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Not going out: television’s impacts on Britain’s commercial entertainment industries and popular leisure during the 1950s 不出局:20世纪50年代电视对英国商业娱乐产业和大众休闲的影响
1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2246828
Peter Michael Scott
The 1950s was a pivotal decade for Britain’s entertainment industries, with the rapid diffusion of television and sharp declines for hitherto dominant urban venue entertainments. This had important social consequences, including the acceleration of the trend from community-based socialising to more sedentary, family-based, entertainment – the last essential component of the ‘industrialisation of the home’. However, the disruptive impact of television varied considerably among different incumbent urban entertainments, with variety theatre and cinema facing catastrophic declines, while spectator sports and dance halls continued to flourish. This article examines television’s differential impact on incumbent entertainments using a variety of new sources, including Customs and Excise data; unpublished government social surveys; and trade sources. The differential impact of television on incumbent entertainments can be largely explained by the degree of ‘commitment’ demanded of consumers for different leisure activities; the degree to which television was a strong substitute; the presence of addictive elements (gambling); and the extent to which the activity appealed to a youth audience. However, the rapid collapse of variety theatre and cinema can only be fully explained by television enabling strong latent preferences for commercial entertainment in the home, which were now satisfied by television.
20世纪50年代是英国娱乐业的关键十年,电视迅速普及,而迄今为止占主导地位的城市场所娱乐急剧衰落。这对社会产生了重要的影响,包括加速了从以社区为基础的社交到更久坐、以家庭为基础的娱乐的趋势——这是“家庭工业化”的最后一个重要组成部分。然而,电视的破坏性影响在不同的现有城市娱乐中差异很大,杂耍剧院和电影院面临灾难性的衰退,而观众体育和舞厅继续蓬勃发展。本文使用各种新来源,包括海关和税收数据,研究电视对现有娱乐的不同影响;未公布的政府社会调查;还有贸易来源。电视对现有娱乐活动的不同影响在很大程度上可以用消费者对不同休闲活动要求的“承诺”程度来解释;电视在多大程度上是一个强有力的替代品;上瘾元素(赌博)的存在;以及该活动对年轻观众的吸引力。然而,综艺剧院和电影院的迅速崩溃只能完全解释为电视使家庭对商业娱乐有了强烈的潜在偏好,而现在电视满足了这种偏好。
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引用次数: 0
Fur: a sensitive history Fur: a sensitive history , by Jonathan Faiers, New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 2020, 240 pp., £40.00/$60.00 (hardcover), ISBN-13: 978-0-300-227208 《皮草:一段敏感的历史》,乔纳森·费尔斯著,纽黑文和伦敦,耶鲁大学出版社,2020年,240页,40英镑/ 60美元(精装),ISBN-13: 978-0-300-227208
1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2257103
David Hope
indispensably requisite in persons that makes wise choyce in marriadge’ (12). One of the most important and illuminating elements of Gwin’s commonplace book, however, is his inclusion of medical remedies and references to contemporary ideas about the body and illness. During the early modern period, theories about the body, illness and health were in constant flux as older humoral understandings were interwoven with emerging ideas rooted in new scientific discoveries. Indeed, Gwin includes a wide variety of medical notes and recipes that are rooted in both the traditional, humoral ideologies that often incorporated religious and astronomical elements, and those posited by reformist-minded practitioners like George Starkey who sought to challenge the Galenic hegemony of the Royal College of Physicians (35). It is the richness of Gwin’s medical entries that prompts Gray et al. to describe his commonplace book as one of the most important medical sources pertaining to early modern Wales. The editors’ presentation of Gwin’s commonplace book maintains the original spellings and Welsh vernacular (with translations and definitions provided) and replicates the original layout and formatting as faithfully as is possible in print. This allows the physicality of the book to be intimated, allowing the reader to feel closer to it as a primary source that was touched and engaged with. Indeed, the editors’ frequent references to the number of hands that are evident on each page indicates the book’s repeated use even after Gwin’s death and conveys important information about the book as a domestic tool as well as a collection of writings. The Commonplace Book of John Gwin of Llangwm will appeal to those with an interest in the machinations of life in seventeenth-century Wales as it provides insight into themes such as early modern masculinity, domesticity, husbandry and medicine, as well as faith, family and social networks. Thus, despite Gwin declaring (via his poetry) that ‘even such is man whoe lives by breath, is here nowe there soe life soe death’, Gray, Hopkins and Withey’s reproduction of his writing has ensured that his thoughts, beliefs and daily experiences are preserved in perpetuity and widely accessible.
