Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146897
S. Krishnan
ABSTRACT This article examines the role of the Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) in constructing the terms of political engagement for young Christian women in South Asia. It focuses on a periodical called The Young Women of India and Ceylon, published between 1908 and 1916, which typically carried didactic essays and short aphoristic pieces of writing by Western educators and social workers, addressing a predominantly South Asian readership. Through this magazine, as well as through its Bible-study groups, social events, sporting gatherings and social work activities, the YWCA sought both to create opportunities for women’s participation in public life in South Asia and to articulate the boundaries of proper Christian womanhood in this practice. In particular, I argue that the writing in this magazine emphasised ideals of enterprise, positivity and professionalism. The article also examines the effects of this discourse, considering how South Asian Christian women inhabited an ethic of religious womanhood and showing that they engaged in a balancing act that both reiterated and contested the missionary ideal of ‘good’ womanhood.
摘要本文探讨了基督教女青年协会(YWCA)在南亚基督教女青年政治参与方面所扮演的角色。它的重点是一本名为《印度和锡兰的年轻妇女》(The Young Women of India and Ceylon)的期刊,该期刊于1908年至1916年间出版,通常刊登西方教育工作者和社会工作者的说教文章和简短的警句,主要面向南亚读者。通过这本杂志,以及它的圣经学习小组、社会活动、体育集会和社会工作活动,基督教女青年会力求为妇女参与南亚的公共生活创造机会,并在这种实践中阐明适当的基督教妇女的界限。我特别认为,这本杂志的文章强调了企业、积极和专业的理想。文章还考察了这种话语的影响,考虑了南亚基督教妇女如何居住在宗教女性的伦理中,并表明她们参与了一种平衡的行为,既重申又质疑传教士的“好”女性理想。
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146895
D. Laqua, Nikolaos Papadogiannis
ABSTRACT This essay introduces a special issue on the complex and contradictory ways in which young activists and youth organisations have encountered and experienced internationalism. It argues for the need to pay greater attention to the ambiguous encounters – involving seemingly benevolent aims but also blind spots and prejudices – that were created by transnational youth mobilities and by young people’s participation in international ventures. We first consider meanings of ‘youth’ within different twentieth-century contexts and comment on the transnational mobilities in which young people participated. We then outline how youth-based internationalism took different shapes, discussing its left-wing and Christian manifestations in particular, and noting how internationalism was articulated through different forms of collective action. The essay makes a case for combining perspectives from social and transnational history to demonstrate the complex character of internationalism, which different groups of young people experienced as both empowering and exclusionary.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146915
Heather A. Vrana
ABSTRACT During El Salvador’s civil war, the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) developed infrastructure and expertise to improve medical attention for combatants and rural and poor Salvadorans alike. This expansive popular health system included Salvadoran nurses, foreign physicians and community health promotors. However, hundreds of wounded combatants required more intensive rehabilitation. This article discusses the FMLN’s approach to youth and disability through a trio of documentary films that examine the popular health system, the 26 July rehabilitation camp outside of Havana and the work of German physician Christa Baatz. These films fused youth, disability and transnational solidarity to appeal to a spirit of revolutionary love. They not only spoke of transnational solidarity but were also transnational texts that circulated in order to build support for the FMLN. Most importantly, they conveyed the voices of young disabled combatants whose understandings of loss, sacrifice and revolution are otherwise forgotten. The films suggest the formation of an identity as lisiados de guerra grounded in the mutualist principles of the popular health system. However, the signing of the Peace Accords in 1992 ensured that human rights would become the dominant framework for disability politics, sidelining the solidarity that guided popular health.
