Pub Date : 2024-03-01DOI: 10.1177/02750740241232678
Wenchi Wei, Xin Chen
Scholars have long regarded government fiscal stress as a crucial factor driving public service outsourcing; however, further investigation is still needed to determine whether service outsourcing in turn helps governments improve fiscal conditions. Public choice theory suggests that outsourcing services can lead to efficiency improvement and cost savings. Nevertheless, transaction costs theory implies that the costs associated with service outsourcing may offset or even outweigh its potential benefits. Moreover, the extent of transaction costs depends on contextual factors such as market competition, bureaucrat support, and government management capacity. Empirically, we employ an instrumental variable estimation approach to examine the impact of service outsourcing on the budget balances and debt levels of U.S. municipalities. We find that service outsourcing improves government fiscal conditions, with contextual factors playing an important role in moderating this effect. Additionally, outsourcing services to different types of contractors has varying implications for government fiscal conditions.
{"title":"Service Outsourcing and Government Fiscal Conditions: Do Market Competition, Bureaucrat Support, and Management Capacity Matter?","authors":"Wenchi Wei, Xin Chen","doi":"10.1177/02750740241232678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740241232678","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars have long regarded government fiscal stress as a crucial factor driving public service outsourcing; however, further investigation is still needed to determine whether service outsourcing in turn helps governments improve fiscal conditions. Public choice theory suggests that outsourcing services can lead to efficiency improvement and cost savings. Nevertheless, transaction costs theory implies that the costs associated with service outsourcing may offset or even outweigh its potential benefits. Moreover, the extent of transaction costs depends on contextual factors such as market competition, bureaucrat support, and government management capacity. Empirically, we employ an instrumental variable estimation approach to examine the impact of service outsourcing on the budget balances and debt levels of U.S. municipalities. We find that service outsourcing improves government fiscal conditions, with contextual factors playing an important role in moderating this effect. Additionally, outsourcing services to different types of contractors has varying implications for government fiscal conditions.","PeriodicalId":22370,"journal":{"name":"The American Review of Public Administration","volume":"62 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140025125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-23DOI: 10.1177/02750740241229992
Mir Usman Ali, Lauren Hamilton Edwards, James E. Wright
The U.S. federal government often devolves administrative processes and decision making to state and local governments. Prior studies have found that the success of decentralization and implementation depends on several mediating factors at the subnational level, such as a state's political ideology or administrative capacity. This study focuses on one mechanism—the ability of states to leverage their information advantage about the local context vis-à-vis the federal government. We are interested in whether the information advantage of state-level firearm background checks decreased the rates of intimate partner violence (IPV) involving a firearm compared to states that relied on federally administered background checks. We take advantage of data from the period of state-mandated stay-at-home (SAH) orders during the COVID-19 pandemic, a temporal context with increased IPV rates. Using a Poisson fixed effects regression, we find that rates of IPV involving a firearm did not increase when the SAH orders were in effect. However, using decision-relevant information in state-administered background checks decreased the rates of IPV resulting in injury and murder-suicide, compared to states that relied on federal background checks.