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引用次数: 0
Facilitating, controlling and excluding from movement: religious orders, organizational networks and mobility infrastructure in the early modern Mediterranean 促进、控制和排斥流动:近代地中海早期的宗教秩序、组织网络和流动基础设施
1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2246800
Felicita Tramontana
Through an analysis of the network associated with the Franciscan Custody of the Holy Land, this article challenges overly positive narratives of early modern mobility and of the role played by networks more generally. It reconstructs the functioning of the Franciscan network, focusing on its ‘immobile infrastructure’ and showing how the latter facilitated and at the same time controlled and limited friars’ movement. Building on this analysis, the article postulates the existence of an ‘organisational migration infrastructure’, which enabled, addressed and controlled people’s movement according to organisations’ interests. The article also suggests a new methodological approach to the study of early modern networks, centring its analysis on ‘organisational migrants’ and using the notion of ‘infrastructure’ as an analytical tool. From a wider perspective, the article deepens our general understanding of early modern mobility, particularly with regard to the role of networks and organisations, and to the entanglement of mobility, immobility, control and exclusion.
通过对圣地的方济会监护网络的分析,本文挑战了对早期现代流动性的过度积极的叙述,以及网络更普遍地发挥的作用。它重建了方济各会网络的功能,重点关注其“固定的基础设施”,并展示了后者如何促进,同时控制和限制修士的运动。在此分析的基础上,文章假设存在一个“组织迁移基础设施”,它根据组织的利益实现、解决和控制人们的流动。这篇文章还提出了一种研究早期现代网络的新方法,将其分析集中在“组织移民”上,并使用“基础设施”的概念作为分析工具。从更广泛的角度来看,这篇文章加深了我们对早期现代流动性的一般理解,特别是关于网络和组织的作用,以及流动性、不流动性、控制和排斥的纠缠。
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引用次数: 0
The Modern British Data State, 1945–2000 现代英国数据状态,1945-2000
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2211440
Ryan Shaffer
newspaper editors and reporters to print ‘fake’ news, a Victorian phenomenon extensively studied by historians and by no means an innovation of the twenty-first century. Fisher-Høyrem needed to be as concerned with critically examining immutability as he was with mobility. Nevertheless, the case studies are very well synthesised, and the vast and diverse historiography is presented in an engaging manner. Even the rather complex narrative of the origin of banknotes (Chapter 5) is presented in a manner accessible to readers without a background in complicated monetary history. His argument that this technological artefact helped to solve what economic historians would call the ‘timeinconsistency’ problem by rendering public debt an economic entity in perpetuity is very well explained. If we disregard the author’s tendency to often repeat how the networks examined ‘mediated secular time independent of motion’, then this book is eminently readable.