{"title":"All the love: transnational youth and disability in El Salvador’s civil war","authors":"Heather A. Vrana","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2023.2146915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2023.2146915","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During El Salvador’s civil war, the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) developed infrastructure and expertise to improve medical attention for combatants and rural and poor Salvadorans alike. This expansive popular health system included Salvadoran nurses, foreign physicians and community health promotors. However, hundreds of wounded combatants required more intensive rehabilitation. This article discusses the FMLN’s approach to youth and disability through a trio of documentary films that examine the popular health system, the 26 July rehabilitation camp outside of Havana and the work of German physician Christa Baatz. These films fused youth, disability and transnational solidarity to appeal to a spirit of revolutionary love. They not only spoke of transnational solidarity but were also transnational texts that circulated in order to build support for the FMLN. Most importantly, they conveyed the voices of young disabled combatants whose understandings of loss, sacrifice and revolution are otherwise forgotten. The films suggest the formation of an identity as lisiados de guerra grounded in the mutualist principles of the popular health system. However, the signing of the Peace Accords in 1992 ensured that human rights would become the dominant framework for disability politics, sidelining the solidarity that guided popular health.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"4 1","pages":"162 - 183"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81238360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146903
Nikolaos Papadogiannis
ABSTRACT This article shows that organised youth mobility programmes from West Germany to Israel in the late 1950s and 1960s were a testing ground for the internationalist visions of federal state institutions, diverse organisers and various young visitors. Such programmes largely helped reproduce an uneven internationalism, which prioritised contact between West Germans and Israeli Jews, while sidelining Arabs living in Israel and stereotyping them through an Orientalist lens. However, the way in which West German subjects framed such programmes was far from fixed. Shifting Cold War dynamics led Christian Democratic youth organisations in particular to develop contacts with Arabs in the Middle East even before the Six-Day War of 1967. Moreover, some participants began to think, albeit in a fragmented manner, about the context in which the Holocaust had emerged or about individual guilt. The article adds to the emerging literature on internationalism, which explores both its benevolent aspects and its blind spots. Moreover, in studying a broad array of youth subjects – including the secular left, Protestant youth and young Christian Democrats – the article helps enrich the study of internationalism and youth in West Germany both in relation to and beyond the New Left.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146900
Robert Hornsby
ABSTRACT Following the death of Stalin in 1953, the Soviet Union under Nikita Khrushchev again began to embrace internationalism not just with rhetoric but also in practice. Much as in the West, Soviet authorities used higher education as a means to build influence and strengthen relationships. This article explores the ways in which the USSR’s Communist Youth League (Komsomol) worked with and responded to incoming students from the developing world, both in mainstream universities and at the Central Komsomol School in Moscow. It shows that key dynamics of the Cold War contest both shaped and undermined this facet of internationalist activity, and that institutional interests and competencies remained important in understanding the idiosyncrasies of Soviet internationalism.
{"title":"Engineering friendship? Komsomol work with students from the developing world inside the USSR in the 1950s and 1960s","authors":"Robert Hornsby","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2023.2146900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2023.2146900","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Following the death of Stalin in 1953, the Soviet Union under Nikita Khrushchev again began to embrace internationalism not just with rhetoric but also in practice. Much as in the West, Soviet authorities used higher education as a means to build influence and strengthen relationships. This article explores the ways in which the USSR’s Communist Youth League (Komsomol) worked with and responded to incoming students from the developing world, both in mainstream universities and at the Central Komsomol School in Moscow. It shows that key dynamics of the Cold War contest both shaped and undermined this facet of internationalist activity, and that institutional interests and competencies remained important in understanding the idiosyncrasies of Soviet internationalism.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"44 4 1","pages":"65 - 86"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86776393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146899
Isabella Löhr
ABSTRACT This article explores the political and social contexts in which Protestant student internationalism gave rise to a particular vision of students’ basic needs and responsibilities that was closely entwined with the violent disruption of the continental empires in the context of the First World War. To this end, it focuses on European Student Relief (ESR), a branch of the World Student Christian Federation. ESR was founded in 1920 to provide humanitarian assistance to students in Central and Eastern Europe. From 1922 onwards, it gradually transformed into International Student Service, an interconfessional movement with global ambitions. The article focuses on this transformation process during which the denominational aspect of pre-war Protestant student internationalism gave way to an earthly vision of educational mobility that sought to counterbalance the political upheavals of the early post-war years – the violent emergence of the ethnically defined nation state and the continuance of colonial hierarchies and differences. The article makes the case for a global social history of higher education that conceptualises student activism from the perspective of Central and Eastern Europe, that discusses the entanglement of political transformations and social issues in terms of distress, ethnicity and ‘race’, and that connects humanitarianism with educational mobility.
