Studies in Family Planning最新文献

The earlier a woman learns about her pregnancy status, the sooner she can make decisions about her own and infant's health. This paper examines how women learn about their pregnancy status and measures how access to pregnancy tests affects earlier pregnancy knowledge. Using 10 years of individual-level monthly panel data in Nepal, we find that, on average, women learn they are pregnant in their 4.6th month of pregnancy. Living approximately a mile further from a clinic offering pregnancy tests increases the time a woman knows she is pregnant by one week (5 percent increase) and decreases the likelihood of knowing in the first trimester by 4.5 percentage points (16 percent decrease). Women with prior pregnancies experience the most substantial effects of distance within the first two trimesters, while, for women experiencing their first pregnancy, distance does not affect knowledge. These results suggest that, while access to clinics can increase pregnancy awareness for women who recognize pregnancy symptoms, other complementary policies are needed to increase pregnancy awareness of women in their first pregnancy.

This paper analyses method skew in India over more than two decades using a new method skew index. The analysis reveals clear regional pattern in method skew in the country. In north and east regions of the country, method skew is average and below average, but it is high or very high in the south region. We investigate roles of such factors as poverty, education, social class, and religion in deciding the method skew at the district level using the classification modeling approach and find that the roles of these factors are different in different regions of the country. An important finding of the analysis is that there is a positive correlation between the degree of the method skew and contraceptive prevalence at the district level.

Indirect estimation techniques are important tools for measuring sensitive and stigmatized behaviors. This includes third-party reporting methods, which have become increasingly common in the field of abortion measurement, where direct survey approaches notoriously lead to underreporting. This paper provides the first in-depth assessment of one of the most widely used of these techniques in the field of abortion measurement: the confidante method. We outline six key assumptions behind the confidante method and describe how violations of these assumptions can bias resulting estimates. Using data from modules added to the performance monitoring for action surveys in Uganda and Ethiopia in 2018, we compute one-year abortion incidence estimates using the confidante method. We also perform a validation check, using the method to estimate intrauterine device /implant use. Our results revealed implementation problems in both settings. Several of the method's foundational assumptions were violated, and efforts to adjust for these violations either failed or only partially addressed the resulting bias. Our validation check also failed, resulting in a gross overestimate of intrauterine device/implant use. These results have implications more broadly for the potential biases that can be introduced in using third-party reporting of close ties to measure other sensitive or stigmatized behaviors.

In sub-Saharan Africa, adolescent girls and young women (AGYW) have high levels of unmet need for contraception, particularly those who are unmarried or nulliparous. Conversations with partners, peers, and family members influence AGYW contraceptive decision-making yet little is known about conversation content and impact or how they vary by relationship status and parity. This paper draws on qualitative data from 60 AGYW (aged 15-24) participating in a sexual and reproductive health study in Malawi to examine contraceptive conversation patterns among participants and their social ties. AGYW's relationship status and parity influenced whether they talked about contraceptives, who they talked to about contraceptives, and the type of contraceptives that were endorsed during conversations. Unmarried and nulliparous AGYW were less likely to discuss contraceptives with all social ties and when conversations occurred, norms and misinformation regarding nonbarrier methods were reinforced, and condoms were largely prescribed. Conversations with intimate partners often provided permission for contraceptive use while conversations with peers and older women in the family provided information on contraceptive methods. Our results highlight the unique roles that social ties play in AGYW contraceptive decision-making and suggest that existing contraceptive conversation patterns might exclude unmarried, nulliparous AGYW from accurate and comprehensive contraceptive information and options.

In Kenya, adolescent pregnancy rates are high, contraception utilization is low, and adolescent sexuality is stigmatized. We describe how perceptions of sexuality and pregnancy stigma influence decision-making among adolescents in the informal settlements of Kisumu. We used purposive sampling to recruit 120 adolescent boys and girls aged 15-19 for focus group discussions. A semistructured interview guide was used to elicit social norms and community attitudes about sexual and reproductive health. We analyzed the data using the Framework Approach. The social stigma of adolescent sexuality and the related fear of pregnancy as an unambiguous marker of sexual activity emerged as main themes. This stigma led adolescents to fear social retribution but did not lead to more frequent contraception use due to additional stigma. The intensity of this fear was most acutely expressed by girls, leading some to seek unsafe, sometimes fatal, abortions, and to contemplate suicide. Fear of pregnancy outweighed fear of contracting HIV that was viewed as both treatable and less stigmatized. Our findings illustrate how fear of pregnancy among these adolescents is driven primarily by fears that their community will discover that they are sexually active. Interventions are urgently needed to address adolescent sexual stigma and to prevent negative outcomes.

This paper integrates contraception into the extant migrant-fertility framework using the case of internal migration within Turkey. Drawing from the 2013 Turkish Demographic and Health Survey data, we show that migration is positively associated with age of first modern contraceptive use. As women's migration is quickly followed by family formation, women also take up modern contraception after first childbirth, likely due to new encounters with medical professionals, differing contraceptive access and other social exposures. We also find that women whose childhoods were spent in urban areas have a higher risk of first modern contraception relative to women from rural areas, thus suggesting the enduring importance of socialization. These results show how selection processes, life-cycle factors, and sociocultural norms jointly shape modern contraceptive behavior in Turkey. Our results also demonstrate a need for increased reproductive care in rural areas and suggest continued fertility decline with urban migration.

The reproductive calendar is a data collection tool that collects month-by-month retrospective histories of contraceptive use. This survey instrument is implemented in large-scale demographic surveys, but its reliability is not well-understood. Our analysis helps to address this research gap, using longitudinal panel data with overlapping calendars from urban Kenya. Our findings indicate calendar data collected in 2014 underestimated 2012 reports of current use by 5 percentage points. And while the overall percentage of women reporting at least one episode of contraceptive use was similar across the two calendars (67 percent vs. 70 percent), there was notable disagreement in contraceptive behavior when comparing the histories of individual women; less than 20 percent of women with any contraceptive use reported the exact same pattern of use in both calendars. Low calendar reliability was especially apparent for younger women and those with complicated contraceptive histories. Individual-level discordance resulted in a small difference in 12-month discontinuation rates for the period of calendar overlap; when surveyed in 2014, women reported a 12-month discontinuation rate of 39 percent, compared to a rate of 34 percent reported in 2012. When using retrospective calendar data, attention must be paid to the potential for individual reporting errors.