报纸编辑和记者印刷“假”新闻,这是维多利亚时代的现象,被历史学家广泛研究,绝不是21世纪的创新。fisher - h - yrem需要对不变性进行批判性的检查,就像他对流动性一样。尽管如此,这些案例研究都是很好的综合,并且以一种引人入胜的方式呈现了大量多样的历史。即使是关于纸币起源的相当复杂的叙述(第5章),也以一种没有复杂货币历史背景的读者可以理解的方式呈现。他的观点是,通过将公共债务变成一个永久的经济实体,这种技术产物有助于解决经济历史学家所谓的“时间不一致性”问题,这一点得到了很好的解释。如果我们忽略作者经常重复网络如何检查“独立于运动的中介世俗时间”的倾向,那么这本书是非常值得一读的。
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引用次数: 0
Injustice, deindustrialisation and the 1984–1985 Miners’ Strike in Scotland 不公正、去工业化和1984-1985年苏格兰矿工罢工
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2213980
J. Phillips
ABSTRACT The transition out of coal production in Scotland was managed carefully in the 1960s and 1970s, prioritising workforce voice and communal security. Under Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative governments in the 1980s, the position changed abruptly. Colliery closures and redundancies accelerated; miners and coal communities were subject to political attack. The criminalisation and victimisation of union officials and activists during the 1984–1985 strike against pit closures was disproportionately greater in Scotland than in England and Wales. The oral history testimony of strike veterans provides a powerful narrative of historical unfairness, imposed by a hostile anti-union government, National Coal Board officials, police officers and sheriffs. Their stories of injustice on picket lines and in communities nevertheless qualify a tendency in oral histories of deindustrialisation to pessimism and loss. Strike veterans spoke positively about the strike and its political meaning. Their memories constitute a usable past, present in subsequent campaigning. The Miners’ Strike (Pardons) Act, passed by the Scottish Parliament in 2022, was an important outcome, making provision for the collective and posthumous pardon of people with strike-related convictions from 1984–1985.
苏格兰煤炭生产的转型在20世纪60年代和70年代得到了谨慎的管理,优先考虑了劳动力的声音和公共安全。上世纪80年代,在玛格丽特•撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)的保守党政府领导下,这种情况突然发生了变化。煤矿关闭和裁员加速;矿工和煤炭社区受到政治攻击。在1984-1985年反对煤矿关闭的罢工中,工会官员和活动人士在苏格兰受到的刑事定罪和迫害,比在英格兰和威尔士严重得多。罢工老兵的口述历史证词有力地说明了历史上的不公平,这种不公平是由敌对的反工会政府、国家煤炭局官员、警察和治安官强加的。然而,他们在警戒线上和社区中遭遇的不公正故事,使去工业化的口述历史倾向于悲观和失落。罢工老兵积极评价了这次罢工及其政治意义。他们的记忆构成了可用的过去,出现在随后的竞选活动中。苏格兰议会于2022年通过的《矿工罢工(赦免)法案》(Miners’Strike (pardon) Act)是一项重要成果,该法案规定,在1984年至1985年期间,因罢工而被定罪的人将获得集体和死后赦免。
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引用次数: 0
A world of goods? Europe, empire and consumer goods in England, c. 1670–1820 一个商品的世界?欧洲、帝国和英国的消费品,约1670-1820年
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2213931
J. Stobart
ABSTRACT Eighteenth-century consumption is often characterised in terms of an expanding world of goods, one that reflected an increasingly complex web of global trading links and cultural associations. Some have seen a growing role for empire in shaping the provision of goods and the consciousness of consumers, especially in terms of groceries and textiles; others have argued that Europe, especially Italy and France, was predominant in the minds of retailers and their customers. In this article, I build on these studies by exploring the placenames with which a wide range of groceries and textiles were labelled in stock lists, newspaper advertisements and receipted bills. My concern is to examine the varied meanings that these placenames carried for retailers and consumers: sometimes indicating provenance, but often overlaying this with messages about the material qualities of the products. Rather than mapping actual patterns of supply, therefore, the analysis opens up the mental geographies that helped shopkeepers and consumers to comprehend the world of goods available to them. In doing so, it provides important insights into England’s changing position in the eighteenth-century world.