{"title":"Coping with a post-war world: Protestant student internationalism and humanitarian work in Central and Eastern Europe during the 1920s","authors":"Isabella Löhr","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2023.2146899","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2023.2146899","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores the political and social contexts in which Protestant student internationalism gave rise to a particular vision of students’ basic needs and responsibilities that was closely entwined with the violent disruption of the continental empires in the context of the First World War. To this end, it focuses on European Student Relief (ESR), a branch of the World Student Christian Federation. ESR was founded in 1920 to provide humanitarian assistance to students in Central and Eastern Europe. From 1922 onwards, it gradually transformed into International Student Service, an interconfessional movement with global ambitions. The article focuses on this transformation process during which the denominational aspect of pre-war Protestant student internationalism gave way to an earthly vision of educational mobility that sought to counterbalance the political upheavals of the early post-war years – the violent emergence of the ethnically defined nation state and the continuance of colonial hierarchies and differences. The article makes the case for a global social history of higher education that conceptualises student activism from the perspective of Central and Eastern Europe, that discusses the entanglement of political transformations and social issues in terms of distress, ethnicity and ‘race’, and that connects humanitarianism with educational mobility.","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"62 1","pages":"43 - 64"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91249501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146907
J. Burkett
ABSTRACT Throughout the 1970s, the Overseas Students’ Bureau (OSB), a working group within the Sheffield University Students’ Union (SUSU), supported overseas students studying in Sheffield. Through a range of actions and activities it encouraged overseas students to become more involved in the students’ union and to build friendships and ‘integrate’ with British students in Sheffield. By the second half of the 1970s, however, these activities were placed within the national and international context of political Blackness, anti-imperialism and anti-racism. This group put forward a vision of internationalism that had personal networks at its heart and encouraged solidarity with a range of movements fighting for independence around the world. Drawing on the archives of this organisation, interviews and the writing of international students themselves, this article emphasises the perspective of students, often from the Global South, who articulated their own lives and conceived of political activism as a way of helping to create a world of solidarity. It also highlights how ideas of political Blackness were being taken up in medium-sized industrial towns outside of the capital, challenging the London-centric understanding of anti-racism in this period.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2023.2146902
D. Laqua
ABSTRACT This article examines the political agendas, practical challenges and personal aspirations that informed different forms of transnational student mobility in the 1950s and 1960s. It does so by focusing on a variety of initiatives that involved Ghana during the period of Kwame Nkrumah’s rule (1957–1966). The article considers schemes that enabled Ghanaian students to attend universities in the United States and the communist bloc, but it also traces the operation of ‘Freedom Fighters’ scholarships that brought young people from different parts of Africa to Ghana. Moreover, it shows how involvement in student organisations connected Ghanaian student leaders to an international community of activists. Notwithstanding the importance of Cold War dynamics and Pan-African ambitions, the article argues that these multidirectional mobilities can be understood within the broader framework of internationalism. In examining this phenomenon from different perspectives, the piece traces the tensions between official designs on the one side and students’ experiences, discord and contention on the other.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-06eCollection Date: 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2112863
Alun Withey
Studies of the Victorian 'beard movement' of the 1850s have demonstrated the close connections between facial hair and shifting ideas of, and concerns about, masculinity, gender, sexuality and modernity. The 'beard movement' is generally seen as the return of facial hair after 150 years of beardlessness. The turn of the nineteenth century, however, witnessed a new and previously overlooked fashion for side-whiskers among young British men, one that initially caused controversy and ridicule, but which gradually became acceptable as a male accoutrement, and spurred a market for cosmetic products. What might be termed the 'whiskers movement' of the early 1800s offers a new and earlier perspective on facial hair as a form of embodied masculinity, and its place in contemporary debates about manliness, male fashion and appearance, sexuality and effeminacy, and political and revolutionary affiliations.
{"title":"'Hairy honours of their chins': whiskers and masculinity in early nineteenth-century Britain.","authors":"Alun Withey","doi":"10.1080/03071022.2022.2112863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2022.2112863","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Studies of the Victorian 'beard movement' of the 1850s have demonstrated the close connections between facial hair and shifting ideas of, and concerns about, masculinity, gender, sexuality and modernity. The 'beard movement' is generally seen as the return of facial hair after 150 years of beardlessness. The turn of the nineteenth century, however, witnessed a new and previously overlooked fashion for side-whiskers among young British men, one that initially caused controversy and ridicule, but which gradually became acceptable as a male accoutrement, and spurred a market for cosmetic products. What might be termed the 'whiskers movement' of the early 1800s offers a new and earlier perspective on facial hair as a form of embodied masculinity, and its place in contemporary debates about manliness, male fashion and appearance, sexuality and effeminacy, and political and revolutionary affiliations.</p>","PeriodicalId":21866,"journal":{"name":"Social History","volume":"47 4","pages":"395-418"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9555278/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"33516336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03071022.2022.2112859
Neil Murphy
ABSTRACT Plague hospitals played a key role in the provision of poor relief in late medieval and early modern France. As the poor came to be identified as the principal carriers of plague, they were singled out for attention and special measures were imposed upon them – controls that were justified by the claim that they were being taken in the wider interests of public health. Yet plague hospitals were not just institutions for the confinement of the poor. Municipal councils developed these institutions as places where the poor could gain access to medical treatment and care. This article shows that plague hospitals played a formative role in the grand renfermement of the poor in seventeenth-century France. As places where the poor were confined and received care, it became natural for such hospitals to be used to house the poor outside of plague times. This article argues that municipal governments rather than the crown took the lead in the provision of welfare to the poor before the mid-seventeenth century, following which both the systems used to combat plague and wider poor relief schemes came increasingly under royal control.
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