{"title":"Administrative Decentralization and the Role of Information: The Case of Intimate Partner Violence During the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Mir Usman Ali, Lauren Hamilton Edwards, James E. Wright","doi":"10.1177/02750740241229992","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740241229992","url":null,"abstract":"The U.S. federal government often devolves administrative processes and decision making to state and local governments. Prior studies have found that the success of decentralization and implementation depends on several mediating factors at the subnational level, such as a state's political ideology or administrative capacity. This study focuses on one mechanism—the ability of states to leverage their information advantage about the local context vis-à-vis the federal government. We are interested in whether the information advantage of state-level firearm background checks decreased the rates of intimate partner violence (IPV) involving a firearm compared to states that relied on federally administered background checks. We take advantage of data from the period of state-mandated stay-at-home (SAH) orders during the COVID-19 pandemic, a temporal context with increased IPV rates. Using a Poisson fixed effects regression, we find that rates of IPV involving a firearm did not increase when the SAH orders were in effect. However, using decision-relevant information in state-administered background checks decreased the rates of IPV resulting in injury and murder-suicide, compared to states that relied on federal background checks.","PeriodicalId":22370,"journal":{"name":"The American Review of Public Administration","volume":"91 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139954950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-23DOI: 10.1177/02750740241229998
Mir Usman Ali, James E. Wright
Despite being touted as a game-changing technology, studies on the influence of body-worn cameras (BWCs) on policing outcomes have produced mixed results, with the underlying reasons for such findings unclear. Drawing on the sociology of culture and organizational theory, we argue that BWCs often have mixed impacts due to deeply ingrained, valued occupational assumptions and practices shaped by the structural and organizational context. These assumptions and practices, collectively known as the police métier, are not politically neutral and can lead to motivated decisions rather than accurate ones. We suggest that such motivated reasoning can be mitigated by changing the structural or organizational context, such as establishing a citizen oversight agency (COA), which could decrease racial disparities in policing outcomes. To test these arguments, we examined the impact of BWCs on racial disparities in two types of policing outcomes: police homicides of citizens and disorderly conduct arrests (DCAs). Our findings indicate that while the adoption of BWCs does not impact racial disparities in DCAs or police homicides of citizens, there is a significant decrease in racial disparity in DCAs when BWCs and COAs are used in conjunction. Additionally, while the racial disparity in police homicides of Blacks and Whites does not decrease when BWCs and COAs are used together, there is an overall decrease in police homicides across both racial groups. Overall, our study demonstrates that technology's impact on bureaucratic performance is influenced by occupational assumptions and practices, which can be altered by external accountability mechanisms such as COAs.
尽管被誉为改变游戏规则的技术，但有关随身摄像头（BWCs）对警务结果的影响的研究结果却好坏参半，其根本原因尚不清楚。通过借鉴文化社会学和组织理论，我们认为，由于结构和组织背景所形成的根深蒂固的、有价值的职业假设和实践，BWC 通常会产生好坏参半的影响。这些假设和实践统称为警察职业，它们在政治上并不中立，可能会导致有动机的决策，而不是准确的决策。我们认为，可以通过改变结构或组织环境来缓解这种动机推理，例如建立公民监督机构（COA），从而减少警务结果中的种族差异。为了验证这些论点，我们研究了《生物武器公约》对两类警务结果中种族差异的影响：警察对公民的谋杀和对扰乱治安行为的逮捕。我们的研究结果表明，虽然采用《生物武器公约》不会影响扰乱治安行为逮捕或警察谋杀公民的种族差异，但如果同时使用《生物武器公约》和《强制逮捕令》，扰乱治安行为逮捕的种族差异会显著减少。此外，虽然在同时使用 BWC 和 COA 时，黑人和白人在警察杀人案件中的种族差异没有减少，但在这两个种族群体中，警察杀人案件总体上有所减少。总之，我们的研究表明，技术对官僚绩效的影响受到职业假设和实践的影响，而职业假设和实践可以通过外部问责机制（如《特遣队所属装备条例》）加以改变。
{"title":"Use of Performance Information and External Accountability: The Role of Citizen Oversight in Mitigating the Motivated Evaluation of Body-Worn Camera Evidence","authors":"Mir Usman Ali, James E. Wright","doi":"10.1177/02750740241229998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740241229998","url":null,"abstract":"Despite being touted as a game-changing technology, studies on the influence of body-worn cameras (BWCs) on policing outcomes have produced mixed results, with the underlying reasons for such findings unclear. Drawing on the sociology of culture and organizational theory, we argue that BWCs often have mixed impacts due to deeply ingrained, valued occupational assumptions and practices shaped by the structural and organizational context. These assumptions and practices, collectively known as the police métier, are not politically neutral and can lead to motivated decisions rather than accurate ones. We suggest that such motivated reasoning can be mitigated by changing the structural or organizational context, such as establishing a citizen oversight agency (COA), which could decrease racial disparities in policing outcomes. To test these arguments, we examined the impact of BWCs on racial disparities in two types of policing outcomes: police homicides of citizens and disorderly conduct arrests (DCAs). Our findings indicate that while the adoption of BWCs does not impact racial disparities in DCAs or police homicides of citizens, there is a significant decrease in racial disparity in DCAs when BWCs and COAs are used in conjunction. Additionally, while the racial disparity in police homicides of Blacks and Whites does not decrease when BWCs and COAs are used together, there is an overall decrease in police homicides across both racial groups. Overall, our study demonstrates that technology's impact on bureaucratic performance is influenced by occupational assumptions and practices, which can be altered by external accountability mechanisms such as COAs.","PeriodicalId":22370,"journal":{"name":"The American Review of Public Administration","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139954882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-19DOI: 10.1177/02750740241232681