18世纪的消费通常以不断扩大的商品世界为特征,这反映了全球贸易联系和文化联系日益复杂的网络。一些人认为帝国在塑造商品供应和消费者意识方面的作用越来越大,尤其是在杂货和纺织品方面;另一些人则认为,欧洲,尤其是意大利和法国,在零售商及其顾客的心目中占主导地位。在这篇文章中,我将以这些研究为基础,探索各种杂货和纺织品在库存清单、报纸广告和收据上的地名。我关心的是研究这些地名对零售商和消费者的不同含义:有时表明产地,但通常在此基础上加上有关产品材料质量的信息。因此,这种分析不是绘制实际的供应模式,而是打开了帮助店主和消费者理解可供他们选择的商品世界的心理地理。在此过程中,它提供了对英国在18世纪世界地位变化的重要见解。
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引用次数: 1
Violent Fraternity: Indian political thought in the global age 暴力博爱:全球化时代的印度政治思想
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2211443
Soni Wadhwa
plans were not put into action, ‘the ideas in government.direct were a direct continuation of the thinking that had underpinned all biopolitical population-data gathering since the mid-1960s’ (164). Lastly, Manton returns to the public’s perspectives on the changes, highlighting fears and concerns about data gathering and computerisation, which led to the 1998 Data Protection Act as well as the British government’s reluctance to join the European proposals. Ultimately, Blair’s Labour government mirrored the earlier Conservative governments that were ‘data-driven’, and the ‘hunger’ for information spanned different political ideologies. This book nicely historicises the ‘data state’, showing how it pre-dated the general consumer’s access to computers of the 1980s and beyond. It successfully traces the ‘data-driven turn in British politics’ and demonstrates ‘how the ideas that underpinned this development came to shape thinking across the party-political divide’ (194). The book further highlights the language used by government and the limited knowledge of the public on technology and data. It shows how the framing of the issues under Wilson during the Cold War were similar under Blair during the dot-com era. Manton effectively explores these themes by showing the interrelatedness and contradictions, including the ‘depoliticisation’ in the data-driven approach of the governments, although he does not say so much about its use. Indeed, the book is largely internally focused on policy and debate, and a fair amount of Cold War context and terrorism is under-examined. Surely very real concerns of nuclear war between North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries and the Soviet Union, and transnational as well as state-sponsored terrorism, were important factors in safeguarding Britain. Yet these themes are not significant avenues in the book’s analysis. Nonetheless, this study makes a useful contribution to scholars interested in society’s relationship with government regarding data.
计划没有付诸实施,政府的想法也没有付诸实施。自20世纪60年代中期以来,Direct是支撑所有生物政治人口数据收集的思想的直接延续(164)。最后,曼顿回到了公众对这些变化的看法,强调了对数据收集和计算机化的恐惧和担忧,这导致了1998年数据保护法的出台,以及英国政府不愿加入欧洲提案。最终,布莱尔的工党政府反映了早期保守党政府的“数据驱动”,对信息的“渴望”跨越了不同的政治意识形态。这本书很好地将“数据状态”历史化,展示了它是如何先于20世纪80年代及以后的普通消费者使用电脑的。它成功地追溯了“英国政治中数据驱动的转变”,并展示了“支撑这一发展的思想是如何在政党和政治分歧之间形成思维的”(194)。这本书进一步强调了政府使用的语言和公众对技术和数据的有限知识。它表明,冷战时期威尔逊领导下的问题框架与互联网时代布莱尔领导下的问题框架是多么相似。曼顿通过展示相互关联和矛盾,包括政府数据驱动方法中的“去政治化”,有效地探索了这些主题,尽管他没有说太多关于它的使用。事实上,这本书主要集中在政策和辩论上,对冷战背景和恐怖主义的研究不足。北大西洋公约组织国家和苏联之间的核战争,以及跨国恐怖主义和国家支持的恐怖主义,无疑是保护英国的重要因素。然而,这些主题并不是本书分析的重要途径。尽管如此,本研究对那些对社会与政府在数据方面的关系感兴趣的学者做出了有益的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
‘Dear Aunty Eleanor’: Eleanor Roosevelt, Anna Freud and the politics of emotion in letters by children in war 《亲爱的埃莉诺阿姨》:埃莉诺·罗斯福、安娜·弗洛伊德和战争中儿童来信中的情感政治
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2213949
J. Damousi
ABSTRACT In this article I argue that the actual and imaginary presence of America looms large in the letters written to Eleanor Roosevelt by refugee children whom she sponsored through the organisation Foster Parents’ Plan for War Children (Plan). In doing so, I historicise the politics of emotion in war by examining how the concept of ‘America’ provided a positive haven for refugee children who constructed an imaginary ‘America’ – a place of security and peace – through which they discussed the fragmentation of their lives. When considering the visceral aspects of wartime experience, however, not all children found comfort in the ‘American’ imaginary. The letters of children such as eight-year-old Rosemary Hayward – who was also observed by psychoanalysts Anna Freud and Dorothy Burlingham – reveal an emotional fragility towards this notion of ‘America’. The comfort and plenty of ‘America’ was not easily appropriated by Hayward as the way in which she experienced family dislocation became pronounced. While the emotional security of the concept of ‘America’ became the cornerstone of correspondence between financial foster parents and the refugee child, it served to consolidate this exchange and the politics within it, leaving the scars of family disruption and violence in war painfully unresolved.
