students to attend universities in the United States and the communist bloc, but it also traces the operation of ‘Freedom Fighters’ scholarships that brought young people from different parts of Africa to Ghana. Moreover, it shows how involvement in student organisations connected Ghanaian student leaders to an international community of activists. Notwithstanding the importance of Cold War dynamics and Pan-African ambitions, the article argues that these multidirectional mobilities can be understood within the broader framework of internationalism. In examining this phenomenon from different perspectives, the piece traces the tensions between official designs on the one side and students’ experiences, discord and contention on the other.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74036268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146907
J. Burkett
ABSTRACT Throughout the 1970s, the Overseas Students’ Bureau (OSB), a working group within the Sheffield University Students’ Union (SUSU), supported overseas students studying in Sheffield. Through a range of actions and activities it encouraged overseas students to become more involved in the students’ union and to build friendships and ‘integrate’ with British students in Sheffield. By the second half of the 1970s, however, these activities were placed within the national and international context of political Blackness, anti-imperialism and anti-racism. This group put forward a vision of internationalism that had personal networks at its heart and encouraged solidarity with a range of movements fighting for independence around the world. Drawing on the archives of this organisation, interviews and the writing of international students themselves, this article emphasises the perspective of students, often from the Global South, who articulated their own lives and conceived of political activism as a way of helping to create a world of solidarity. It also highlights how ideas of political Blackness were being taken up in medium-sized industrial towns outside of the capital, challenging the London-centric understanding of anti-racism in this period.
{"title":"‘Unity in struggle is our strength’: Sheffield University’s Overseas Students’ Bureau and international activism at a local level","authors":"J. Burkett","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2023.2146907","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2023.2146907","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Throughout the 1970s, the Overseas Students’ Bureau (OSB), a working group within the Sheffield University Students’ Union (SUSU), supported overseas students studying in Sheffield. Through a range of actions and activities it encouraged overseas students to become more involved in the students’ union and to build friendships and ‘integrate’ with British students in Sheffield. By the second half of the 1970s, however, these activities were placed within the national and international context of political Blackness, anti-imperialism and anti-racism. This group put forward a vision of internationalism that had personal networks at its heart and encouraged solidarity with a range of movements fighting for independence around the world. Drawing on the archives of this organisation, interviews and the writing of international students themselves, this article emphasises the perspective of students, often from the Global South, who articulated their own lives and conceived of political activism as a way of helping to create a world of solidarity. It also highlights how ideas of political Blackness were being taken up in medium-sized industrial towns outside of the capital, challenging the London-centric understanding of anti-racism in this period.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88621618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-06eCollection Date: 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2112863
Alun Withey
Studies of the Victorian 'beard movement' of the 1850s have demonstrated the close connections between facial hair and shifting ideas of, and concerns about, masculinity, gender, sexuality and modernity. The 'beard movement' is generally seen as the return of facial hair after 150 years of beardlessness. The turn of the nineteenth century, however, witnessed a new and previously overlooked fashion for side-whiskers among young British men, one that initially caused controversy and ridicule, but which gradually became acceptable as a male accoutrement, and spurred a market for cosmetic products. What might be termed the 'whiskers movement' of the early 1800s offers a new and earlier perspective on facial hair as a form of embodied masculinity, and its place in contemporary debates about manliness, male fashion and appearance, sexuality and effeminacy, and political and revolutionary affiliations.
{"title":"'Hairy honours of their chins': whiskers and masculinity in early nineteenth-century Britain.","authors":"Alun Withey","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2112863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2112863","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Studies of the Victorian 'beard movement' of the 1850s have demonstrated the close connections between facial hair and shifting ideas of, and concerns about, masculinity, gender, sexuality and modernity. The 'beard movement' is generally seen as the return of facial hair after 150 years of beardlessness. The turn of the nineteenth century, however, witnessed a new and previously overlooked fashion for side-whiskers among young British men, one that initially caused controversy and ridicule, but which gradually became acceptable as a male accoutrement, and spurred a market for cosmetic products. What might be termed the 'whiskers movement' of the early 1800s offers a new and earlier perspective on facial hair as a form of embodied masculinity, and its place in contemporary debates about manliness, male fashion and appearance, sexuality and effeminacy, and political and revolutionary affiliations.</p>","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9555278/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"33516336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2112862
J. Miller
ABSTRACT This article sheds new light on social relations in early eighteenth-century Britain through a case study of three parish elections held in Chelsea between 1708 and 1723. The results of these elections were disputed in the ecclesiastical courts, generating over 400 folio pages of witness depositions. These depositions reveal a sustained conflict between the local gentry and the middling sort over control of parish offices. At the heart of this conflict was a contest over who could be considered an independent voter. Independence was the central quality required for participation in parish politics and was thought to belong exclusively to heads of household who contributed to local taxes. In election disputes, each side claimed that their opponents’ supporters failed to meet these criteria and that they had benefited from the votes of people who were too poor to make independent political choices. By arguing over voter independence, Chelsea residents contested the boundary between ‘parishioners’ with a right to participate in local government and the poor who were excluded by their dependence on others. Parish elections were both manifestations of social hierarchy and key sites of social conflict.
{"title":"Patricians, plebeians and parishioners: parish elections and social conflict in eighteenth-century Chelsea","authors":"J. Miller","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2112862","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2112862","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article sheds new light on social relations in early eighteenth-century Britain through a case study of three parish elections held in Chelsea between 1708 and 1723. The results of these elections were disputed in the ecclesiastical courts, generating over 400 folio pages of witness depositions. These depositions reveal a sustained conflict between the local gentry and the middling sort over control of parish offices. At the heart of this conflict was a contest over who could be considered an independent voter. Independence was the central quality required for participation in parish politics and was thought to belong exclusively to heads of household who contributed to local taxes. In election disputes, each side claimed that their opponents’ supporters failed to meet these criteria and that they had benefited from the votes of people who were too poor to make independent political choices. By arguing over voter independence, Chelsea residents contested the boundary between ‘parishioners’ with a right to participate in local government and the poor who were excluded by their dependence on others. Parish elections were both manifestations of social hierarchy and key sites of social conflict.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80896657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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