Anders Barslund Grøn, Line Hvilsted, Karen Ingerslev, Christian Bøtcher Jacobsen, Mickael Bech, Christina Holm-Petersen
The delivery of coherent public services often depends on collaboration across organizations and organizational units, which is challenging and necessitates effective leadership. This article advances our knowledge about the value of leadership training for interorganizational collaboration. In a field experiment, 122 public healthcare managers from 68 organizational units were randomly assigned to a treatment or a control group. The treatment included a 10-month interorganizational team-based leadership training program, which focuses on establishing and sustaining shared direction, alignment, and commitment across organizational boundaries. The results from our analytic approach—including survey responses from the participating managers and more than 3,000 of their subordinates (frontline managers and employees) and 32 interviews before and after training—show that training has positive effects on relational coordination, structural coordination mechanisms, and overall collaborative quality as assessed by the participating managers and their frontline managers. We do not find significant effects among the frontline employees. We discuss our findings in relation to the literature on leadership training, nuances to existing theory, and implications for practice.
{"title":"Can Leadership Improve Interorganizational Collaboration? Field-Experimental Evidence From a Team-Based Leadership Training Intervention","authors":"Anders Barslund Grøn, Line Hvilsted, Karen Ingerslev, Christian Bøtcher Jacobsen, Mickael Bech, Christina Holm-Petersen","doi":"10.1177/02750740241232681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740241232681","url":null,"abstract":"The delivery of coherent public services often depends on collaboration across organizations and organizational units, which is challenging and necessitates effective leadership. This article advances our knowledge about the value of leadership training for interorganizational collaboration. In a field experiment, 122 public healthcare managers from 68 organizational units were randomly assigned to a treatment or a control group. The treatment included a 10-month interorganizational team-based leadership training program, which focuses on establishing and sustaining shared direction, alignment, and commitment across organizational boundaries. The results from our analytic approach—including survey responses from the participating managers and more than 3,000 of their subordinates (frontline managers and employees) and 32 interviews before and after training—show that training has positive effects on relational coordination, structural coordination mechanisms, and overall collaborative quality as assessed by the participating managers and their frontline managers. We do not find significant effects among the frontline employees. We discuss our findings in relation to the literature on leadership training, nuances to existing theory, and implications for practice.","PeriodicalId":22370,"journal":{"name":"The American Review of Public Administration","volume":"66 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139954951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-12DOI: 10.1177/02750740241229763
J. Barnes, Jayce L. Farmer
Over the last two decades, political polarization has gridlocked federal congressional capacity to meet environmental regulatory demands. As a result, presidential authority has expanded to overcome this legislative impediment leading to a new era of “administrative presidency.” In this new era, presidents have increasingly used their administrative authority to meet politically driven environmental goals. Yet, we still know little about how federal-level executive political actions impact the outcomes and operations of local regulatory environmental systems. This study fills this scholarly void by empirically testing the effect of a federal COVID-19 Clean Water Act (CWA) enforcement reduction on Safe Drinking Water Act (SDWA) implementation outcomes for local community water systems (CWSs) sourcing from surface waters (SWs). Using a framework grounded in transaction cost federalism, we argue that a politically motivated executive reduction in federal CWA enforcement is associated with poor local SDWA implementation outcomes. We test this assumption with a differences-in-differences econometric approach using data drawn from the federal Safe Drinking Water Information System database. Our findings suggest that the CWA enforcement reduction resulted in an over 50% increase in SDWA health violations by CWSs sourcing from SWs. The implications of this study extend to U.S. water policy and environmental federalism, highlighting the need for better coordination between the CWA and SDWA and the potential risks associated with relying on broadened executive actions to drive U.S. environmental policy. Further research is warranted to understand the consequences of administrative policy changes on U.S. environmental governance.