在这篇文章中,我认为在埃莉诺·罗斯福(Eleanor Roosevelt)的信件中,美国的真实存在和想象的存在都很突出,这些信件是由埃莉诺·罗斯福通过“寄养父母战争儿童计划”(Plan)组织资助的难民儿童写给她的。在此过程中,我通过研究“美国”的概念如何为难民儿童提供积极的避风港,从而将战争中的情感政治历史化,难民儿童构建了一个想象中的“美国”——一个安全与和平的地方——通过这个地方,他们讨论了他们生活的碎片化。然而,当考虑到战争经历的内在方面时,并不是所有的孩子都能在“美国”的想象中找到安慰。精神分析学家安娜·弗洛伊德和多萝西·伯林厄姆也观察了八岁的罗斯玛丽·海沃德等儿童的来信,这些来信揭示了她对“美国”概念的情感脆弱性。“美国”的舒适和丰富并不容易被海沃德所接受,因为她经历家庭错位的方式变得明显。虽然“美国”概念的情感安全感成为经济上的寄养父母和难民儿童之间通信的基石,但它巩固了这种交流和其中的政治,留下了家庭破裂和战争暴力的伤疤,痛苦地没有得到解决。
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引用次数: 0
The collapse of a polity, the birth of states: municipal debt, local conflicts and state formation in the former Crown of Aragon (1740–1770) 政体的崩溃,国家的诞生:前阿拉贡王国的市政债务,地方冲突和国家的形成(1740-1770)
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2213933
Íñigo Ena Sanjuán
ABSTRACT In south-western Europe, the transition from pre-modern polities to modern states started in the central decades of the eighteenth century. This article explores why and how the plural, judicial and polycentric practices that structured social and political life before circa 1750 were progressively replaced by more unified, administrative and hierarchical repertoires of practices. The article rethinks the formation of the state through the conflicts over the debt of four municipalities of the former Crown of Aragon in the monarchies of Spain, the Savoy and the Two Sicilies. The global wars of the mid-eighteenth century and the subsequent extraordinary fiscal pressure fuelled local conflicts that led to the collapse of the ancient practices that structured life in common. However, the new social and political arrangements that were born out of the ancient polities and started replacing them were not imposed from above, but rather ideated, negotiated and implemented by a myriad of local actors and corporations. The article asserts that local realities were much more complex and polyhedric than what has traditionally been stated. As in other European regions, in the south-western polities of the Old Continent the modern state also emerged, first and foremost, from below.
在欧洲西南部,前现代政治向现代国家的过渡始于18世纪中叶。本文探讨了在大约1750年之前构成社会和政治生活的多元、司法和多中心实践,为什么以及如何逐渐被更统一、行政和等级的实践所取代。本文通过西班牙、萨伏伊和两西西里岛君主政体中前阿拉贡王室四个自治市的债务冲突,重新思考国家的形成。18世纪中期的全球战争和随之而来的巨大财政压力加剧了地方冲突,导致构成共同生活的古老习俗的崩溃。然而,从古代政治中诞生并开始取代它们的新的社会和政治安排并不是自上而下强加的,而是由无数的地方行动者和公司构思、谈判和实施的。这篇文章断言,当地的现实情况比传统上所说的要复杂得多。正如在欧洲其他地区一样,在旧大陆的西南政治中,现代国家也首先是从下面产生的。
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引用次数: 0
Migrant Citizenship: race, rights, and reform in the US farm labor camp program 移民公民身份:美国农场劳改营计划中的种族、权利和改革
IF 1 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2211445
J. McDonald
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引用次数: 1
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