{"title":"The Transaction Costs of the Administrative Presidency: Evidence From a Trump-Era Clean Water Act Enforcement Reduction","authors":"J. Barnes, Jayce L. Farmer","doi":"10.1177/02750740241229763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740241229763","url":null,"abstract":"Over the last two decades, political polarization has gridlocked federal congressional capacity to meet environmental regulatory demands. As a result, presidential authority has expanded to overcome this legislative impediment leading to a new era of “administrative presidency.” In this new era, presidents have increasingly used their administrative authority to meet politically driven environmental goals. Yet, we still know little about how federal-level executive political actions impact the outcomes and operations of local regulatory environmental systems. This study fills this scholarly void by empirically testing the effect of a federal COVID-19 Clean Water Act (CWA) enforcement reduction on Safe Drinking Water Act (SDWA) implementation outcomes for local community water systems (CWSs) sourcing from surface waters (SWs). Using a framework grounded in transaction cost federalism, we argue that a politically motivated executive reduction in federal CWA enforcement is associated with poor local SDWA implementation outcomes. We test this assumption with a differences-in-differences econometric approach using data drawn from the federal Safe Drinking Water Information System database. Our findings suggest that the CWA enforcement reduction resulted in an over 50% increase in SDWA health violations by CWSs sourcing from SWs. The implications of this study extend to U.S. water policy and environmental federalism, highlighting the need for better coordination between the CWA and SDWA and the potential risks associated with relying on broadened executive actions to drive U.S. environmental policy. Further research is warranted to understand the consequences of administrative policy changes on U.S. environmental governance.","PeriodicalId":22370,"journal":{"name":"The American Review of Public Administration","volume":"71 44","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139844038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-12DOI: 10.1177/02750740241229763
J. Barnes, Jayce L. Farmer
Over the last two decades, political polarization has gridlocked federal congressional capacity to meet environmental regulatory demands. As a result, presidential authority has expanded to overcome this legislative impediment leading to a new era of “administrative presidency.” In this new era, presidents have increasingly used their administrative authority to meet politically driven environmental goals. Yet, we still know little about how federal-level executive political actions impact the outcomes and operations of local regulatory environmental systems. This study fills this scholarly void by empirically testing the effect of a federal COVID-19 Clean Water Act (CWA) enforcement reduction on Safe Drinking Water Act (SDWA) implementation outcomes for local community water systems (CWSs) sourcing from surface waters (SWs). Using a framework grounded in transaction cost federalism, we argue that a politically motivated executive reduction in federal CWA enforcement is associated with poor local SDWA implementation outcomes. We test this assumption with a differences-in-differences econometric approach using data drawn from the federal Safe Drinking Water Information System database. Our findings suggest that the CWA enforcement reduction resulted in an over 50% increase in SDWA health violations by CWSs sourcing from SWs. The implications of this study extend to U.S. water policy and environmental federalism, highlighting the need for better coordination between the CWA and SDWA and the potential risks associated with relying on broadened executive actions to drive U.S. environmental policy. Further research is warranted to understand the consequences of administrative policy changes on U.S. environmental governance.
{"title":"The Transaction Costs of the Administrative Presidency: Evidence From a Trump-Era Clean Water Act Enforcement Reduction","authors":"J. Barnes, Jayce L. Farmer","doi":"10.1177/02750740241229763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740241229763","url":null,"abstract":"Over the last two decades, political polarization has gridlocked federal congressional capacity to meet environmental regulatory demands. As a result, presidential authority has expanded to overcome this legislative impediment leading to a new era of “administrative presidency.” In this new era, presidents have increasingly used their administrative authority to meet politically driven environmental goals. Yet, we still know little about how federal-level executive political actions impact the outcomes and operations of local regulatory environmental systems. This study fills this scholarly void by empirically testing the effect of a federal COVID-19 Clean Water Act (CWA) enforcement reduction on Safe Drinking Water Act (SDWA) implementation outcomes for local community water systems (CWSs) sourcing from surface waters (SWs). Using a framework grounded in transaction cost federalism, we argue that a politically motivated executive reduction in federal CWA enforcement is associated with poor local SDWA implementation outcomes. We test this assumption with a differences-in-differences econometric approach using data drawn from the federal Safe Drinking Water Information System database. Our findings suggest that the CWA enforcement reduction resulted in an over 50% increase in SDWA health violations by CWSs sourcing from SWs. The implications of this study extend to U.S. water policy and environmental federalism, highlighting the need for better coordination between the CWA and SDWA and the potential risks associated with relying on broadened executive actions to drive U.S. environmental policy. Further research is warranted to understand the consequences of administrative policy changes on U.S. environmental governance.","PeriodicalId":22370,"journal":{"name":"The American Review of Public Administration","volume":"36 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139784343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-12DOI: 10.1177/02750740241231250
Julius A. Nukpezah, Aisha S. Ahmadu
Subnational U.S. governments retain the primary responsibility of constructing and preserving the public infrastructure that connects communities and businesses, enhances public service delivery, and promotes economic development in their jurisdiction. Drawing from punctuated equilibrium and social vulnerability theories for context, the present study investigates the determinants of state infrastructure spending, specifically roads and highways and transit systems. It utilizes balanced panel data on 50 U.S. states over 17 time periods and fixed-effects regressions with year dummies in its investigation. Evidence shows that state infrastructure spending is influenced by disaster events as well as social vulnerability factors. However, the effects of disasters and social vulnerability factors on state infrastructure spending depend on the infrastructure categories, suggesting that the determinants are more nuanced than extant studies indicate.
{"title":"Determinants of State Infrastructure Spending: Testing Punctuated Equilibrium and Social Vulnerability Theories","authors":"Julius A. Nukpezah, Aisha S. Ahmadu","doi":"10.1177/02750740241231250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740241231250","url":null,"abstract":"Subnational U.S. governments retain the primary responsibility of constructing and preserving the public infrastructure that connects communities and businesses, enhances public service delivery, and promotes economic development in their jurisdiction. Drawing from punctuated equilibrium and social vulnerability theories for context, the present study investigates the determinants of state infrastructure spending, specifically roads and highways and transit systems. It utilizes balanced panel data on 50 U.S. states over 17 time periods and fixed-effects regressions with year dummies in its investigation. Evidence shows that state infrastructure spending is influenced by disaster events as well as social vulnerability factors. However, the effects of disasters and social vulnerability factors on state infrastructure spending depend on the infrastructure categories, suggesting that the determinants are more nuanced than extant studies indicate.","PeriodicalId":22370,"journal":{"name":"The American Review of Public Administration","volume":"34 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139783350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-12DOI: 10.1177/02750740241229994
Ellen V. Rubin, Keith P. Baker, Stephen Weinberg
Within the representative bureaucracy literature, scholars argue that public perceptions of government will improve when their government looks like them. In particular, this study focuses on how the public perceives the fairness of policy outcomes, measured as distributive justice. We test this through a survey experiment that examines how perceptions of distributive justice are affected by the racial diversity of government employees. Respondents are presented with a vignette about grants allocated to small businesses, and then provided information about the racial diversity of agency employees. We further examine whether levels of racial resentment impact the relationship between diversity in government and the perceived distributive justice of policy outcomes. Racial resentment, frequently used in political science as a proxy for levels of prejudice, is included because reactions to information about race and government policy are likely to shape perceptions about the legitimacy of government action and views on representative bureaucracy. The experiment results indicate racial representation in government matters for Whites, and these effects vary by expressed levels of racial resentment. In contrast, distributive justice perceptions of non-White respondents are not changed by information on racial diversity within government agencies and do not vary by levels of racial resentment.
{"title":"Understanding Whether Representative Bureaucracy and Racial Resentment Impact Public Perceptions of the Distributive Justice of Government Programs","authors":"Ellen V. Rubin, Keith P. Baker, Stephen Weinberg","doi":"10.1177/02750740241229994","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740241229994","url":null,"abstract":"Within the representative bureaucracy literature, scholars argue that public perceptions of government will improve when their government looks like them. In particular, this study focuses on how the public perceives the fairness of policy outcomes, measured as distributive justice. We test this through a survey experiment that examines how perceptions of distributive justice are affected by the racial diversity of government employees. Respondents are presented with a vignette about grants allocated to small businesses, and then provided information about the racial diversity of agency employees. We further examine whether levels of racial resentment impact the relationship between diversity in government and the perceived distributive justice of policy outcomes. Racial resentment, frequently used in political science as a proxy for levels of prejudice, is included because reactions to information about race and government policy are likely to shape perceptions about the legitimacy of government action and views on representative bureaucracy. The experiment results indicate racial representation in government matters for Whites, and these effects vary by expressed levels of racial resentment. In contrast, distributive justice perceptions of non-White respondents are not changed by information on racial diversity within government agencies and do not vary by levels of racial resentment.","PeriodicalId":22370,"journal":{"name":"The American Review of Public Administration","volume":"33 14","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139783362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-12DOI: 10.1177/02750740241231250
Julius A. Nukpezah, Aisha S. Ahmadu
Subnational U.S. governments retain the primary responsibility of constructing and preserving the public infrastructure that connects communities and businesses, enhances public service delivery, and promotes economic development in their jurisdiction. Drawing from punctuated equilibrium and social vulnerability theories for context, the present study investigates the determinants of state infrastructure spending, specifically roads and highways and transit systems. It utilizes balanced panel data on 50 U.S. states over 17 time periods and fixed-effects regressions with year dummies in its investigation. Evidence shows that state infrastructure spending is influenced by disaster events as well as social vulnerability factors. However, the effects of disasters and social vulnerability factors on state infrastructure spending depend on the infrastructure categories, suggesting that the determinants are more nuanced than extant studies indicate.
{"title":"Determinants of State Infrastructure Spending: Testing Punctuated Equilibrium and Social Vulnerability Theories","authors":"Julius A. Nukpezah, Aisha S. Ahmadu","doi":"10.1177/02750740241231250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740241231250","url":null,"abstract":"Subnational U.S. governments retain the primary responsibility of constructing and preserving the public infrastructure that connects communities and businesses, enhances public service delivery, and promotes economic development in their jurisdiction. Drawing from punctuated equilibrium and social vulnerability theories for context, the present study investigates the determinants of state infrastructure spending, specifically roads and highways and transit systems. It utilizes balanced panel data on 50 U.S. states over 17 time periods and fixed-effects regressions with year dummies in its investigation. Evidence shows that state infrastructure spending is influenced by disaster events as well as social vulnerability factors. However, the effects of disasters and social vulnerability factors on state infrastructure spending depend on the infrastructure categories, suggesting that the determinants are more nuanced than extant studies indicate.","PeriodicalId":22370,"journal":{"name":"The American Review of Public Administration","volume":"75 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139843181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-12DOI: 10.1177/02750740241229994
Ellen V. Rubin, Keith P. Baker, Stephen Weinberg
Within the representative bureaucracy literature, scholars argue that public perceptions of government will improve when their government looks like them. In particular, this study focuses on how the public perceives the fairness of policy outcomes, measured as distributive justice. We test this through a survey experiment that examines how perceptions of distributive justice are affected by the racial diversity of government employees. Respondents are presented with a vignette about grants allocated to small businesses, and then provided information about the racial diversity of agency employees. We further examine whether levels of racial resentment impact the relationship between diversity in government and the perceived distributive justice of policy outcomes. Racial resentment, frequently used in political science as a proxy for levels of prejudice, is included because reactions to information about race and government policy are likely to shape perceptions about the legitimacy of government action and views on representative bureaucracy. The experiment results indicate racial representation in government matters for Whites, and these effects vary by expressed levels of racial resentment. In contrast, distributive justice perceptions of non-White respondents are not changed by information on racial diversity within government agencies and do not vary by levels of racial resentment.
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